In my eagerness to obtain all possible information, concerning the manners and customs of the people, I had often to encounter much disappointment. Imagine my disgust upon one occasion, when, having heard that a very rare and charming performance was about to take place, and having hurried to the spot indicated, a little coffee-house, I found the anticipated treat was nothing more nor less than the clumsy antics of a half-naked negress, probably a new arrival from Egypt, who was performing one of the hideous dances of which I had already seen too much. A few Turks sat around, watching her contortions and tremblings with unruffled dignity, and amongst the spectators I noticed some really respectable-looking Greeks. I speedily left the assembly, and reflected as I retired, as to whether this species of dance, might not have been the very kind performed, but in more graceful fashion, by the worshippers of Aphrodite, in the sacred groves that surrounded her temples. The next day was the feast of St. George the Martyr, which is regarded as a political as well as a religious celebration by the numerous Grecians in the island. This day is chosen as being the fête of King George of Greece, who they still regard as their lawful head.
It cannot but be regarded as a most strange coincidence, that the tutelar saint of England and her new possession, should be one and the same. St. George was regarded by several Eastern nations as their patron, and ancient Byzantine historians relate accounts of many battles gained, and miracles wrought, by his intercession. Among other churches, five or six were dedicated to him at Constantinople. He was also celebrated in France in the sixth century, and is said to have been chosen as the patron saint of England under her Norman kings. St. George of Cappodocia, “Martyr and Victor,” as he is sometimes styled, one of the seven champions of Christendom, was, no doubt, brought into connection with Cyprus, under the influence of Richard and his knights.
The legend of the saint is as follows: St. George, who was born in Cappadocia, went with his mother to Palestine, of which country she was a native, and where she had considerable estates. These fell to her son, who was a soldier, and became a tribune, and was further promoted by the Emperor Diocletian, to whom, however, he resigned his commission when that emperor made war against the Christian religion. He was thrown into prison for remonstrating against bloody edicts, and was afterwards beheaded at Nicomedia. St. George became the patron of the soldiers who fought for the faith, and his apparition is said to have encouraged the Christian army in the Holy War, before the battle of Antioch, which proved fortunate under Godfrey of Bouillon, and he is also said to have appeared and inspirited Richard Cœur de Lion, in his expedition against the Saracens. St. George is usually represented in pictures as on horseback, slaying a dragon; but this is no more than an emblematical figure, purporting that by his faith and Christian fortitude, he had overcome the devil.
The great majority of the population of Larnaka, as of the rest of the island, are members of the Greek Church.
The chief points of difference between the Greek Church and that of Rome, are the following:
The Greek Church does not admit: First. The supremacy of Rome.
Secondly. The Filioque clause in the creed.
Thirdly. The enforced celibacy of the parochial clergy (the reason of this being that although the monastic system had begun before the schism, the celibacy of the regular clergy had not been enforced till a later period, and this was adopted by the Greek Church).
Fourthly. The doctrine of transubstantiation, in the Papal sense of that term, is not held by the Greek Church; (Rome itself did not adopt this strange tenet till the Council of Lateran in 1215).
Fifthly. The dogmas of purgatory and penance, as taught by Rome, are not held by the Greek Church, yet some of their views bear a close resemblance to the papal theories on these points.
Sixthly. The Greek Church disagrees with that of Rome about the use of leaven in the Eucharist. In almost all other respects there is little difference between the churches. The Greek Church is thoroughly hierarchical, holds the monastic system, worships pictures (although it rejects the worship of images), and gives to the Virgin Mary as high a degree of worship as even Rome can do; its theory of the Panagia being scarcely distinguishable from that of the Immaculate Conception.
The officiating clergy of the Greek Church are the patriarch, archbishops, and bishops; subordinate to these are the papades or parish priests. All the dignitaries are taken from among the caloyers or monastic orders, and are not allowed to marry, but the papades may be married, with these special limitations: That they are married previous to their consecration, and may not marry a second time, should they become widowers. Hence they are commonly married before taking orders, and invariably select young and healthy women for their wives. The revenues of the dignitaries are raised by a tax imposed on each family, while the parish priests are supported, chiefly by means of what they can obtain from the superstitions of the people, and perquisites of office, such as money paid for absolutions, benedictions, exorcism, ceremonial sanctifying of water, sprinklings of streets and tombs, granting divorces, and innumerable ritualistic observances. They are almost universally a base and degraded class, themselves extremely ignorant, and they keep the people in equal degradation and ignorance, partly because such is their own state, and partly that they may secure their own influence. Their places of worship are built generally in form of a cross. The choir is always placed towards the east, and the people turn their faces in that direction when they pray. Their public religious service is liturgical, and exceedingly protracted. They have four liturgies, and the service consists chiefly of prayers, hymns, recitations, chants, and frequent crossings, with such numerous repetitions that it often occupies five or six hours, without any sermon.
During this long service, the people stand, leaning on the supports of the few seats in the church, or on a kind of crutches, provided for the purpose. No images are allowed within their churches, but they are plentifully decorated with rough and glaring paintings; the more rough and glaring these are, the higher they stand in the estimation of the worshippers. Their music is without any aid from instruments, and is chiefly a kind of chanting, but it is said to be often beautiful and touchingly plaintive, although monotonous. The vestments of the clergy are very varied in form, often of fine texture, gorgeous in colour, and ornamented with jewellery of great value. Each of these vestments has its mystic meaning and virtue, to which great importance is attached. The worship of saints, angels, and the Virgin Mary, is carried to as great an excess as it can be at Rome, and it is long since the Greek Church held, that “the Mother of God” as they term her, “was without original.” It may be said, indeed, that the Panagia, or Holy Virgin, is the peculiar deity of the Greeks, as much as ever Pallas Athene was of the ancient Athenians. Everywhere, in church, palace, or cottage, a little coarse picture intended to represent the Holy Virgin, may be seen, often with a lamp burning before it, as the object of special adoration.
Being desirous of seeing something of the festivities of the Cypriotes on their fête day, I walked out to a church about half a league from the “Marina,” and in spite of the scenery around me, could have fancied I was again witnessing one of the annual markets, I had seen as a boy in my native land. Around and about the church, booths were ranged, and peasants were wandering around, chatting and eagerly driving bargains, under an impression very prevalent amongst them, that there will not be the usual deceit and roguery so near a house of God. Bells were pealing, and horses and asses neighing and winnying, as their owners, dressed in their Sunday best, galloped about in all directions. All those of the better class who appeared on the occasion, were also mounted, the elders looking on in stately dignity, whilst the youngsters galloped hither and thither like the wind.
In such a gathering as this in Central Europe, one would, no doubt, see many more powerful men, and more blooming girls, than are to be met with under similar circumstances in Cyprus. And as I gazed at the crowds before me, I could not help again noticing the strange blending of Syrian and Grecian types, in the faces and figures, whilst the dress of most was a curious mixture of European, Grecian, and Turkish fashions. Many of the girls were remarkably beautiful, with magnificent large flashing eyes; in most cases their eyebrows were blackened, and their hair, mixed with false, was piled high on the head. Not a few, as it appeared to me, had dipped pretty deeply into pots of cosmetics, for the use and compounding of which the fair Cypriotes have long been noted. One fashion pleased me much—namely, the common use of natural flowers for decorating the head. The very poorest in the crowd wore some kind of metal ornaments, whilst the wealthier class of women displayed ear-rings, chains, and medallions of heavy gold. The Cypriote husband takes great pride in seeing his wife thus decked, not perhaps so much from sentimental reasons, as because the extent of the show demonstrates what is the depth of his cash-box, and the chances of his family in the matter of dowries. For a Cypriote to invest his earnings in land would, under the late Government, have been an act involving the utmost risk of capital.
As I returned home on this my last day in Cyprus, I could not but feel a shade of melancholy stealing over me. The evening was lovely, the air pure and clear, and the sun as it went down, tipped the purple mountains with gold, and gave a tinge of bronze to the palms and cypress trees of Larnaka, as they stood clearly defined against the evening sky.
When I reached the town, old and young were sitting before the doors of the Grecian houses, or chatting and laughing with each other in lively groups about the streets. In the Turkish quarters, on the contrary, not a living creature was visible, and every house had the appearance of being a dungeon. Yet, as I have before said, could I have looked within the high walls, I should probably have seen the entire family enjoying the fragrant coolness of their gardens.
Next day, I bade farewell to this lovely island, which still lay bound hand and foot, in the power of her negligent and cruel masters, and entirely unconscious of the great and important change that would shortly burst her bonds.
May we not trust that under British rule, her barren wastes and plains may once more speedily become fruitful fields, and her people again reap the blessings and benefits of a pure Christian Church, and a paternal Government.
So much attention has lately been called to the concluding chapters of Herr von Löher’s most interesting work, that we feel compelled to present them, in an English form, even at the risk of incurring blame in some quarters, for unnecessary repetition. Throughout the whole of his travels in the island, our author, shocked at the scenes of neglect and mismanagement presented to his eyes, was constantly indulging in reflections on what a different fate might await its inhabitants could they be annexed to the mighty empire of his fatherland. Indulging in this strain of thought, he presents us with a lengthy account of what was done there by his countrymen in former days.
In a short and rapid sketch of these pages, we will endeavour to give only such details, as may be new and interesting to our readers, and suppressing as far as possible all such matter as has already appeared in the body of the work. Long after the Crusaders had been expelled from the Holy Land, says Löher, they still retained the fortresses of Jaffa, Akkon, Tyre, Sidon, Beyrut, Cæsarea, Antioch, Tripoli, and other strongholds, the governors of which ruled over, and gave commands to, a multitude of knights and people there resident. The Christian forces, then dispersed over all Syria, should have united under the imperial leadership, and opposed their serried ranks to the forces of the Crescent. This was manifestly the plan of the second Frederick, Emperor of Germany, whose idea was, to put the Christian forces under the command of Hermann von Salza, the renowned Preceptor of the German order. This was he, who, in a conference at Ferentino, at which the Pope, the Emperor, and King John of Jerusalem were present, proposed that Frederick should marry Isabella, the daughter of the last-mentioned sovereign, and thus ally her inheritance, the kingdom of Jerusalem, with his possessions, whilst her father should merely have the honour of being nominally a king. The proposal was received joyfully by all parties. The imperial marriage took place in the year 1225, at Brindisi, where the bride’s father surrendered the sceptre of Jerusalem into the hands of his new son-in-law—not, however, without compulsion. Frederick forthwith received the homage of all present, and sent a herald with three hundred knights to the Holy Land, to ratify and complete the homage paid to the emperor—who, if he intended to bring the crusade to a successful end, must necessarily be the legitimate lord of the soil.
The Cyprians, however, thought that Frederick, after a time, would be in a position to assume the feudal sovereignty of their island, for the kingdom had in former times been an appanage of the Emperor Heinrich the Sixth, his grandfather. The late King Hugo the First had been for ten years engaged in the crusade, and when he died, his only son, the heir to the throne, was but nine months old.
The Emperor Frederick the Second at length discovered, how powerless he was to remodel the affairs of the East. The knights and merchants had ordered matters according to their own pleasure. The barons with their feudal retainers occupied their castles in perfect independence; the king was only their leader, and the feudal parliament the court in which they decided everything according to their pleasure. With these uncontrolled nobles we must rank three orders of knights, forming as many well-established and wealthy brotherhoods, in which the military and monkish characteristics were united. These ecclesiastical warriors were armed in complete steel, and claimed princely prerogatives. In the towns were guilds and corporations, combinations of merchants and men of business, who watched over their own interests, and resisted the innovations of the arrogant nobility. Among all these petty powers, who were incessantly quarrelling among themselves, Frederick found it a difficult task to introduce harmony, and harder still to bring them to acquiesce in his authority.
Frederick had already proclaimed in Ferentino, that the conquest of the Holy Land should no longer be carried on in the name of the knights, but of the king only, thus intimating, that the whole of it should belong to himself. In Cyprus, matters were arranged upon a very different basis; here the supreme authority was shared among the barons, and the power of the king jealously circumscribed.
So long as the authority of the emperor was maintained in Cyprus, he held the key of all the opposite coasts of Syria, Asia Minor, and Egypt, and consequently, to possess the sovereign power in this island, was from first to last the great object of Oriental policy. In 1218 the last King of Cyprus died, having on his death-bed appointed his wife, Alice, regent. The knights, unwilling to submit to the authority of a woman, compelled her to share her rule in the island with Philip of Ibelin as co-regent. Meanwhile feuds sprang up on all sides, and every occurrence seemed to increase the discord. The Franks in the East had been vitiated by Byzantine manners, and fought each other with the bitterest hatred, quite unmindful of their original mission, which was to deliver the Holy Land from the heathen. Quarrels soon arose between the Latin and Greek Churches, and Cyprus became the arena where bloody combats took place.
Frederick now entered the capital of Cyprus, and there all the princes and barons interceded for Ibelin, who declared that he and all his followers were ready to submit to the emperor, and atone for their delinquencies. The emperor did not seek revenge, but simple justice; and was extremely desirous of securing the support of Cyprus, and the wealth obtainable from that source, and thus the affair was soon arranged; the barons, under the emperor’s command, acquiesced, and a general amnesty was proclaimed upon the following terms:
The emperor was to be the sole guardian of the young king until he completed his twenty-fifth year. The government of Cyprus and its revenues should be placed in the hands of the emperor, and all the fortified places in the kingdom delivered up to him. All the Cyprian knights who had not sworn fealty to the emperor should immediately take the oath of allegiance. Ibelin, in behalf of the ruler of Beyrut, recognised the emperor as King of Jerusalem, and did homage to him under that title, and agreed that all claims, relative to the castle of Beyrut, should be settled by the court of Jerusalem, and an account of all revenues due, since the death of King Hugo, should be laid before the court of Cyprus. The hostages demanded by the emperor were set at liberty. Ibelin and all the Cyprian barons, with their followers, were to accompany Frederick to the Holy Land, and serve him there till the end of the crusade.
All these conditions were punctually carried out, the oath of allegiance administered, and the castles, as well as the revenue, given up. The emperor had achieved a complete victory. Cyprus remained for several years under his command, and its king was formally declared a prince of the German empire. The emperor next appointed revenue officers and treasurers, in all the castles and bailiwicks of the island, and made arrangements that the money thus raised should be sent after him into Syria. To these offices, as well as in garrisoning the castles, the emperor appointed his own knights by preference, and these gladly accepted such desirable appointments.
After all these things were arranged, the emperor came to Famagusta, and the next day, the 2nd of September, seven weeks after his landing in Cyprus, embarked, taking the young king with him, and accompanied by all the chivalry of the island. Their landing was effected at Beyrut, Sidon, Sarepta, and Tyre, as Frederick was desirous of becoming more intimately acquainted with the coast of Syria; he probably likewise intended that the armies of the Crusaders, employed upon the fortifications of Sidon and of Cæsarea, should enter Akkon while he remained upon the coast. In the last-mentioned city, the most populous and the most important in the Holy Land, the emperor was received with great ceremony. The Crusaders, more especially those from Germany, were jubilant; the clergy sang hymns of praise; the Templars and the Knights of St. John did homage to their sovereign, by kneeling before him and kissing his knees, according to the custom of the times. Nevertheless Frederick was well aware that, to use the words of an old writer, he was in a land where neither God nor man had ever yet found truth or loyalty.
The truth of this he soon found out. The Cyprians formed by far the greater part of the host of Eastern warriors, led by the high marshal Felingher, but the number of these was not more than two thousand. Rome had already taken her precautions. A Papal bull was issued denouncing Frederick, and he was placed under an interdict. Messages both from the Pope and the Patriarch warned the knights not to obey the emperor’s commands, and it was promulgated amongst the soldiery, that Frederick was under the curse of God, and of the Church, and that all his acts were of no effect. Multitudes of the Crusaders, despairing of the success of their undertaking, deserted. The Knights of the Temple and of St. John fell away from the emperor’s standard, and the rest of the warriors of the Cross refused to be led to battle. The Cyprian barons began to discuss the question whether the oath they had taken to Frederick, was not overridden by the feudal allegiance they owed to their king.
The Germans who had come over with the emperor under the command of their leader, Hermann von Salza, kept their plighted faith, and were the only supporters of the imperial authority: these, however, taking them all together, knights and squires, soldiers from Germany, Sicily, and Lombardy, hardly amounted to twelve thousand men. With so feeble an army—with the Eastern knights partly at open enmity, partly vacillating, with the clergy altogether inimical—it was quite impossible for Frederick to think of giving battle to the unbelievers. He established himself in a camp near Akkon, and while he strengthened the defences of Joppa, gave all his attention to the establishment of a secret understanding with the Sultan. Overtures to this effect had in truth been already made by him from Italy, and during his stay in Cyprus had been still further advanced.
Immediately on his arrival in the Holy Land it became clear what were the necessities of his position, and what there might be a possibility of his obtaining. The possession of the holy places; a free pass for pilgrims in Syria and Palestine, who must necessarily be under Christian jurisdiction; peace secured by the strength of the fortress and the solemn oath of the Mussulmans; all these were secured. Jerusalem, which, for nearly half a century had been in their hands, was, with the surrounding country, again placed in the power of the Christians, who held, moreover, Bethlehem and the intervening land. Joppa and a strip of country between that town and Jerusalem; Nazareth and the road from thence to Akkon; the fertile plain of Sidon; and in its neighbourhood the castle Turon, commanding the entire coast; all these castles and towns were permitted to be again fortified, and on the other side the Sultan promised that he would raise no new fortifications. All Christian prisoners, some of whom had been a long while in the hands of the Mussulmans, were to be set free. This peace was to last during ten years. All these arrangements were to be confirmed by the solemn oaths of both the contracting parties.
When the terms of this peace became known in Joppa, great joy was manifested by the Christians who accompanied the emperor to Jerusalem, where, on the day of his arrival (March 18, 1229), he offered up thanks in the church of the Holy Sepulchre. After this, approaching the high altar, he placed the crown of Jerusalem upon his head, and then returned to his place. No priest was allowed to take part in the rejoicings, which included festivities of every description. Their general, Hermann von Salza, read before all the soldiers and common people a manifesto by the emperor, explaining why he had not been able to come before, and telling them that the Pope had been compelled to publish his bann by pressure of circumstances, and that everything should now be arranged to secure peace among the heads of Christendom. Next day the Patriarch of Jerusalem assailed him with the Papal interdict. Frederick, in order to give no pretence for suppressing public worship, returned to Joppa, and from thence to Akkon.
Here the emperor remained for about five weeks, doing everything which his position allowed to make peace with the adherents of the Pope, at the head of whom stood the Patriarch of Jerusalem. The patriarch, however, found him, to use his own expression, “unhealthy from the crown of his head to the sole of his foot,” and seemed rather exasperated than otherwise at all the good that Frederick had achieved in so short a time. The proud Templars and Knights of St. John, were furious because the chief control lay no longer with them, but with the Germans. Even the ecclesiastics were principally from France, very few of them from Italy. Probably at no period of the world’s history has a body of men existed so steeped in pride, so full of haughtiness, luxury, and immorality, as the Templars. Well might they think that in his heart the emperor had the intention of expelling them from the Holy Land. The governors of the towns had instructions to watch them strictly, and from his first arrival in Syria, the emperor had endeavoured to give the ascendancy to his German followers, while he scarcely concealed his design of making the huge possessions of the Templars and Knights of Jerusalem subservient to the worship of Christ, instead of ministering to their insatiable debaucheries.
No wonder, therefore, that the burning hatred of the Templars was aroused. Were it now possible to trace out all their conspiracies against the life of Frederick, we should indeed have to deal with a tangled web, while the enmity of the Pope still further increased the dangers that surrounded him. The whole land was filled with the Papal troops, whose business was to plunder and to destroy, so that all the energies of the emperor were put in requisition to govern and defend the unhappy country. Balian of Sidon, a man universally respected, a nephew of Idelin and Walter d’Allemand, who deeply reverenced the Church, were appointed chief governors, and all fortified places received efficient garrisons and abundant supplies of provisions.
Above everything else, Frederick had in his mind the kingdom of Cyprus. That rich island must now furnish him with money to pay his officials in the Holy Land, and to supply his army with provisions and warlike stores. The kingdom of Jerusalem was no longer in a condition to pay the heavy costs; it now indeed consisted only of a few straggling towns, and a narrow strip of the sea-coast of Syria. Cyprus had already been made to pay considerable sums, which had been forwarded to the emperor, and in addition to these, the Archbishop of Nikosia found himself compelled to contribute largely; and now, before taking their departure for Akkon, came Amalrich von Balas, Hugo von Giblet, Gavain von Chenichy, and Wilhelm von Rivet, all belonging to the highest nobility in Cyprus, who had all of them conspired against Ibelin, and so represented him to the emperor, that he was deprived of his lordship. Undoubtedly they had all been sent for by the emperor himself, who thought that the best way to insure the safety of the island, was to put it into the hands of his most trusty friends, under the auspices of the young king. These five noblemen were instructed to form a regency, which should continue for three years, during which time they were to protect and govern the country, and to send over year by year ten thousand marks to be paid directly into the hands of Balian and Werner in Syria.
And now, after these arrangements, the emperor thought himself secure, and hoped that at least for a few years he should be able, not only to hold Cyprus, but also to defend his little kingdom of Jerusalem. At the end of that time he trusted that the people would have become accustomed to his government, or that at least he should be able to return with a greater force and more freedom of action.
That Frederick did accomplish a great and good work in the Holy Land there can be no doubt. It is impossible to read the letters or records handed down from those times without remarking that amidst the whirl of events where ambition, hatred, avarice, and national jealousy reigned on all sides, obscuring and crippling all efforts to do good, the honest endeavours of Frederick to ameliorate the condition of the country, were not altogether unsuccessful.
On the 1st of May, after a stay of not more than eight months in the Holy Land, the emperor took ship at Akkon, accompanied by the young King of Cyprus and the Marquis of Montserrat. As the boat which put him on board left the land, Ibelin shouted after him a parting adieu, on which the emperor called out to the assembled multitude, that his mind was quite at ease, inasmuch as he knew that he left them in good hands.
The imperial fleet crossed over to Limasol, and here Frederick celebrated the marriage of his ward, the young king, with Alice, daughter of the Marquis of Montserrat. He then put in order the affairs of the island, arranging that the regency should regularly transmit to the governors of Jerusalem or Akkon money wherewith to supply the garrisons and officials in the Holy Land.
The emperor attached great importance to the possession of the Cyprian castles and fortresses. Already in the preceding year he had made every preparation for their defence, by putting each of them under the command of some distinguished officer, and had brought with him from Akkon whatever could be spared in the way of munitions of war for their safe keeping. As he was about to leave the island for the second time, he stipulated that the regents should have no power over the castles until the transmission of the money to the Holy Land had been regularly completed.
The seaboard of Cyprus at that time had no fortresses, with the exception of the capital city Nikosia; even on the south-western coast, where a mountainous district occupies nearly one-half of the island, there was no castle of importance, the hills moreover must at that time have been covered with wild-growing forests. The life and wealth of the island consisted in the rich maritime slopes and fertile plains, which extended along the shore from Famagusta and Larnaka, as far as the mountainous tract, which extends all along the northern side of the island.
Behind the chain of mountains are narrow slips of fertile soil, producing abundance of excellent fruit, in the midst of which is the principal haven Keryneia. From this town deep dells and rocky gorges run up into the mountains, leading to the fortresses St. Hilarion, Buffavento, and Cantara. These three castles are built upon the smaller chain of mountains, which, rugged and steep, rear themselves in innumerable peaks and crags to a considerable altitude.
Before the time of Frederick the Second, Buffavento is scarcely mentioned, but it then became one of the principal defences of the island, indeed it seems to have been quite impregnable, so long as food and water could be procured on the summit of the mountain upon which it stood. Victuals were, however, much more easily obtainable on the heights of St. Hilarion, a much larger place, situated a little further westward. Even Kantara, lying to the north-east, could boast of more than one wall.
The town of Keryneia, however, where the haven was situated, was most strongly fortified, inasmuch as it was well adapted to the reception of food and military stores arriving from the coasts of Syria, Asia Minor, or even Italy, which could be immediately forwarded to the fortresses above mentioned.
Had the eagle eye of Frederick at once seen how Cyprus could best be defended by a limited body of troops, he could not have been better prepared for the events which subsequently happened. A war soon broke out which, during several years, continued to rage throughout the island, the history of which gives a most variegated picture of the doings of the knights beyond the sea, chevalerie d’outre-mer, as they were called by the Eastern warriors.
Homeric combats upon a fair field, trials by battle, the beleaguering and defence of castles, codes laying down the nicest points of honour, or of right, biting satires and new war songs, followed each other, as incessantly as did the victories or the defeats of the combatants. That all the knights displayed wonderful bravery is undeniable. As the head of the imperial forces, we may mention the knightly Marshal Felingher, Balas, called by Navarra in his history, “the Fox,” and Hugo de Giblet, who, on account of his grimaces, was nicknamed “the Ape.” Ibelin seems to have made himself more conspicuous than the rest. His brave sons and their friend, the merry poet, Philip of Navarre, as also the wild “fighting cock” Anselm de Brie, afforded materials for innumerable anecdotes.
All this time Cyprus suffered severely, owing to the discord which existed between two parties of nobles, whose enmity at length involved Syria and Palestine, where the Templars and Knights of St. John, together with what was left of the priesthood, raged with unmeasured hatred against the emperor, whose witty jests, aimed at the silly practices of the monks, had given great offence, more especially when, after the example of the Templars, they displayed their insatiable avarice. The dissensions among the Cyprian nobles were, indeed, the cause why all the arrangements made by the wisdom and care of Frederick, in treating with the Mussulmans, fell to the ground.
Still, for a time, the treaty which had cost so much trouble continued in force, notwithstanding that one of the two governors in the Holy Land, in whom the Emperor had reposed so much trust, Walter d’Allemand, joined the party of his mortal enemies, and himself became a Templar. Frederick, meanwhile, had scarcely set foot in Italy, than he fell like a thunderstorm upon the Papal soldiers, and fairly swept them from his territories. He then began to diminish somewhat the possessions of the Templars, who had multiplied in Italy with a rapidity almost incredible. In truth, wherever a chapter of the order was established, the country around was immediately put under contribution, and so many farms, mills, castles, and woods were taken possession of, either by way of purchase or exchange, or seized upon as donations, that their power increased wonderfully. From the Templars, more especially, a cry soon rose that Frederick intended to make the kingdoms of Jerusalem and Cyprus portions of his empire, so that they would both belong exclusively to the Germans, a cry which was incessantly repeated by the Jerusalem patriarch. It was also said that, seeing that the kingdom of Jerusalem would be inherited by Frederick’s little son, Conrad, his proper guardian would be the nearest relative of the last wearer of that crown, they, therefore, wished to put him under the care of the Queen Alice, and in this way prolong the duration of the regency.
It now became evident that the rule of the emperor in the Holy Land would not be of long duration, and his enemies next resolved to endeavour to wrest from him the kingdom of Cyprus. Still, the regency of five retained supreme command in that island, and acted altogether in accordance with the emperor’s instructions. The young king wrote to his imperial guardian to say how delighted he was at the advantages obtained over his enemies, but that he was grieved to find that the emperor did not write to him more frequently concerning his views and projects, and still more so, that he could not explain matters to him in propriâ persona.
The Ibelins, in the meanwhile, were in want of some pretext for raising an insurrection in Cyprus. About the spring of 1230, there was a call for an extraordinary tax of about three thousand marks, which the emperor had directed to be sent to the Holy Land. The knights, who were of Ibelin’s party, declared against this, assigning as a reason that, not having been assented to by the feudal court, the imposition of a new tax was unlawful. As their stewards refused payment, their goods were seized, and the amount taken from them in corn and cattle.
And now Philip of Navarre appeared upon the island, and secretly endeavoured to raise adherents. At first his answers to the inquiries of the authorities seemed satisfactory, but as they became more and more evasive, the regency thought fit to compel him to show his true colours. All the barons were invited to attend the feudal court, and there, in the presence of the young king, were asked whether they were friends to the emperor, the king, and the regents, or whether they were to be regarded as enemies.
A New Testament was brought, and Philip of Navarre was invited to swear true allegiance upon the holy book. He wished to speak privately to each of his questioners, but this was refused. He then declared that his fealty was due to the queen-mother, and to the lord Ibelin. At this Hugo von Giblet exclaimed in a rage, “If I had my way you should be hanged, or I would have your tongue torn out,” and immediately ordered the arrest of the offender. On this Philip hastened to where the king was sitting, and, bending the knee, said, that his safety had been guaranteed by the regents, as he would prove with his sword, and immediately taking off his glove, cast it on the ground.
Several knights endeavoured to pick up the glove; but Philip cried out that he would only measure swords with the regents, as they only were his equals in rank: fetters were however, soon brought into the hall, where the contumacious noble was imprisoned until the approach of darkness. The rest all took the required oath, and it was understood that all who refused to do so would forfeit their rich domains.
In the night, while Philip’s conduct was the theme of every one’s conversation, he made his escape from the court-house, and presented himself in the cloisters of the Knights of St. John, who immediately afforded him shelter and protection. Here he assembled around his person about a hundred and fifty men, collected provisions and warlike stores, which were stored up in the strong tower of the castle, and resolved to defend himself against his pursuers. Meanwhile he sent a private message to Ibelin, informing him of all his proceedings, which he described in verse.
The regents dared not to attack the monastery of St. John, which enjoyed all the privileges of a religious house, while Ibelin at once landed with a strong force in Gatria, and marched in all haste to Nikosia. The few troops, which were hurriedly sent to oppose him, were easily dispersed, and in a very short time he presented himself before the capital. For the sake of saving his honour, he had written a letter to the young king, saying how it pained both him and his followers, to have left their allegiance in the Holy Land, but that they were unable to do otherwise, in order to defend their own possessions; should he blame them for their conduct, they relied upon their rights as established by feudal law. The regents were utterly surprised; they at once collected such forces as they could muster, and marched out through the city gates. In vain did they seek for priestly interference for the purpose of establishing peace between the conflicting parties. On the 23rd of June a furious battle took place. The regents wore golden tiaras on their helmets. One of them, Gavain von Chenichy, slew Ibelin’s father-in-law, the old constable; Walter von Cæsarea, Gerhardt von Montagu, and other friends of Ibelin, likewise lost their lives. The regents, however, were particularly anxious to get hold of Ibelin himself, and fifteen knights galloped forward in search of him. This, it would appear, caused considerable disorder amongst the imperial troops; and when Philip of Navarre, with a strong body of men, made his appearance upon the battle-field just at this critical moment, the troops of the regents were completely defeated. Ibelin in the meanwhile had sought refuge in a farm-house, where he was powerless to defend himself, but from which, after the battle, he was set at liberty by his son Balian and Anselm de Brie.
And now appeared the foresight of the emperor in fortifying the castles upon the mountains, in which the vanquished troops found a safe asylum. On the very evening of the battle, Balas, Bethsan, and Giblet, bringing with them the young king and their best troops, repaired to St. Hilarion. Rivet, with his followers, sought protection in Buffavento, and Chenichy, by dint of spurring, succeeded in reaching the still more distant castle of Kantara. From these three castles it was easy to reach the sea-coast at Keryneia. Ibelin, however, hastened to prevent their escape. While he himself surrounded Keryneia, Balian took a position before St. Hilarion, Philip of Navarre before Buffavento, and Anselm de Brie before Kantara.
Anselm had devised a new kind of battering ram with which he broke down the outer wall, and as he personally hated Chenichy, laid in ambush watching for him day and night, until at length, taking an opportunity when the regent was seen on the battlements, took deadly aim at him and shot him with an arrow. Rivet, who knew Buffavento to be impregnable, came there from Kantara, and when he saw the fortalice was in good condition and well manned, went over into Asia Minor to bring over more troops, and was there killed.
The three other regents occupied the extensive and strong fastnesses of St. Hilarion; here they not only repelled every attack, but every now and then made sallies, broke through the palisades of the besiegers, and obtained fresh supplies.
Upon one occasion Philip of Navarre was struck down and fell as though dead. On seeing this a man upon the wall exclaimed, “the verse-maker is dead, now we shall have no more of his bad songs.” Philip, however, recovered during the night, and the next day, taking up a tolerably safe position, he favoured the garrison with a new ballad.
The defenders of Keryneia became at length tired out; for a length of time they had received no pay and had suffered much from want of provisions. A day was fixed, and if by that time no help appeared, they agreed to surrender, more especially as they saw that the castles were closely invested and their occupants had no chance of escape.
Ibelin was now enabled to bring up more troops to the siege of St. Hilarion. That fortress, however, was now no longer in a condition to brave him as it had done before; the place was closely invested on all sides, and the garrison in dire want of provisions, for by this time the insurgents had taken possession of the whole island; even the young king Heinrich suffered severely; he frequently made his appearance upon the battlements and shouted to the besiegers who had brought him to such straits.
Ibelin next resolved to send Philip of Navarre, who had shown great ability in conducting negotiations, into Italy, hoping to obtain help, either from the Pope or from the King of France.
At this juncture Ibelin proposed to Balian and his associates to surrender the young king and the fortress into his power, promising that if they did so, they should be well treated and should retain in all honour whatever property they possessed. The garrison, which had long suffered the greatest privations, and saw nothing before them but a lingering death from famine, at last consented, and Ibelin attained his object. Balas, Bethsan, and Giblet made over to him the youthful Heinrich, and took a solemn oath that they would not again bear arms against the insurgents.
The emperor could no longer hide from himself that Cyprus was lost, and his affairs in the Holy Land wore a very gloomy aspect. By his command the governor of Cyprus issued a proclamation depriving the Ibelins of all their feudal tenures, and a fleet was assembled consisting of eighteen galleys and fifteen transports, in the last of which were embarked three hundred horsemen and two thousand foot soldiers. These were all placed under the command of Marshal Felingher by a manifesto, to which was appended a golden ball, appointing him Governor, Lord Chief Justice, and Generalissimo of the East, and at the same time affording him every facility for getting his troops together. Ibelin had taken the precaution to send spies into Italy, from whom he received secret information concerning everything that occurred there, and before the imperial fleet had left Brindisi, a swift sailing vessel was despatched, by which the spies returned speedily to the east, and soon reaching Akkon, where Ibelin was at that time encamped, made him acquainted with all the proceedings of the emperor.
Without loss of time Ibelin assembled as many men as he and his friends could get together, and marched upon Beyrut, the defences of which he strengthened, and then crossed over to Cyprus, where it was necessary to take care that on seeing the emperor’s fleet the Cyprians should not rouse their forces, and get the young king into their power. He therefore collected all his adherents in Cyprus, knights and squires, and a considerable number of combatants, placing part of them at Limasol, under the command of his eldest son Balian, and retaining the other part under his own control at Larnaka, thus getting possession of the only two places where a landing could be effected. He likewise took the precaution of bringing with him the young king, upon whose movements he kept a close watch.
When, therefore, the soldiers of the emperor were about to land at Limasol, they found the shore lined with troops forming an army much larger than their own, who forbad their approach. Their ships, therefore, moved on a little further, and cast anchor in the vicinity of Gavata. Soon afterwards, the Bishop of Amalfi, accompanied by two German knights, made their appearance in Limasol, and represented themselves as ambassadors from the emperor charged with a message to the young king. They were told that the king resided at Larnaka, and whilst they were conducted back again to their ship, Ibelin in great haste called together the feudal court, in which naturally his own friends and partisans were in a considerable majority.
Before this assembly, the ambassadors from the emperor delivered their message, which was to the following effect. The emperor demanded from the king, as his feudal vassal, that he should immediately banish from the country Johann von Ibelin and his whole family, and no longer afford them shelter or protection, seeing that they had broken their allegiance. To this mandate the following reply was given by Wilhelm Visconta, in the name of the infant king: “My lords, I am commanded and commissioned by the king to say to you, that it appears to him very strange that the emperor should send such an order to me. The governor of Beyrut is a relative of Ibelin, and I neither can nor will do what the emperor requires.”
After waiting many days it became evident that it would be impossible to effect a landing, and the authority of the Emperor Frederick over the island was henceforth set at defiance.
When Ibelin had marched within four leagues of Akkon, he learnt that the Patriarch of Antioch was sent as Pope’s legate to that city, and had demanded his immediate presence.
Notwithstanding the suspicions Ibelin entertained, that the legate was about to denounce him as a rebel, he felt bound, as a good servant of the Church, to obey the summons. He therefore caused his troops to encamp near Casal Imbert, and placed his trustworthy follower, Anselm von Brie, in command, whilst he proceeded to Akkon, and endeavoured by every means in his power to undermine his enemies and strengthen his own cause.
Meanwhile Marshal Felingher decided on making one decisive blow for his master’s interests. Towards dusk on the evening of May the 2nd, he left Tyre with his best troops, and marched towards the coast, where he was followed by twenty-two ships bearing the rest of his army. Towards morning they approached the unfortunate camp, and before the slightest alarm could be raised, had fallen upon it and butchered the soldiers, whilst still asleep. Here and there a slight attempt was made at resistance, and Ibelin’s three sons made a gallant but desperate effort to drive off the enemy. The attack, however, had been too sudden to allow the soldiers to recover from the shock, and all such as did not perish found safety in precipitate flight. The king narrowly escaped with his life, he having been hurried out of the camp at the first alarm of danger.
The imperial victory was complete, Ibelin’s troops were entirely scattered or destroyed, and all the valuables of the camp were taken possession of by the enemy. As soon as it was known that Marshal Felingher had left Tyre, Ibelin and his knights at once mounted their horses and rode as rapidly as possible towards the camp, but before they arrived, friends and enemies had alike quitted the ground, and nothing remained except a handful of men who had taken refuge in a small and neighbouring tower.
Had Felingher at once fallen upon Akkon, he would probably have obtained possession of the city; but he was well aware that his troops were safer in Cyprus than on the opposite continent, and therefore immediately despatched them to that island. Famagusta, Nikosia, and Keryneia were seized, and all Ibelin’s troops dispersed in a series of victorious onslaughts. The young queen, Alice, occupied Nikosia, whilst her two sisters-in-law took refuge in the convent of St. Hilarion. Frau von Ibelin escaped to Buffavento in the disguise of a monk, and by her courage and energy roused the drooping spirit of the old commandant of the fortress, who was preparing to surrender to the emperor at discretion.
The followers of Ibelin were now in the depths of distress and anxiety, their troops were annihilated, their money gone, and worst of all, many noble knights belonging to the conquered party began to lay all the blame of their unfortunate position upon their leader’s head. Some endeavoured to persuade the king, who was nearly of age, that he might be the means of restoring peace and order, whilst others endeavoured to commence an alliance with Marshal Felingher.
At this crisis, John Ibelin showed all the resources of which he was capable. He tried to sting the Syrian knights by hinting, that if Cyprus were allowed to remain under imperial rule, they would be neither more nor less than slaves to Germany, and endeavoured by bribes and every form of persuasion to induce adherents to flock to his standard. Ibelin’s sons and relations sold all their possessions in order to obtain horses and arms, and many devices were resorted to as a means of obtaining money.
Small scraps of parchment were issued, bearing the king’s seal, and setting forth that the sum named thereon must be paid to whoever presented it, and promising that the giver should be refunded as soon as the prince was firmly established in his rights.
The most important step by far taken by the astute knight at this crisis, was that of persuading the Genoese in the island to rise en masse and join his cause, under the solemn promise of the king that they and their sons should enjoy extraordinary social immunities and privileges. Having fully achieved this plan, Ibelin at once made ready to sail for Cyprus at the shortest notice, backed by a numerous and well-manned fleet. No sooner did the marshal hear of the unexpected rising of the Genoese, than he at once returned to the island with a powerful army, and was soon again master of the whole country, with the exception of the fortresses of St. Hilarion and Buffavento. A portion of the imperial fleet was anchored in the harbour outside the ancient city of Paphos.
On Whitsunday, May the 30th, Ibelin set sail with his forces from Akkon, accompanied by the Genoese consul, with whom the approaching struggle now had the aspect of a political victory. Pedalion Acra, a promontory between Larnaka and Famagusta, had been pointed out as the most suitable spot for landing the soldiers, and thither all the troop-ships went. No sooner had the fleet reached the spot indicated, than intelligence was received that the marshal had made Famagusta his head-quarters. The ships at once proceeded in the direction of that fortress, where, owing to the knowledge of the shore displayed by their commanders, they were enabled, after a slight skirmish with the imperial troops, to take possession of a small island in close vicinity to the town. Felingher was prepared to make a brave and powerful defence, but unluckily for him his soldiers had treated the surrounding inhabitants with so much roughness and cruelty that treachery was rife in all quarters. In the stillness of the night a few boats left the fleet, and landed their men close to the fortress; these at once rushed upon the town with such noise and force that the defenders were struck with sudden panic. The marshal, believing that the whole force of the enemy was on the spot, and that the citizens were in revolt, at once set fire to his ships, and withdrew with all his men to Nikosia.
Ibelin remained a week in Famagusta; this time he spent in fortifying the citadel more securely, and in drawing up the deed of privileges to the Genoese, the promise of which had procured him so great an accession of friends.
The marshal now retired to the mountains behind Nikosia, and Queen Alice and her ladies sought refuge in Keryneia, the imperial troops being so stationed as to command that fortress.
Felingher now rapidly pressed on the siege of St. Hilarion, and was in daily hopes that hunger must compel her defenders to surrender; all cornfields, mills, and every available means of sustenance having been destroyed throughout the surrounding plains by the marshal’s orders.
Ibelin’s army, which was now slowly marching onwards towards Nikosia, received fresh reinforcements at every stage, not only from the outraged Cypriotes, who were anxious to avenge their wrongs, but from large numbers of the higher classes, who had taken refuge in the huts. Nearly all these soldiers were on foot, whilst the imperial army, we are told, had fully two thousand horse. On his arrival near Nikosia, Ibelin at once encamped about half a league from the city, and early next morning, June 15th, 1232, advanced rapidly with all his troops to encounter the imperial forces, some of which were gathered around the fortress they were investing, whilst some were stationed upon the high and almost inaccessible rocks that commanded the road to Keryneia.
The marshal, who appears to have been paralysed by the rapid movements of the enemy, at once sent a party of cavalry to meet the men he saw were preparing to mount the rocky steps that led to the fortress.
Count Walter von Manebel charged down upon the enemy, but with such fury and indiscretion that the ascending soldiers, being on foot, readily eluded the pursuit of their mounted adversaries, who had no alternative but to seek refuge in the plains below, and there await further orders. Meanwhile Ibelin’s troops continued to mount, and a severe struggle ensued, in which the marshal’s troops became perfectly unmanageable, and had to be withdrawn to Keryneia. Numbers sought safety in flight, or refuge in the neighbouring churches and monasteries. Keryneia now alone remained in the hands of the imperial troops, and the marshal at once proceeded to strengthen it at all points, stored up ample provisions in case of siege, and having given the command of such troops as could not be accommodated in the fortress to Walter von Aquaviva, he himself retired to Cilicia with a large body of men.
Ibelin no sooner heard that the marshal had withdrawn the greater part of his army from Keryneia, than he proceeded to invest that fortress. A long and bloody battle at once ensued outside its walls, and every means were tried, but in vain, to storm the citadel. At this crisis a short truce was concluded, in consequence of the death of the young Queen Alice. Her corpse was decked in royal robes, and a messenger was despatched to her consort requesting that she might be interred as became her rank. This truce was strictly kept on both sides, until the royal coffin had been conveyed to Nikosia, where it was placed in the cathedral with much pomp and reverence.
Marshal Felingher had meanwhile been well received in Cilicia, and at once proceeded to make preparations for a fresh campaign. Great sickness, however, now appeared in his army, and numbers died from various causes, or were so invalided as to be unfit for farther service. Felingher at once ordered his army to Tyre, whilst he himself went to Italy to have an interview with the emperor. This latter was now inclined to try what could be done by persuasion, instead of again having recourse to arms. Marshal Felingher, who had made himself much disliked, was superseded, and the Bishop of Sidon despatched, with full powers to bring matters to a peaceable conclusion by well-timed arguments and persuasions, amongst which was the promise that all past outbreaks should be forgotten on the part of the emperor, if the Cypriotes would return to their allegiance. The bishop had so much skill and diplomacy, that in an assembly of knights called by his order, to assemble in the cathedral at Akkon, all present willingly consented to renew their oath on the spot, and recognise the emperor as the guardian of his son Conrad. At this juncture the proceedings of the assembly were interrupted by the sudden appearance of the young knight, John of Cæsarea, nephew of Ibelin, who with much excitement implored the assembly to consider well what they were about to do, and not to sacrifice their country to imperial ambition.
A scene of great violence ensued, in the midst of which the bell from the citadel was rung, and at the preconcerted signal, crowds of Ibelin’s adherents in the city flocked into and around the church, uttering loud cries for vengeance on the heads of the recreant knights. The latter were now compelled to seek safety in flight, and it required all the eloquence and authority of young John of Cæsarea to restrain the violence of the crowd, and allow the bishop and his party to escape with their lives. The emperor now appealed to Ibelin’s own sense of right and honour, and assured him that if he would obey the imperial summons and appear in Tyre to renew his fealty, everything should be arranged according to his wishes. Ibelin, however, distrusted the friendly overtures of the emperor, and not only refused to comply, but at once proceeded to levy fresh forces, and prepare for an obstinate resistance. This done, his first step was to reduce the fortress of Keryneia, which, however, he found so impregnable, that after some terrible fighting about its walls, he was compelled to sit down before it, and endeavour to reduce its garrison by starvation. Month after month passed, and yet the brave band held out; until after two years of great hardship and suffering, they were at last compelled to submit, but only on the most honourable conditions. Frederick still refused to relinquish all hope, and now had recourse to imploring assistance from the Pope, to aid in bringing his refractory vassals again to their allegiance. In the same year as witnessed the fall of Keryneia, a legate from the Papal Court arrived at Akkon, bearing a decree from both emperor and Pope, commanding all knights and citizens to join the imperial cause, and submit to the authority of Marshal Felingher. Every indulgence was promised to all such as should submit.
Ibelin was now hard pressed, but he utterly refused again to acknowledge his faults to the emperor, and at once set about preparing for an attack on Tyre. The Pope sent Ibelin one more written warning, and the archbishop put Akkon under an interdict. Two envoys were now sent from the knights to Italy, in order to endeavour to make terms of peace. These conditions were hard upon the Cypriotes, and when the envoys returned to Akkon, and showed the parchment containing the required submissions, the whole city was in an uproar. The ambassadors were thrown into prison, and very narrowly escaped with their lives. Almost Ibelin’s last act was to summon all to uphold the rights of their king; very shortly after this he fell from his horse, and was so seriously injured that he did not long survive. During these occurrences in the East, great changes were also taking place in the friendly relations between the Pope and emperor, and the latter soon found himself overwhelmed with troubles and anxieties, both in Italy and Germany, which required his immediate and entire attention. Meanwhile Ibelin’s son and various members of his family had sent letters accompanied by rich gifts to the Pope and cardinals. This embassy proved entirely successful, and the envoy, Godfrey le Tort, returned triumphantly to Akkon, bearing a Papal letter commanding all to unite with the Genoese in submission to the wishes and propositions of the party led by the Ibelins. This direct decree from the Pope proved final, and Frederick was now powerless to send an army to assert his claims.
Some years later, one more endeavour was made by Marshal Felingher, and a small party in Akkon, to induce the inhabitants of the island to acknowledge their allegiance to the emperor; but in vain. Thus ended all attempts to make Cyprus an appanage of Germany, which if carried out might probably have saved that beautiful country and her population from centuries of neglect and tyranny.
Again must Cyprus bear a prominent position in the eyes of the world. For many years eminent statesmen, soldiers, and engineers have been proclaiming the advisability of making Cyprus the point through which that grand scheme, the Euphrates Valley Railway, soon we hope to be a reality, would receive its principal sources of traffic, and forming it into the terminal station of a line of railway and steamers destined to chain us more firmly to our Indian possessions, and to open again the long-deserted or neglected land that lies between it and the Persian Gulf.
Major-General Sir F. Goldsmid, C.B., K.C.S.I., who has devoted a considerable portion of his time to this scheme, has thrown such valuable light upon the subject that we should be wanting in our duty to our readers if we did not give some brief idea of the information his valuable paper affords us.
The geographical position of Cyprus, now under British rule, makes the island a fitting guardian of Upper Syria, Cœlo Syria, and almost of Palestine, and in the hands of Great Britain is an invaluable acquisition, and worth any amount of land which might be purchased on the neighbouring Asiatic coast.
The distance to the several ports on the mainland is not great; indeed, the island is said to be visible on a clear day from Seleucia. A railway terminus for the Persian Gulf line might be reached in a very few hours, and fair weather boats, calculated to carry over a thousand passengers, troops or civilians, might be used at certain times at inconsiderable cost.
Of Larnaka, as a port, very little information can be obtained; but fifteen years ago it received 324 vessels of 54,340 tons, and sent out 321 vessels of 53,458 tons. In 1876 there were entered 457, and cleared 483 vessels of 92,926 and 91,690 tons respectively.
At Limasol, in 1863, 493 vessels were entered of 32,980 tons. The present harbour of Famagusta has a superficial extent of nearly eighty acres, to which a depth of five and a half fathoms might be readily given; but there is only a space of about five acres which can be relied upon for the actual reception of ships.
M. Collas, a French writer, experienced in Turkey and the Turks, thinks that, with ordinary engineering skill, a harbour might be formed here of more than 148 acres in extent. The opening of this harbour would also give, in the opinion of M. Collas, an immense impetus to the export of cotton, which might be grown up to the amount not far short of 30,000 tons, a high figure of productiveness.
Having thus shown how Cyprus is capable, so far as harbours are concerned, of fulfilling her position as the terminus of the Euphrates Valley Railway, let us look to some of the various routes suggested for this line. Five different schemes were selected as the most important by the Committee which sat in 1872.
1st. A line starting from Alexandretta or Suedia, near the mouth of the Orontes, passing through Aleppo to the Euphrates, at or near Jabah Castle, and thence carried down the right bank of the river to Kuwait, on the western side of the Persian Gulf.
2nd. A line starting from one of the same points, crossing the Euphrates at Belio, passing down the left bank of the river, or the right bank of the Tigris, to a point nearly opposite Baghdad, recrossing the Euphrates, and proceeding to Kuwait.
3rd. A line starting as before, crossing the Euphrates at Bir, thence going round to Orfah and Diarbekir, and following the right bank of the Tigris as the last.
4th. A similar line, only following the left bank of the Tigris.
5th. A line starting from Tripoli, and proceeding across the desert by way of Damascus and Palmyra to the Euphrates, whence it might follow one of the preceding routes.
Which of these routes will eventually be adopted, is still the subject of much discussion.
Mr. W. P. Andrew, F.R.G.S., who for thirty years has devoted much time and attention to endeavouring to carry out this design, has furnished us with an admirable report on this project. We will give a short sketch in his own words:
“In the proposal to restore this ancient route—once the highway of the world’s commerce and the track of the heroes of early history—by the construction of a railway to connect the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf, we have at hand an invaluable and perfectly efficient means at once of thwarting the designs of Russia, if they should assume a hostile character, of marching hand in hand with her if her mission be to carry civilisation to distant lands, and of competing with her in the peaceful rivalry of commerce.”
“On every ground, therefore, the proposed Euphrates Valley Railway is an undertaking eminently deserving our attention, and the support and encouragement of our Government.”
“The countries which our future highway to India will traverse have been, from remote antiquity, the most interesting in the world. On the once fertile plains, watered by the Euphrates and Tigris, the greatest and most glorious nations of antiquity arose, flourished, and were overthrown.”
“Twice in the world’s history, mankind commenced the race of civilisation on the Mesopotamian rivers. Twice the human family diverged from their banks to the east, the west, and the north. Arts and sciences made the first feeble steps of their infancy, upon the shores of these rivers.”
“Very early in history we know that Babylon was a great manufacturing city, famed for the costly fabric of its looms. At a more recent date the Chaldean kings made it a gorgeous metropolis—the fairest and the richest then on earth. Alexander of Macedon made it the port of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf; and he proposed to render it the central metropolis of his empire.”
“The countries through which the Euphrates flows were formerly the most productive in the world. Throughout these regions the fruits of temperate and tropical climes, grew in bygone days in luxurious profusion; luxury and abundance were universally diffused. The soil everywhere teemed with vegetation; much of this has since passed away. Ages of despotism and misrule have rendered unavailing the bounty of nature; but the land is full of hidden riches. The natural elements of its ancient grandeur still exist in the inexhaustible fertility of the country, and in the chivalrous character and bearing of many of the tribes; and the day cannot be far distant when it is destined to resume its place amongst the fairest and most prosperous regions of the globe.”
“The wondrous fertility of Mesopotamia was, in early times, carried to its utmost limit by means of irrigation canals, with which the country was everywhere intersected, and some of the largest of which were navigable. These excited the wonder and interest of Alexander the Great, who, after his return from the conquest of India, examined them personally, steering the boat with his own hand. He employed a great number of men to repair and cleanse these canals.”
“Herodotus, speaking of Babylonia, says: ‘Of all the countries I know, it is without question the best and the most fertile. It produces neither figs, nor vines, nor olives; but in recompense the earth is suitable for all sorts of grain, of which it yields always two hundred per cent, and in years of extraordinary fertility as much as three hundred per cent.’”
“These regions need only again to be irrigated by the life-giving waters pouring down ever cool and plentiful from Ararat—that great landmark of primæval history, now the vast natural boundary-stone of the Russian, Turkish, and Persian empires—to yield once more in abundance almost everything that is necessary or agreeable to man. Many acres now wasted, save when in early spring they are wildernesses of flowers, may be covered with cotton, tending to the employment of the million spindles of our land.”
“It is not too much to say that no existing or projected railroad can compare in point of interest and importance with that of the Euphrates Valley. It will bring two quarters of the globe into juxtaposition, and three continents, Europe, Asia, and Australia, into closer relation. It will bind the vast population of Hindustan by an iron link with the people of Europe. It will inevitably entail the colonisation and civilisation of the great valleys of the Euphrates and Tigris, the resuscitation in a modern shape of Babylon and Nineveh, and the re-awakening of Ctesiphon and Bagdad of old.”
“Where is there in the world any similar undertaking which can achieve results of such magnitude, fraught with so many interests to various nations? And who can foresee what ultimate effects may be produced by improved means of communication in the condition of Hindoos, Chinese, and other remote peoples?”
“Although various routes have been suggested with a view of bringing Great Britain, by means of railway communication, into closer connection with India and her other dependencies in the East, and of securing at the same time the immense political and strategic desideratum of an alternative highway to our Eastern possessions, there is none which combines in itself so many advantages as the ancient route of the Euphrates; the route of the emperors Trajan and Julian, in whose steps, in more recent times, the great Napoleon intended to follow, when the Russian campaign turned his energies in another direction. The special advantages which render this route superior to all others are briefly these:”