[298] Starkey, England in the Reign of Henry VIII. (Early English Text Society), p. 173.

[299] Mr. W. J. Ashley notes that the earliest instance of the prohibition of the export of wool is found in the action of the Oxford Parliament of 1258. The barons then ‘decreed that the wool of the country should be worked up in England and should not be sold to foreigners, and that every one should use woollen cloth made within the country,’ and lest people should be dissatisfied at having to put up with the rough cloth of England they bade them ‘not to seek over precious raiment.’—English Economic History and Theory, 1888-1893, part ii. p. 194.

[300] Political Poems and Songs, ed. T. Wright (Rolls Series), vol. ii. 1861, pp. 157-205.

[301] Letter Book C, p. 128 (note).

[302] Liber Custumarum, p. xxxix.

[303] Letter Book B, p. 94.

[304] English Gilds, p. xvi.

[305] Ibid., p. lxxv.

[306] Ibid., p. cvii.

[307] English Economic History and Theory, p. 67.

[308] Ibid., p. 82.

[309] English Historical Review, No. 70 (April 1903), vol. xviii. p. 315. See also Calendar of Charter Rolls, vol. i. (1903), p. 407.

[310] Twelve Great Livery Companies (1834), vol. i. p. 24.

[311] Chronicles of the Mayors and Sheriffs of London, 1188-1274. Translated from the Liber de Antiquis Legibus by H. T. Riley, 1863, p. 59.

[312] London and the Kingdom, vol. i. p. 101.

[313] Ibid., p. 108.

[314] English Economic History and Theory, p. 87.

[315] London and the Kingdom, vol. i. p. 200.

[316] English Gilds, p. xlii. (note).

[317] See English Economic History and Theory, 1888-1893, pt. ii. pp. 134, 148, 154.

[318] History of London, vol. i. p. 171 (note).

[319] London (Historic Towns), p. 50.

[320] London Afternoons, 1902, p. 88.

[321] I am indebted to Sir Owen Roberts, M.A., D.C.L., clerk to the Clothworkers’ Company, for this information.

[322] Botfield’s Manners and Household Expenses of England, 1841.

[323] W. J. Ashley, English Economic History and Theory, pp. 81, 83.

[324] Cal. Letter Book C, p. 35.

[325] Madox’s Firma Burgi, p. 286.

[326] Town Life, vol. ii. p. 142.

[327] The reason given for the repeal of the Act of Edward II. excluding victuallers from the office of Mayor is that ‘since the making of the Statute many and the most part of all cities, boroughs and towns corporate be fallen in ruin and decay, and not inhabited with merchants and men of such substance as they were at the time of making the Statute. For at this day the dwellers and inhabitants of the same cities and boroughs be most commonly bakers, brewers, vintners, fishmongers, and other victuallers, and few or none other persons of substance.’

Mr. W. J. Ashley (Introduction to English Economic History and Theory, part ii. 1893, p. 53), observes that, ‘without further proof it were hardly safe to build on the wide language of the preamble of a Statute a conclusion which seems in obvious conflict with what we know of the generic course of events.’

In London, evidently, little or no attention was paid to the original Act of Edward II., but in other places this was not the case. The Statute of Henry VIII. provided that when the Mayor was a victualler, two honest and discreet persons, not being victuallers, should be chosen to assist him in ‘settling prices’ of victuals.

[328] Liber Custumarum, vol i. p. 326-333.

[329] Liber Albus, Introduction by H. T. Riley, 1859, p. ci.

[330] Liber Custumarum, p. lxviii.

[331] Liber Albus, Introduction by H. T. Riley, p. lxxxi.

[332] Liber Albus, Introduction by H. T. Riley, p. lxxix.

[333] These prices, obtained from the Liber Albus, are of great interest. Of course, it is necessary to bear in mind the great difference in the value of money. It is impossible to fix a uniform standard of comparison, but we may put the present value broadly at between twelve and twenty times that of the reign of Edward I., the latter being more likely to be a true one. It will thus be seen that much food was dearer in the Middle Ages than at present. A rabbit and its skin are considerably less valuable now, as also a partridge.

[334] Liber Albus, Introduction by H. T. Riley, p. lxxxii.

[335] Cal. Letter Book D, p. xix.

[336] Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lxii.

[337] Riley’s Introduction to the Liber Albus, p. lxv.

[338] H. T. Riley’s Introduction to Liber Albus, p. lxxxviii.

[339] Ibid., p. lxxxix.

[340] Liber Custumarum, ed. Riley, p. lxx.

[341] Liber Albus, p. xc.

[342] Historical Collections of a Citizen of London in the Fifteenth Century (Camden Society, 1876).

[343] Diary, July 26, 1664.

[344] Whitwell (Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans., xvii. p. 208).

[345] Extracts from the Liberate Rolls relative to loans supplied by Italian merchants to the Kings of England in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, with an Introductory Memoir by E. A. Bond (Archæologia, xxviii. (1839), pp. 207-326). There has lately been a revival of interest in this subject. In 1902 Mr. W. E. Rhodes published a paper on ‘The Italian Bankers in England, and their Loans to Edward I. and Edward II.,’ in Historical Essays by Members of the Owen’s College, Manchester. Mr. R. J. Whitwell read his important paper on ‘Italian Bankers and the English Crown’ before the Royal Historical Society on March 19, 1903, which is published in the Transactions of that Society, N.S., xvii. pp. 175-233.

[346] Cal. Letter Book B, p. 94.

[347] Ibid., p. 165.

[348] Longman’s Edward III., vol. ii. pp. 262, 263.

[349] Archæologia, vol. xxviii. p. 240.

[350] Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles (Camden Society, 1880), p. 9.

[351] ‘De Verborum Significatione. The Exposition of the Termes and difficill wordes contained in the foure buiks of Regiam Maiestatem and uthers. Collected and exponed by Master John Skene. London, 1641.’

[352] Cal. Letter Book A, ed. Dr. Reginald Sharpe, p. iv.

[353] See Jewitt and Hope’s Corporation Plate, etc., vol. ii. p. 123 (Cal. Letter Book A, p. 79).

[354] Scott’s Lectures on Mediæval Architecture, vol. ii. p. 29.

[355] Sparrow Simpson’s Chapters in the History of Old St. Paul’s, 1881, p. 19.

[356] The dimensions as given by Dugdale agree with those stated on a tablet which once hung in the Cathedral on a column near the tomb of John of Gaunt. They are:—

Length690 ft.
Breadth130 ft.
Height of roof of west part from floor102 ft.
Height of roof of new fabric (viz., east from steeple)88 ft.
Body of church150 ft.
Height of tower steeple from the level ground260 ft.
Height of the spire of wood, covered with lead274 ft.
‘And yet the whole, viz., tower and spire, exceedeth not’520 ft.
Cross, ‘length’ above the ball15 ft.
Cross, traverse6 ft.
Ball contains ten bushels of corn. 
Space on which the cathedral stands, 3½ acres, 1½ roods, 6 perches.

—(Documents Illustrating the History of St. Paul’s Cathedral, Camden Society, 1880, p. 191.)

Mr. Edmund B. Ferrey, who worked on Hollar’s plans, and made illustrations for Mr. William Longman’s Three Cathedrals of St. Paul (1873), considers that Dugdale’s figures are untrustworthy. His own figures are:—

Length (inclusive of end walls)596 ft. 
Breadth (including aisle walls)104 ft. 
Height of roof, west part (up to ridge of vaulting)93 ft. 
Height of roof (up to vault ridge) to ‘choir proper’101 ft.6 in.
Height of roof at Lady Chapel98 ft.6 in.
External height (ground to ridge of outer roof to choir)142 ft. 
External height (ground to ridge of outer roof to nave)130 ft. 
Height of tower steeple from level ground285 ft. 
Height of the spire covered with lead208 ft. 
(or 204 ft. if calculated from top of tower parapet).  

—(Longman’s Three Cathedrals dedicated to St. Paul in London, 1873, p. 30).

It will be seen that Mr. Ferrey’s figures, formed on careful calculations, not only differ considerably from those of Dugdale, but in the case of the relative heights of the nave and choir they are positively opposite. Mr. Ferrey came to the conclusion that the choir was decidedly higher than the nave.

[357] Old St. Paul’s Cathedral, by Canon Benham, D.D. (Portfolio Monograph), 1902, pp. 6, 7.

[358] Simpson’s History of Old St. Paul’s, 1881, p. 64.

[359] Stow quoted in Longman’s Three Cathedrals, p. 57.

[360] In 1633 Inigo Jones designed, at the expense of Charles I., a classic portico of some beauty in itself, but quite incongruous to the Gothic design of the rest of the building. The King, however, is said to have intended to rebuild the church, and of this scheme the portico was an instalment, but political events effectually prevented this from being carried out. After the Restoration, but before the Fire of London, it was proposed to rebuild the Cathedral in the style of the Renaissance, under the direction of Wren, who had no more liking for Gothic than Inigo Jones had.

[361] History of Old St. Paul’s, 1881, pp. 62, 63.

[362] The name of London House Yard preserves the memory of the palace.

[363] Paul’s Cross was pulled down in 1642, but its site was long marked by a tall elm tree. This mark passed away and the exact position was forgotten. In 1879, however, Mr. F. C. Penrose found the remains of the octagonal base, which are now to be seen at the north-east angle of the choir of the present Cathedral.

[364] During the Commonwealth it was proposed to turn the so-called Convocation House into a meeting-place for Mr. John Simpson’s congregation. A plan (dated 1657) in the Public Record Office (Council of State Order Book, 1657-1658, p. 172) shows the remains of the pillars of the cloisters as they were then. This plan is reproduced in Documents Illustrating the History of St. Paul’s Cathedral (Camden Society, 1880), p. 154.

[365] The amount of the offerings at St. Paul’s during the Middle Ages must have been enormous; for instance, the receipts at the Great Crucifix, in May 1344, amounted to no less than £50 in the money of that day.—Dr. Sparrow Simpson’s History of Old St. Paul’s, p. 83.

[366] Simpson’s History of Old St. Paul’s, p. 90.

[367] The late Dr. Sparrow Simpson’s Documents illustrating the History of St. Paul’s Cathedral (Camden Society, 1880) contains a list of altars in old St. Paul’s (p. 178), and a list of chapels (p. 181).

[368] Dugdale quoted in Longman’s Three Cathedrals, p. 58.

[369] Simpson’s History of Old St. Paul’s, p. 91.

[370] London (Historic Towns), 1887, p. 158.

[371] Liber Albus, translated by Riley, pp. 24-27.

[372] Historical Introduction to the Rolls Series. Collected by Arthur Hassall, 1902, p. 77.

[373] In connection with the history of the Austin Friars the fact that the church of the friary still exists is one of great interest. At the dissolution a large portion of the friary was given to Lord St. John, afterwards Marquis of Winchester and Lord Treasurer. The church was reserved by the King, and the nave still remains.

[374] Dugdale (Warwickshire, ed. 1730, p. 186), says that the Patriarch Albert prescribed for the Carmelite Friars a parti-coloured mantle of white and red, and that Pope Honorius III., disliking this, appointed in 1285 that it should be all white.

[375] G. M. Trevelyan, England in the Age of Wycliffe, p. 139.

[376] Dictionary of National Biography (Anne), vol. i. p. 424.

[377] Riley’s Memorials, p. 630.

[378] Cal. Letter Book B, pp. xiii.-xv.

[379] Ibid., p. 215.

[380] In Gross’s Select Cases from Coroner’s Rolls (Selden Society, Introduction, p. xxx.), instances are given of the part played by the privilege of sanctuary in thwarting criminal justice.

[381] Constitutional History of England, chap. xxi. para. 496.

[382] Master Hugh de Whytington was master of the scholars of St. Martin-le-Grand in 1298 (Cal. Letter Book B, p. 73).

[383] Survey, ed. Thoms, pp. 27, 28.

[384] Foxe, Acts and Monuments, ed. 1597, p. 1885; Holinshed, p. 1142. This incident will be recognised as the groundwork of Mr. Weyman’s delightful romance of Francis Cludde.

[385] Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare (seventh edition), 1887, vol. i. p. 124.

[386] Life of William Shakespeare, 1898, p. 70.