When one passes to the interior, the pastoral industry at once assumes a more primitive character. The quebracho concerns themselves go in for breeding, in order to make use of their large estates, when the timber has been removed but the works have not yet been set up. They need a large number of cattle, both for moving the timber and feeding their workers, and they endeavour to meet their needs themselves. In this district the forest is capable of feeding a far heavier herd than is the more arid scrub of the eastern Chaco. There are often a thousand head of cattle to 2,500 hectares. To the north and west of that part of the forest where the big companies have taken over the whole of the land, in the province of Chaco, a fairly large number of estates has been created. Further still, on either side of the Bermejo, cattle from Corrientes and the Paraguay have been put on the public lands by men with no rights. As their future is uncertain, they cannot do any expensive work, such as making wells, reservoirs, and enclosures. Sometimes they are compelled by drought to fall back upon the river.

Conditions are quite different in the forests of Misiones. The damp forest of Misiones does not lend itself to breeding. While the forest-workers on the west of the Paraná eat fresh meat, thanks to the proximity of the breeders, in the yerbales and obrajes of Misiones, the use of dried or "jerked" meat (carne seca), which is brought some distance, has remained the common practice, as it is in most parts of tropical America. On the other hand, there is now developing in Misiones an agricultural colonization of an original kind, quite distinct from the ordinary Argentinian type. This is because Misiones is a province apart in Argentina. It really belongs, by its geological structure and its climate, to the Brazilian tableland. The colonies in Misiones are merely an extension into Argentine territory of the great belt of colonies of southern Brazil, which stretches from the neighbourhood of Santa Catalina and the Rio Grande do Sul to the River Paraguay. The Brazilian type of colonization is based upon work with the hoe, in clearings that have been made in the forest by the axe and by fire. Ordinary farming would be impracticable between the large stumps which the clearers have to leave in the ground, to rot there slowly. It would, moreover, be useless, as the land, though rich in humus, is light and aërated. The red soil, a decomposition-product of the diabases which are at the root of all agricultural wealth in southern Brazil, covers a great part of Misiones. The economic inferiority of this agricultural colonization in the forest to the Pampean type which has conquered the grassy plains of the Rio de la Plata, is twofold. On the one hand, the surface that a man can develop is very small. The plots of the Brazilian colonies are ten times smaller than the average estate on the Pampa. On the other hand, it is difficult to get about in the forest, and this hinders the export of the produce.

The colonies in Misiones are still confined to the edge of the great forest, into which they will advance as the agricultural population grows. They form two groups: one on the river above Posadas (Candelaria, Bonpland, Corpus, San Ignacio, and Santa Ana), the other on the slopes of the hills, above the line from Posadas to Uruguay (San José and Apostoles). Foodstuffs, tobacco, fowl and eggs, which they now send by rail as far as Buenos Aires, are their chief resources. As it is possible for them to reach the big markets of the Pampas, by river or rail, they have a certain advantage over the Brazilian colonies. On the other hand, the various elements of their population are inferior. They are very mixed, comprising aboriginals—relics of the ancient Indian or half-breed population of Misiones who have got land but are in no hurry to cultivate it—Poles (grouped in a few villages, such as Apostoles and San José), and German-Brazilians from the left bank of the Uruguay. At the present time there is a constant stream of German-Brazilians through the province of Misiones, to embark at Posadas, sail up the Paraná, and settle, further north, in Matto Grosso. No doubt it would be possible to induce part of them to settle on Argentinian territory by offering them suitable land.

These peasant clearers of the land rarely find means to sell their timber. The tropical forest has an immense variety of species, but only a few of these are of value. The obrajero does not cut down the whole forest; he chooses his victims. In the waste land of the colonist it is by no means possible to utilize everything. Even in the area where the forestry industry flourishes, trunks with no faults, felled in order to make room for farming, are pitilessly burned and destroyed.

Yet the indirect advantages of the forestry to agriculture are numerous. Just as in the whole of southern Brazil, it affords a good market for agricultural produce. The crops from the colonies are stored in the shops at Posadas, and from there they go to the obrajes and yerbales. In addition, the industry finds work for more men. On the Rio Grande do Sul, and later on the Paraná, the wages paid for collecting maté have long been the surest resource of the colonies, and it is this that enabled them to subsist during the difficulties of their early period. In Misiones the attraction of the yerbales is not so strongly felt by the inhabitants. There are comparatively few colonists who are willing to leave their plots and hire themselves for distant work. The yerbales find their recruits, not amongst the immigrants from Europe, but amongst the ancient pobladores; that is to say, men who hold land without a title, whose position was recognized when the colony was formed—a floating population, not deeply rooted in the soil.

Agricultural colonization in turn will react upon the forestry industry in developing the cultivation of maté. Large plantations of ilex have already been established above Posadas. Already they enter the common life. They are scattered either over the estates of the national colonies or over the larger estates of the richer colonists; for planting demands a considerable expenditure. Some of them belong to dealers who also work natural yerbales elsewhere. They are, if possible, set up in the forest, or at least on the fringe of it, in order to have a good supply of wood to dry the leaves. Thus the primitive industry of collecting maté is undergoing transformation while the natural growths are disappearing.

CHAPTER V
PATAGONIA AND SHEEP-REARING

The northern limit of the Patagonian region passes to the north of the Colorado, in the latitude of the Cerro Payen and of the ridge which leads from Malarüe to the Rio Grande in the sub-Andean zone (36° S. lat)., and to the Sierra de Lihuel Calel in the southern part of the Pampa province. South of this line, from the Andes to the Atlantic, on the territory of the Neuquen, the Rio Negro, the Chubut, and the Santa Cruz, is the region of the sheep farms, their refuge since more profitable branches of farming have driven the sheep from the Pampa. The extensive breeding practised on these poor lands is not profitable enough to justify much expenditure, and is therefore all the more controlled by the physical conditions. It is true that cattle-breeding was once undertaken in the Spanish settlements of the lower Negro, and still exists in western Patagonia at the foot of the Andes, but one never finds there the particular combination of cattle-breeding and sheep-breeding which is characteristic of the Pampean region, in which the main function of the cattle is to improve the pasture and make it ready for sheep.

The climate is trying. The west winds are violent during the greater part of the year, especially on the coast, and merely relax a little in the winter. The mean temperature on the Atlantic coast falls nearly one degree for each degree of latitude (14.6° at San Antonio, below 41° S. lat.; 8.5° at Santa Cruz, below 50° S. lat.; and 5.3° at Ushuaia, below 55° S. lat.). The summer temperature falls even more steeply, but the difference is less notable in winter (21.4° at San Antonio, 14° at Santa Cruz, and 9.2° at Ushuaia). The low summer temperature does not allow cereals to ripen south of the Chubut. In the sub-Andean valleys the summer is comparatively warm (16° in January at Diez y seis de Octubre at a height of 1,800 feet), but there is severe frost, especially at the beginning of the winter, and no month of the year is quite free from it.

Rain is plentiful in the Cordillera, and on its western border: 800 millimetres at Junin, nearly two metres at San Martin (which the wet westerly winds reach by the gap of Lake Lacar), and nearly a metre at Bariloche, on Lake Nahuel Huapi. It diminishes rapidly, however, as soon as one leaves the mountainous region and goes further east over the tableland. The whole tableland has a rainfall of less than 200 millimetres (Las Lajas 180, Limay 150, San Antonio 180, Santa Cruz 135). It is only south of the Rio de Santa Cruz that the rainfall rises once more (Gallegos 400 millimetres, Ushuaia 500 millimetres). Hence Patagonia as a whole is, with the exception of a narrow belt at the foot of the Andes, a semi-arid region with a sub-desert climate. In the Patagonian Andes the rain falls, as on the coast of Chile, mainly in winter. Between Mendoza, which has the summer-rain feature of central and tropical Argentina, and Chosmalal, in the Neuquen Andes, the contrast is absolute. The summer months there (January and February) are dry, and the rain is confined to the winter months, from May to August. It is the same further south, at Bariloche and at Diez y seis de Octubre. On the Atlantic coast the winter-rain feature is less regular and uniform. At San Antonio the heaviest rains fall in autumn (April and May). There is a secondary maximum in August, and a few more showers in the spring (September and October). South of San Antonio the winter maximum, which is always marked, is cut by a short dry period (July and August at Camerones, June at Deseado and Santa Cruz).50 In the interior, on the other hand, the winter-rain system remains unchanged. The predominance of the precipitations of the cold season is of great importance to the breeders. As a rule, they come down in the form of snow, which melts slowly, and the small quantity of moisture is at least all absorbed in the soil. South of the Santa Cruz the humidity increases, but the rainy season alters. At Gallegos the wettest month is December; at Ushuaia, the rains last from September to March. The snow-season (May-August) is the dry season, and the snowfalls are not heavy enough to interfere with breeding.

The surface of the Patagonian tableland is very uneven, though it bears traces of having been much worn by the agencies of its desert climate, which seems to have lasted through the whole Tertiary Era. Going up the Rio Negro, one sees the grey sandstones and Tertiary tufas which form the cliffs, on both sides of the lower valley. They give place higher up to the variegated marls and red sandstones of the Cretaceous which form the tableland at the foot of the first Andean chains. The core of ancient granites and porphyries crops up at places from under the mantle of Cretaceous and Tertiary sandstones. The horizon of the peneplain passes from the Tertiary and Cretaceous tableland to level masses of crystalline rock, the contour of which has been almost entirely effaced. Volcanic eruptions have occurred until quite recent times, and so eruptive areas are the salient features of the tableland, at Añecon and at Somuncurra, south of the district of the Rio Negro, in the ridge on the left bank of the middle Senguerr, in the Chubut province. The basalts have spread out in sheets, the surface of which seems to have cooled not long ago. Basalt flows are found as far as northern Patagonia, south of Valcheta and Maquinchao; but their chief seat is in eastern Patagonia. They cover the inhospitable tablelands to the east of Lakes Buenos Aires and Pueyrredon. The Rio Chico and the Santa Cruz cross them for the upper two-thirds of their course, South of Coile and Gallegos they spread almost to the coast, and the Tertiary Pampas in this part are dominated by an archipelago of small volcanic cones.

The tableland is crossed from west to east by deep and broad valleys, enclosed between high cliffs, often strangled by ridges of basaltic or crystalline rock, and very little ramified. The ravines (cañadones), which make breaches in their cliffs on both sides, go only a little way into the sandstone Pampa or the lava tableland. Only a certain number of these valleys are occupied by important rivers (the Rio Negro and the Santa Cruz, for instance) which are born in the Andes, but receive little addition from the light rains of eastern Patagonia. Most of the valleys have only intermittent streams (Sheuen, Coile) or are altogether dry and sown with salt lakes (Deseado). The west wind is now the ruler of this network of fossil valleys. It carves their slopes, and brings into them sand, with which it makes dunes.

We must not confuse with these dead valleys the long depressions, with no outlet, which are scattered over the granite and sandstone tableland (bajos, valles, cuencas). Some have obstinately, but wrongly, sought in these the traces of rivers that have disappeared; and the bajos of Gualicho and Valcheta have wrongly been regarded as the former bed of the Rio Negro and the Limay. Erosion by wind seems to have had something to do with these depressions. Their persistence, at all events, is one of the effects of the aridity which prevents normal erosion from moulding the surface of the tableland. The chief of them are centres for collecting running water. There is a group of valleys all round them, and alluvial beds accumulate in them.

The climate determines the character of the soil in Patagonia. The rounded pebbles of granite and eruptive rock, so often described since the time of Darwin, sometimes free and sometimes embedded in red sand or limestone,51 are spread over the tableland like aureoles round the masses of rock, and they are particularly abundant in the coast region. On the Rio Negro they seem to be confined to the vicinity of the valley; they disappear as one goes away from it. The progressive reduction in the volume of the Rio Negro gravels, as one goes downward, has been observed to begin in the Andean zone, and it is from the Andes that they come. South of Santa Cruz, in a moister climate, in which the circulation of the water is less localized, the bed is more continuous, and it covers the Tertiary sandstones and clays. It is of fluvio-glacial origin, and comes from the destruction of the old moraines, before the excavation of the actual valleys. But it is the wind that explains the concentration of the gravel at the surface. It separates the pebbles from the more mobile material about them. Wherever the outcrop-strata contain pebbles, the wind eventually converts the place into a field of shingle. It has done this with the terraces of the Limay. The Tertiary marine deposits of the coast region also are rich in pebbles torn from the rocky promontories of the shore; hence the extent of stony soils in the coast region. The wind similarly strips naked the angular stones, of local origin and incompletely worn, round the isolated rocks of the desert tableland or on the flanks of the secondary ravines.

On the other hand, the bedding action of the wind creates deposits consisting of small and uniform elements from the sands of the dunes to the finest dust. The lightest particles, caught up repeatedly by the squalls and carried to a great height in the atmosphere, go beyond the Patagonian region and reach the bottom of the Atlantic or the plain of the Pampa. Some of this, however, is deposited in the depressions of the tableland, where the moisture fixes it and prevents the wind from regaining it. These æolian deposits in the depressions, a dark-grey clay, which hardens when it is dry, but is softened by water, form two entirely different kinds of soil. If the depression is closed in, or if the circulation of the water is too slight, there is a concentration of the mineral salts; this is the salitral, either naked or sustaining a halophytic vegetation, which the saline efflorescences cover with a white coat during the dry season. If on the other hand, the underground waters have a free course, the æolian clay forms the mallin. Bushes and fine grasses grow on it, and, as they decay, gradually give it a darker shade and modify its composition. The soil above the mallin is rich in organic elements. It covers the bottom of the valleys between low terraces, covered with faceted pebbles, and dominated by the vertical cliffs of tufa and lava. The contrast between the verdure of the mallin and the arid, dusty, yellow steppe of the tableland is one of the most characteristic features of Patagonian scenery. The area in which mallin has been formed coincides with the most humid districts in the vicinity of the Andes and round the higher hills. On the road that runs along the right bank of the Limay, at some distance from the river, on the surface of the tableland, the limit between the country of the salitrales and that of the mallinas passes between Tricaco and Chasico, a hundred miles south-east of Neuquen; it almost tallies with the curve of a 200 millimetres rainfall.52 Though the word mallin is not used at Santa Cruz, similar æolian soils are found in the western part of the tableland up to this latitude. Further south glacial deposits, clays with moraine-blocks, fill the valleys, and from Gallegos onward, cover the greater part of the tableland.

On the eruptive flows of recent date the rock is naked. The wind carries away the products of its decomposition, and the dust accumulates only in the fissures. Traffic is difficult, sometimes impossible.

Toward the west the tableland is separated from the Cordillera by a longitudinal depression, though the continuity of this has been exaggerated. This depression, which outlines the contact between the folded zone of the Andes and the flat zone of the tableland, is very important from the point of view of colonization. Just at the frontier of the steppe and the forest, it is the most hospitable part of Patagonia, the richest in natural resources. Amidst the glacial lacustrine deposits which are accumulated on it there rise masses of different kinds of rock which break it up into compartments, granitic ridges of laccolites exposed to view, eruptive structures that have been dismantled. In the south the sub-Andean depression forms a broad passage between Lake Maravilla and Puntá Arenas, about two hundred miles long, enclosed between the basalt cliffs of the tableland on the east and the mountains of the Brunswick Peninsula and William IV Land. The bottom of it is a singular glacial landscape, sown with lagoons, punctuated by scattered hills, with an impermeable soil of drift and mud. From Lake Argentina to Lake Buenos Aires the elevated tablelands, which rise to a height of 5,000 feet, back upon the Cordillera, and the sub-Andean depression is interrupted. Similarly, between Lake Buenos Aires and Lake General Paz the contour of the Patagonian tableland is not very marked above the sub-Andean zone. The glacial alluvia at the foot of the Cordillera rise to the level of the tableland, which sinks steadily eastward toward the Genua and the Senguerr. To the north, between Carrenleufu and Lake Nahuel Huapi, the retreat of the lakes has left long narrow beds right in the Cordillera, such as the Valle Nuevo del Bolson, the bed of which has been taken over by the Futaleufu west of the Cerro Situación. Further east the topographical features of the edge of the tableland (the valleys of the Chubut, Tecka, and Norquineo) lie from north to south. Hence within a space of little more than a hundred kilometres the sub-Andean zone has a series of parallel roads, communicating with each other by means of broad, transverse gaps, which at one time were occupied by the lower lobes of the glaciers. The sub-Andean depression does not go north of Lake Nahuel Huapi.

The morphological features of the Patagonian Andes begin at 36° S. lat.53 The edge of the Cordillera, in the Malargüe depression, below 35° S. lat., still presents the typical scenery of the central Andes. The dejection-cone of the Atuel resembles that of the Mendoza. The fringe of torrential deposits, distributed in cones over which the waters spread, is due to the rapidity of the disintegration of the rocks in a desert climate. Keidel has pointed out the part played by the summer rains in transporting mobile elements, which the water drops as soon as the slope diminishes; the amount of precipitation being too slight to permit the formation and spread over the plain of a regular network of streams. From the Rio Grande onward the dejection cones disappear. The streams tend to become permanent, and sink into narrow valleys. The summer rains cease, and the water produced by the melting of the snows has only a feeble capacity for transporting stuff. The soil of the Cordillera is protected by a denser vegetation. The first thickets of molle appear in the valleys, the first scattered cypresses on the slopes, at the Rio Agrio, a tributary of the Neuquen. Then the forest invades the mountain: at first, from 38° S. lat. to 39° 30′ S. lat., a resinous forest of araucarias. At length, at Lake Nahuel Huapi, the forest assumes the general appearance which it has as far as the Magellan region. It is chiefly made up of different kinds of beeches. The coihue (Notofagus dombeyi) is the most conspicuous for about three quarters of a mile, rising above an impenetrable undergrowth of bamboo. Higher up the domain of the lenga (Notofagus pumilio) extends as far as the fringe of the Alpine forests. The forest does not reach the eastern limit of the lakes. In the sub-Andean depression it is reduced to thickets of ñirre (Notofagus antarctica) and mayten and clumps of calafate (something like myrtles).

It is on the Alumine, about 39° S. lat., that we find traces of glacial erosion, as they spread over the landscape. At present there is no ice on the mountain except on the peaks of Lanin and Tronador, but from the Rio Puelo onward (42° S. lat.), glaciers clothe all the summits which rise above 6,500 feet. North of the Aisen they form a narrow, but almost continuous, line. From the Aisen to the Calen fiord, and beyond the gap of the fiord as far as 52° S. lat., the ice spreads in a considerable sheet which in some places attains a breadth of eighty miles. The tongues of the glaciers reach the Pacific below 46° S. lat., and Lake San Martin on the Argentine slope below 49° S. lat. In Tierra del Fuego the snow-line is at 2,300 feet, and the glaciers which the snows feed, reach as far as the fiords and Lake Fagnano.

Lake Carri Lauquen, on the Barrancas (36° 20′ S. lat.), which was almost entirely drained in 1914 through the breaking down of the natural dam of soft earth which confined its waters, is not a glacial lake.54 The chain of glacial lakes stretches from the Alumine to the Seno de la Ultima Esperanza, and is continued southward by Skyring Water, Otway Water, and Useless Bay—genuine lakes in communication with the Pacific by means of narrow channels. The lakes sometimes lie in a narrow and deep glacial valley, the bottom of which they fill; sometimes they branch out into the neighbouring valleys; at other times they advance eastward beyond the zone of the mountains and spread into round basins surrounded by circles of moraines. The largest of them include groups of ramified fiords, which represent their western half, while the eastern half spreads between lower banks.55

Pastoral colonization has now spread over almost the entire surface of Patagonia. The parts that are not yet occupied are of slight extent; they consist only of the most desolate regions in the south of the Rio Negro district and north of Santa Cruz. The expansion of white colonization began only about 1880. Until then the interior was abandoned to the indigenous tribes and was almost entirely unknown. The Atlantic coast alone had been explored. The travels of Villarino along the Rio Negro and the Limay as far as Lake Nahuel Huapi had left only a faded memory.56 North of the Rio Negro, Woodbine Parish (1859), making use of the notes left by Cruz, who had crossed the Andes and the Indian territory between Antuco and Melincue in 1806, was the first to publish definite information, to which no addition would be made during the next forty years.57

The settlements founded on the coast by the Spaniards at the close of the eighteenth century (S. José and P. Deseado) were ephemeral. Only one of them maintained an obscure existence, Carmen de Patagones, some miles above the mouth of the Rio Negro. One of its chief resources was the export of salt. Expeditions for this purpose began on the Patagonian coast about the middle of the eighteenth century (Journey from San Martin to Puerto San Julian about 1753, Coll. de Angelis, V). After the revolution, Buenos Aires finally abandoned these costly expeditions by land to the salt districts of the Pampa, and was supplied with salt by schooners from Carmen. During the war with Brazil and the blockade of the Rio de la Plata, Carmen, protected by the bar of the Rio Negro, and the Bay of San Blas were the harbours in which Argentine, English and French privateers concealed their prizes and did their repairs after the storms of the Gulf of Santa Catarina. D'Orbigny visited Carmen during this period of equivocal prosperity. One of the most curious effects of the hospitality offered to the privateers was the unloading upon the Patagonian coast of blacks, intended for Brazil, who were taken from the slave-traders. Thus an unforeseen eddy brought to the south of the Pampean region part of the current of the slave-trade intended for the sugar-cane plantations in tropical America. A number of the Carmen ranches had coloured workers at this time.

Breeding, in fact, was just beginning to spread in the neighbourhood of Carmen at the time. The cattle had been brought by land from Buenos Aires, and had multiplied along the coast and the river above Carmen. South of Carmen, at San José, the cattle had run wild after the fort was abandoned. The Carmen herds were estimated, before the revolution, at 40,000 head. They disappeared during the revolutionary period, but were reconstituted immediately afterwards, and even during the war with Brazil there was an active export of hides and salt beef. Carmen profited mainly by trade with the Indians. It lived in terror of them, and had garrisons to give the alarm on the routes by which they could approach. But this state of chronic warfare did not prevent trade. Near Carmen there was a group of peaceful Indians who served as intermediaries with the tribes of the interior, who were jealous and hostile. Guides and interpreters were found in this colony, and through it came the first news of the interior. The traffic with the Indians continued for a long time to be of great use to the colonists. In 1865 the Welsh colony established on the Chubut, which had many difficulties at first, was saved from complete disaster by its trade with the Indians.

The indigenous population comprised two groups: the Tehuelches, or Patagonians proper, men of tall stature, and the Araucans, the Ranqueles, the Pehuenches and the Pampas. There was no fixed geographical limit between them. The Tehuelches lived in southern Patagonia; but the Araucans advanced eastward as far as the Pampas region and southward beyond the Chubut. The Indian population of the valley of the Genua and the Sanguerr, south of the colony of San Martin, comprised in 1880,58 and still comprises,59 a mixture of Araucans and Tehuelches. The Araucans were acquainted with agriculture, but, once they had tamed the horse, they became mainly a pastoral and hunting people, like the Tehuelches.

In so far as they were hunters, the Indians of Patagonia were nomadic. The taming of the horse only made it easier for them to shift from place to place, and gave them a greater range. Their nomadism has too often been regarded as an aimless wandering. They had laws, settled by the physical conditions; and we can gather a few of these. They kept away from the coastal districts except in winter; that is the season when the rains provide water-courses there. It has been observed that names of Indian origin are lacking on the coast of Patagonia. The Spanish navigators who landed there during the summer found the country deserted and the camps abandoned. On the other hand, the share of the Indians in giving names is very considerable in the interior, as far as the foot of the Andes. During the summer the Indians approached the mountains, where they found good hunting grounds. In particular they chased the young guanacos in the breeding season, December and January. Popper has indicated similar migrations amongst the Onas of Patagonia; they approach the coast in winter, and leave it in summer, to hunt in the interior.60 The district of Lake Nahuel Huapi and Collon Cura had some attraction from afar. The forest of araucarias produced seeds (pinones) which the Indians went to gather; and they also liked the wild apples which ripened on the former estates of the old Jesuit missions. The clusters of bamboo on the Cordillera provided the lances of the Aucas and Tehuelches.

Lake Nahuel Huapi is the first stage of the busiest of the routes used by the Indians. It came from the lower Santa Cruz, went up the Rio Chico, and from there northward followed the foot of the Cordillera. D'Orbigny was told about it: "All the Indians who live near the Andes go along the eastern foot of the mountains in their journeys, because they find water there, whereas they would find none if they went by the coast; in that way they travel from the Straits of Magellan to the Rio Negro." The Indian track only left the sub-Andean depression between the Rio Chico and Lake Buenos Aires, in the district where the high basalt mesetias extend as far as the Cordillera, and on the Pampa of the Sanguerr.

From Lake Nahuel Huapi the Indians of the south descended the Limay and the Rio Negro, and reached the island of Choele Choel, some 230 miles above Carmen, where they met the Aucas and Puelches. There they exchanged their guanacos hides for woollen fabrics made by the Aucas. Choele Choel was the only large, purely indigenous market; the whites never visited it. Geographical reasons fixed the site of this market of the nomads. In the latitude of Choele Choel the Rio Negro approaches the Colorado and the archipelago of the Sierras of the southern Pampa, which mark so many stages on the routes from the Pampa to the Andes. To the south the coast-route, less exposed to snow than the sub-Andean track, began from Choele Choel. The Indians followed this to reach the Gulf of San Jorge and the Santa Cruz in winter, during the rainy season. Darwin notes the importance of the site and the ford of Choele Choel. Villarino had suspected it, and had, as early as 1782, pleaded for the building of a fort there. By holding this point, he said, they could prevent the tribes from attacking Buenos Aires, or from approaching the Patagonian coast in the district of San José.61

As far back as we can go, the life of the Indians seems to have been deeply influenced by their relations with the whites. The Aucas brought to Choele Choel, not only the products of their industry, but also objects stolen or bought from the Christians on the Pampa. The report of Musters, who followed a Tehuelche tribe from Santa Cruz to the country of the Manzanas ("land of apples"), shows clearly that the attraction of the Nahuel Huapi region for the Indians was less due to its natural resources than to the presence of the Chilean settlements at Valdivia, from which came across the passes of the Cordillera certain quantities of brandy.

The Indian never took to cattle-breeding. His herd never consisted of more than mares and a few sheep. But trade in stolen cattle quickly became the chief occupation of the tribes. It would, however, be a mistake to imagine that the thievish Indian was merely and always a dreaded enemy of the ranches of Carmen. They sometimes had recourse to his services and profited by his misdeeds. After the Revolution, it was the Indians who helped to fill once more the ranches of the Rio Negro, bringing runaway cattle which had remained in the San José district. Later, Carmen bought the cattle stolen by the Indians at Buenos Aires. From 1823 to 1826 the number of the cattle sold by the Indians to the colonists on the Rio Negro is estimated at 40,000. Hence the breeders of Carmen had, as regards the Indians, alternate periods of armed conflict and complicity.

But Chile was always the great market for stolen cattle. Raids (malones) and the crossing of the Cordillera by convoys began in the eighteenth century, and continued throughout the nineteenth, until 1880, when the consolidation of Argentine authority on the eastern side gave a more regular form to the cattle-trade. The convoys came to a halt at Antuco and Chillan from which the Chilean buyers sometimes accompanied the Indian tribes as far as the tolderias on the edge of the Pampa. The trade in stolen cattle made use of all the passes of the Cordillera, from the Planchon pass below 35° S. lat., which Roca had covered in 1877 by the fortress of Alamito, to the source of the Bio Bio. The one most used was the Pichachen or the Antuco pass. On the tableland the cattle-tracks formed a regular network with innumerable strands, spreading over a width of about two hundred miles. The most northern route started east of the Poitague district and, after fording the Salado and the Atuel, and passing the aguadas of Cochico and Ranquilco, entered the Cordillera at the bend of the Rio Grande. Another track ascended the Colorado and then reached the high valley of Neuquen. A third crossed from the Colorado to the Rio Negro, and, above the confluence of the Limay, to the Rio Agrio or the Alumine.

The first exact information about the range of the Patagonian Indians is supplied by a group of bold travellers who followed their tracks from 1870 to 1880: Musters, Moreno, Moyano, Ramon Lista, etc. Their discoveries had already outlined the geographical survey of Patagonia when the campaign of 1879-1883 opened it to colonization.

The story of white colonization since 1880 shows us several distinct streams of population. The first, starting from the region of the Pampa, went from north to south along the Atlantic coast, and gradually extended its sphere toward the interior. The breeders used the sea-route, the ancient Indian track with recognized sources of water, to convey their first herds. In 1884, the only spot inhabited on the coast between the Rio Negro and the Deseado was the Welsh colony on the Chubut. In 1886 Fontana reports ranches in the Puntá Delfin district, south of the Chubut.62 About 1890 the whole district round the Gulf of San Jorge was occupied; and a little later the stream from the north met the stream from the south about San Julian and Santa Cruz. The expansion of colonization was less rapid in the interior. Ambrosetti tells us of the establishment of the first ranches round the Sierra de Lihuel Calel in 1893,63 and at the same time Siemiradzki still found few traces of colonization on the Colorado.64

The second stream of colonization came from the Magellan region. It started in Chilean territory, about Puntá Arenas. It was about 1878 that sheep-breeding spread round Puntá Arenas, and between 1885 and 1892 was the most rapid growth of the ranches of the Magellan district. North of the Straits they occupied the lowlands round Skyring Water and Otway Water, then the plateau south of Gallegos. They spread along the Atlantic as far as the Santa Cruz. In 1896 the limit of the sheep-region was on the Santa Cruz about forty miles from the coast.65 To the west, Puerto Consuelo was founded in 1892, and in 1896 colonization came up against the mountain barrier which the Cerro Payen and the basalt tableland of the Cerro Vizcachas interpose between Lake Argentine and Ultima Esperanza fiord.

The spheres of primitive colonization in southern Patagonia on the coast still differ from each other in regard to density of population. But breeders in search of unoccupied land have not hesitated to push beyond. In 1895 and 1900 they passed west of the Gulf of San Jorge toward the basin of the Sanguerr and the Genua, (establishment of the Sarmiento colony, south of Colhuapi, 1897: establishment of San Martin on the Genua 1900). Since 1900 the population has also advanced up the Santa Cruz and the Rio Chico as far as the zone of the Andes, and the lagoon which still existed twenty years ago, between the district of the Sanguerr and that of Lake Argentino, and is easily recognized on the maps of the Frontier Commission, has been almost entirely filled up.

The story of colonization in the northern part of the Patagonian Andes is more complicated. Immediately after the campaign of 1883 the valleys of the Neuquen were invaded by Chilean immigrants, half-breeds of the frontier, who cannot always be easily distinguished from pure Araucans. A certain number of Chilotes, and even Germans from the southern colonies of Chile, were mixed with the half-breeds. This stream of immigration had begun before the conquest. As early as 1881 Host notices that there are at Chosmalal various families of Chilean farmers who held their lands from the Indian cacique. During the summer they took care of the migratory herds from the Chilean plain. Once the country was pacified, they grew rapidly in number. It was they who provided the manual labour for the placer miners of the Neuquen, where gold began to be worked in 1890. The area of Chilean colonization extends from the Rio Atuel, where Villanueva found Chilean immigrants in 1884, to the south of Lake Nahuel Huapi, where Chileans were still met by Vallentin in 1906, on the Rio Pico, close to 44° S. lat.66 South of Nahuel Huapi there is no regularly used route across the Cordillera.67 The Chilean colonists of the southern zone came from the north, therefore, along the eastern foot of the Andes. Bailey Willis calculated that there were 2,000 Chileans in a total population of 3,500 in the sub-Andean area from Nahuel Huapi to Diez y seis de Octubre. The total number of Chilean immigrants may be about 20,000. It is not on the increase, as immigration from Chile was suspended from 1890 to 1895. Since the reconstruction of the frontier the Chilean Government has tried to bring back part of the emigrants to its own territory. Many have gone to settle in the valley of the Lonquimay. In 1896 Moreno saw traces everywhere in the valley of the Collon Cura of the departure of Chilean colonists who had left the country.

At first it was only the Argentinians of the western provinces, San Juan and Mendoza, who vied with the Chileans for the soil. It is they whom Furque found in 1888 at Roca, on the Rio Negro. But beginning with 1890-95, immigrants of various nationalities have settled on the Neuquen and the Negro.68 Foreign capitalists organized their first ranches there. In 1888, on the other hand, the Welsh of the lower Chubut, led by Indian guides, went from the coast to the sub-Andean region, and settled in the valley of Diez y seis de Octubre. Between 1895 and 1900 the neighbouring valleys began to be inhabited, and the colonization areas of Nahuel Huapi and the Sanguerr came into contact.69

The most striking feature of colonization in Patagonia is the very low density of population. The Census of 1914 gives 81,000 inhabitants altogether for the territories of the Rio Negro, the Neuquen, the Chubut, the Santa Cruz, and Tierra del Fuego. A well-kept ranch of 25,000 square kilometres has only a staff of about a hundred men at the most, counting strangers, settled on its land; three hundred inhabitants, or scarcely more than one to ten square kilometres. This population falls into two distinct classes. One is the class of proprietors with regular titles: a rooted and stable class. At first the Government granted enormous concessions, which were taken up especially by English buyers, but it now seeks to break up the land, and the plots which it puts on the market for new pastoral colonies have not more than 625 hectares. This is too small for breeding, no matter how good the situation may be, and there will inevitably be, one would think, a concentration of estates in the hands of a few proprietors. The other part of the population occupy lands which they do not own. They are displaced steadily as the regular concessions are sold to new ranches. They live, so to say, on the margin of colonization, and are more and more restricted to the poorest lands. Sometimes these intrusos or pobladores get hospitality for their herds on the land of some ranch in return for their services. They have little capital, and never make material improvements. They take no care to nurse the pasture, and it matters little to them if it is impoverished.

The climate divides Patagonia into two distinct regions. In the west, the moist Andean zone is suitable for cattle-breeding. About 1870 the Chileans of Valdivia hunted wild cattle in the Nahuel Huapi district. Similarly the Frontier Commission met large herds of wild cattle on the shores of Lake San Martin, which were not yet occupied. Sheep do not get on well in the moist zone, where the rains have washed out the soil and carried away the salts which seem to be indispensable to the sheep. It is the arid tableland that is the land of the sheep. There it has displaced cattle, even in the area which the early breeders at the end of the eighteenth century had filled with cattle. Between the sheep-area and the cattle-area is a mixed region, where the two are combined. It extends more or less according as the transition from a moist to a desert climate is gradual or sudden. It is especially important in the districts where colonization is already old, as in the Fuegian and Neuquen regions. It is lacking in districts where the colonization is recent (Chubut and Santa Cruz), where the sheep-breeders have had a free run as far as the Andes. The ranches of the Cordillera, which specialize in cattle-breeding, all have small flocks of sheep for their own use, their staff being so small that it does not pay to kill the cattle.

The sheep-area is by far the more extensive of the two. The patches of agricultural colonization are very scattered and small on its surface. They are restricted to the river-oases of the Rio Negro and the Chubut. These small tilled districts have preserved a remarkable economic independence as regards the pastoral zone, in which they seem lost. Thus the farmers on the Chubut exported their wheat to Buenos Aires until about 1900, and they still send their bales of dry lucerne there. Some of the ranches have tilled small oases in suitable places, but these are merely intended to increase their stores of fodder; not for their flock of sheep, but for the saddle-horses used in watching the estate and the draught-horses used for transport.

The pastoral capacity of the Patagonian scrub is, on the average, from 800 to 1,200 head of sheep to 25 square kilometres: less than a tenth that of the prairies of the eastern Pampa. The ranch fixes its residence in the best part of the estate, where there is least fear of a shortage of water, and where pasture is most plentiful. To this the sheep are brought periodically to receive disinfecting baths against the scab, and for shearing. These incessant movements toward the centre of the ranch cause an almost permanent strain on the pasture, and this is one of the chief anxieties of the breeder. The area of the estate is divided as soon as possible into sections (potreros) by steel-wire fences, which enables them to watch over the reproduction and improvement of the flock and make the best use of the pasture. Fencing is more advanced near the Cordillera, as timber for the posts is found there.

Certain districts are still uninhabited on account of the lack of water. Some of the sources of water are permanent. The water issues at the base of the volcanic rocks, when the underlying rock is impermeable, and above the various levels of the marl in the Patagonian swamps; for instance, in the cañadones round the Gulf of San Jorge. Besides this, the rain and melting snow leave on the surface of the tableland a great number of pools, which evaporate in the dry season. These are temporary supplies, the manantiales, to which the breeders are reduced over large areas of the tableland. Most of the stagnant sheets of water which are permanent are saline. The proportion of salt in them is very variable, and changes in each case according to the cycle of dry and wet years. The water of the Carilaufquen was fresh in 1900, and in 1914 it had become brackish, though it could still be used for the flocks.

Finding permanent sources of water is the first concern of the breeder. In some districts he has succeeded in tapping sheets of fresh water by means of wells. There are none of these wells in the crystalline zones, the closed hollows, where the sheets of water are often large, but they are always saline. Neither are there any in the red sandstone district, the dryest of all. In the western region the wells are sunk in the arid valleys, along the track of the underground stream. Thus the Picun Leufu, the visible course of which is lost seventeen miles above its confluence with the Limay, may be traced by a continuous line of wells. It is especially in the coastal districts that the wells have transformed the conditions of breeding. Water was first discovered at the foot of the dunes, along the coast itself (district of Viedma, San José, etc.). Since then deep borings have been made over the whole of the Tertiary platform on both sides of the lower part of the Rio Negro, north of San Antonio. There every ranch has its sheet-iron tank, sheltered by a clump of tamarinds, with a windmill to fill it.

All pastures are not equally available in every season. Those which are at a height of more thatthan 4,000 feet in the north, and 2,300 to 2,600 feet in the south, are covered in winter with a thick mantle of snow. These are summer pastures. During the winter the animals are brought down to the principal valleys or to sheltered cañadones below the level of the tableland. The mallin is, as a rule, a winter pasture. When it is too wet, however, it is treacherous, and the animals are buried in it. They have to wait for fine weather before going into it. The pastures, too, which have no permanent water supply, or have only manantiales, which dry up at the beginning of summer, can only be used during the winter. Hence each ranch has to have, besides its assured water supply, a suitable combination of summer and winter pasturage, and it is far from certain that this will be found on every estate, cut up geometrically for colonization, as they were, by the administration of lands.