1192. E.g. B 130 in B.M.
1193. B.M. B 426.
1194. E.g. B 193–205 in B.M.
1195. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 76, fig. 139.
1200. General reference may here be made to Klein’s Lieblingsinschriften, 2nd edn.
1201. See id., Meistersignaturen, 2nd edn., for full details.
1202. See also table at end of Chapter XVII., and Klein, Meistersig.2 p. 32 ff. The principal examples of signed vases are illustrated in the Wiener Vorlegeblätter, 1888–91.
1203. A unique exception is the early Attic potter Oikopheles, who uses the word ἐκεράμευσε (Oxford 189 = Ashmolean Vases, pl. 26).
1204. Ath. Mitth. 1889, pl. 1.
1205. Wiener Vorl. 1889, pl. 5, 1.
1206. Reinach, ii. 120.
1208. Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 6, fig. 1.
1209. Cf. Ar. Ran. 1400: Βέβληκ’ Ἀχιλλεύς δύο κύβω καὶ τέτταρα.
1210. Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 5, fig. 3.
1211. Adamek Unsignierte Vasen des A., p. 13 ff.) notes the use of fringed draperies as especially characteristic of Amasis. By this means he is enabled to trace several other vases to his hand.
1212. J.H.S. xix. p. 143.
1213. Cf. A 1532 from Naukratis in B.M.
1214. Loeschcke and Karo connect him with Samos, J.H.S. xix. p. 143.
1215. See on Amasis, Klein, Meisters. p. 43; Adamek, Unsignierte Vasen d. A. (Prager Studien, Heft v.); Karo, in J.H.S. xix. p. 135 ff.; Loeschcke in Pauly-Wissowa’s Lexikon, s.v. Other vases signed by Amasis are: Reinach, i. 359, 1 and 453, 3; Boston Mus. Report, 1903, No. 45 (fragment of cup with eyes); Würzburg, iii. 384; and one mentioned in Jahrbuch, 1896, p. 178, note 1. Unsigned vases attributed to him by Adamek, Karo, and other writers are B.M. B 53, B 151, B 197; Louvre F 25, F 26, F 28, F 36; Berlin 1688–92, 1731; Munich 75 and 81; Adamek, op. cit. pls. 1, 2 (Berlin); Mus. Greg. ii. 3; J.H.S. xix. pl. 5 (Würzburg); Reinach, i. 513, 1–5 (Athens); and two others mentioned J.H.S. xix. p. 139, Nos. 11, 12.
1216. Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 4, fig. 2. But see also Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1896, pls. 6–7, p. 372.
1217. Klein, Meistersig. p. 72 ff., reckons seventeen, to which number two or three must be added.
1218. Klein, op. cit. p. 81, No. 13.
1219. For a recently-discovered kylix painted by Sakonides, with Kaulos (?) as potter, see Notizie degli Scavi, 1903, p. 34.
1220. See Arch. Zeit. 1885, p. 189·
1221. Most of his vases are illustrated in the Wiener Vorlegeblätter for 1890–91.
1222. See Loeschcke in Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 35. He may have imitated Etruscan bronze jugs, which were now being imported. The Berlin vase (Fig. 136, Chapter XV.) seems to be an imitation of the early Cyprio-Phoenician metal bowls (ibid.).
1223. E.g. B.M. B 364.
1224. Loeschcke (Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 36) has pointed out that these are the most archaic examples of the Attic white-ground vases.
1226. Perhaps the nearest analogy is the “counterchanging” of heraldry.
1227. Burlington Fine Arts Club Cat. 1888, No. 108; 1903, No. 21, p. 102.
1228. See on the curious technique of this design Ath. Mitth. 1879, p. 290, note 4.
1229. Jahrbuch, 1889, pl. 4.
1230. Note especially the treatment of the large eyes in either case.
1231. See on all these vases Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, p. 1 ff.; also Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenm. p. 15 ff., and Jahreshefte, 1900, p. 69.
1232. On his technique see Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 157, and Furtwaengler and Reichhold, op. cit. p. 19 ff.
1233. Op. cit. p. 17.
1234. A third example is given in Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, pp. 40–41 (with warriors playing dice).
1235. The other examples are Munich 373, 375; Louvre F 204; a vase in Bologna (Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, pp. 18, 19); and one in Würzburg.
1236. J.H.S. xix. p. 147 ff. See also B.M. B 149–53; Gsell, Fouilles de Vulci, pls. 7–8, p. 502.
1237. E.g. B.M. B 149, 157.
1238. See generally C. Smith in Brit. School Annual, 1896–97, p. 187 ff.; and for a bibliography, Urlichs, Beiträge, p. 33.
1239. Inscr. Gr. ii. (Atticae) pt. 2, No. 965.
1240. It is not likely that all of those given as prizes were painted. On the other hand, the number of the amphorae may denote the number of measures of oil given, the painted vases being, like modern silver cups, symbolical and honorific (C. Smith, loc. cit.).
1242. A fourth-century fragment at Athens has the name of the agonothetes instead of the archon: ἀγωνο]θετοῦ(ν)το[ς τοῦ δεῖνος. See Brit. School Annual, 1896–97, pl. 16 (b).
1243. J.H.S. xviii. p. 300.
1244. Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 176, notes the absence of all the usual B.F. patterns. The ivy-wreaths represent an old Boeotian tradition.
1245. See Ath. Mitth. 1888, pls. 9–12; J.H.S. xiii. pl. 4, p. 77 ff.; B.M. B 77–8.
1246. Six (see next note) quotes the Berlin vase, 1843 = Él. Cér. iv. 18, in illustration of this.
1247. Gaz. Arch. 1888, pp. 193 ff., 281 ff.
1248. E.g. B.M. B 691, 700.
1249. Cf. Mus. Ital. ii. pl. 3 = De Witte, Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert, pl. 3.
1250. Cf. B.M. B 693.
1251. Six, op. cit. pl. 29, fig. 9.
1252. His chief source was Xenokrates of Sikyon, about 280 B.C.: see Jex-Blake and Sellers, Pliny’s Chapters on Greek Art, p. xxviii; Münzer in Hermes, xxx. (1895), p. 499 ff.; id., Beitr. zur Quellenkritik der Naturgeschichte des Plinius (1897).
1253. H.N. xxxv. 15: see ibid. 56.
1254. Probably an inhabitant of Naukratis, and connected with the Ionian school of painting. See Smith, Dict. Antiqs.3 ii. p. 401; Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 582.
1255. As opposed to mere silhouettes, e.g. of the Dipylon vases. Some writers take the words (spargentes lineas intus) to refer to ground-ornaments (see above, p. 312).
1256. On the possible connection of Ekphantos with Melos, see above, p. 312. Studniczka’s argument rests partly on the early use of red on the Melian vases. In reference to the use of the word γρόφων in the Melian inscription, he thinks that the column supported a votive painted pinax or vase. For testa trita see Blümner, Technologie, iv. p. 478 ff.
1257. The earliest vase-painting with this subject is one from Athens (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.) 1886, pl. 8, fig. 1). See Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 153.
1258. See Jex-Blake and Sellers, op. cit. p. xxix.
1259. These artists represent the Dorian and Continental school, as opposed to the polychrome Ionian (see Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 584).
1260. It has, however, been suggested (Jex-Blake and Sellers, p. 101) that figuras, the word used by Pliny, denotes “positions” rather than “subjects.” But this would seem more appropriate to Kimon (see below).
1261. As Studniczka maintains (Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 152): see also Hartwig, Meistersch. p. 154.
1262. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1887, pl. 6.
1263. Athenag. Leg. pro Christo, 17, 293 (ed. Migne).
1264. H.N. xxxv. 56.
1265. Even full face is exceptional on the earlier R.F. vases. Cf. B.M. E 67, 74, and Hartwig, pl. 59, fig. 2.
1266. He is perhaps mentioned by Simonides of Keos (Overbeck, Schriftquellen, 379).
1267. Studniczka says that catagrapha is a scientific term = “projection of a figure.” Cf. Stephanus, Thesaurus, s.v., and Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1850, p. 138.
1268. Lit. “released from milk and swaddling-clothes” (Var. Hist. viii. 8).
Origin of red-figure style—Date of introduction—Καλός-names and historical personages—Technical characteristics—Draughtsmanship—Shapes—Ornamentation—Subjects and types—Subdivisions of style—Severe period and artists—Strong period—Euphronios—Duris, Hieron, and Brygos—Fine period—Influence of Polygnotos—Later fine period—Boeotian local fabric.
At first sight the sudden reversal of technical method involved in the change from black figures on red ground to red figures on black ground is not easy to explain. That it was a new invention, not a development from the old style, is obvious, seeing that no intermediate stage is possible. The theory has been promulgated by a German writer[1269] that the idea arose from the effect of the Gorgoneion painted on the inside of many late B.F. kylikes. Undoubtedly the effect is that of the R.F. style, the face itself being left red, surrounded by black hair, beyond which the black is continued over the whole surface of the interior.[1270] But this theory has not really much to support it; the Gorgoneion is in the R.F. technique, and did not therefore suggest it; and the earliest R.F. kylikes usually have B.F. interiors, not R.F. It is exceedingly doubtful that the kylikes had anything to do with bringing about the change.
Much more probable is the suggestion that the class of vases with opaque figures on black ground (p. 393) represents the transition, if transition it can be called.[1271] We have seen that some of these correspond more to the B.F. vases, others to the R.F., and that in many cases their appearance is that of R.F. vases. It may easily be conceived that it occurred to the painter that it was more effective to let the red clay of the background appear through the black wherever he would place a figure than to paint the red on to the black. But these vases are few in number; and as the R.F. vases sprang at once into great popularity, the new invention must have become too general at the very first to have been adopted from such a comparatively rare method. There is also a greater tendency to naturalism in that class than in the earlier R.F. vases. The fact is that there had been going on throughout the course of early art a tendency (to which B.F. vase-painting forms an exception) in favour of drawing figures on a light ground against a dark background. And even in the B.F. vases this tendency is not altogether absent, as seen in the attempts at lightening the figures by making them polychrome, i.e. with purple and white, and also by the practice of covering the rest of the vase entirely with black.
Now, we have already seen that Andokides was a painter who liked to combine the two methods on one vase, and also that he was one who invariably adopted the completely black variety of amphora, for B.F. painting as well as R.F. His Louvre vase with the women swimming is clearly one of the earliest R.F. examples in existence. It is therefore much more likely that he represents for us the author of the new method than Epiktetos or the other artists who painted “mixed” kylikes or who used both styles. On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that it was really in the kylikes that the new style rose into popularity.[1272]
Next to the question of how the new style was brought about comes that of when it arose, and the length of its duration at Athens. The chronology of R.F. vases rests on two considerations—the inscriptions on the vases themselves, and the evidence of history and excavations. Until within the last twenty years it had been customary to regard the year 480 B.C. as the line of demarcation between the two methods, and the earliest date for R.F. vases. Yet as long ago as 1834 Ludwig Ross, finding a fragment of R.F. pottery among the debris of the Persian sack of the Acropolis, acutely deduced therefrom that this style must necessarily have been in existence before the date of the sack, i.e. before 480 B.C. His views, however, fell on deaf ears, and it was not until the scientific exploration of the Acropolis in 1885–89 that his deduction was seen to be justified. The result of these excavations was to show that among the mass of pottery found in the pre-Persian stratum a considerable quantity belonged to a comparatively advanced stage of R.F. painting, including signatures of artists of the archaic and severe style down to Euphronios. Some writers have thought that these fragments may belong to the period between 480 and 460, when the rebuilding of the site was begun; but so many show traces of burning that it is far more probable that the earlier date is correct.[1273] Allowing, then, for the necessary stages of development up to the time of Euphronios, the beginning of the style may be placed about 525–520 B.C., the date at which, as we have seen, Andokides may be placed. Besides his name (see above, p. 387) that of Euphronios “the potter” was also found on a base in the Acropolis excavations.[1274] The other limit of date will be more conveniently discussed in a subsequent connection, and it may suffice to say here that the gradual pushing back of the terminus post quem points now to a much earlier terminus ante quem than was formerly supposed. Reasons will subsequently appear for placing the termination of the red-figure fabrics at Athens in the closing years of the Peloponnesian War (410–400 B.C.).
The evidence afforded by inscriptions is necessarily affected in some degree by that of excavations, and chiefly important for the relative dates of the vases. It is not palaeographical, but is afforded mainly by one class of inscriptions, that of the καλός-names, so far as they have an historical significance. These names will be the subject of discussion elsewhere,[1275] and are only alluded to here for their connection with the question of chronology. It is a well-known feature of these καλός-names that many are those of famous historical personages, such as Alkibiades, Megakles, Miltiades, and Hipparchos.[1276] But, on the other hand, any attempts to connect the vases with the historical bearers of the names have met with little success; there is also the danger of arguing in a circle—e.g. of saying that because Miltiades’ name appears on a vase, it is therefore to be dated in his youth, and because the vase belongs to the date when Miltiades was young, therefore it bears the name of that individual.
Where the importance of these names really comes in is in their relation to particular artists or groups of artists. In this way, as Klein and Hartwig have shown, connecting-links between the artists can be traced and their chronological sequence assured. This, taken in conjunction with questions of style and our fixed dates obtained from other sources, enables us to extract a fair working chronology from all the data. The subject must, however, be dealt with in greater detail when considering the work of individual artists, and only a few general statements can be laid down here.
Many of the historical καλός-names, such as Hipparchos or Glaukon, were probably very common at Athens,[1277] and we have therefore no grounds for attaching importance to their appearance. But in regard to the great painter Euphronios, whose date is fairly certain, it is important to note that two different names are connected with vases in his earlier and later manner respectively, viz. Leagros[1278] and Glaukon. Euphronios began his career about 500–490 B.C., and it probably covered some forty years, from about 495 to 455. Hence we may place the time of Leagros’ youth about 495–490, that of Glaukon about 465–460, and it is remarkable that the latter appears as “son of Leagros” in one or two cases.[1279] Now, we know that there was an Athenian general Leagros who was στρατηγός in 467, and fell in battle against the Edones in that year. Also that he had a son, Glaukon, who commanded at Kerkyra in 433–432. In this case the historical data fit in so exactly with the evidence of the vases and of the Acropolis excavations[1280] that we need hardly hesitate to accept the identity of these two names.
It has been assumed—and the assumption has hardly been questioned—that the καλός-names are necessarily always those of youths, i.e. of about seventeen to twenty years of age; this view is supported both by the general character of the subjects on the vases where they appear, and by the frequent use of the analogous formula ὁ παῖς καλός. Dr. Hartwig has laid down certain conclusions in regard to these names which have met with general acceptance, and may be briefly restated here by way of summarising the subject.
(1) All vases with the same καλός-name are limited to a period of ten years, and consequently all those which are by one artist belong to a definite circumscribed period of his life.
(2) All vases by different artists, but with the same καλός-name, are approximately contemporaneous, i.e. within ten years.
(3) The appearance of two or more καλός-names on the same vase indicates the approximate similarity of age of the persons named, the greatest possible difference being ten years.
(4) All vases with the same καλός-name, whether by one artist or more, can always be linked together by their style; the same name does not appear on a man’s earliest and latest vases.
He further impresses the caution that the identity and position of the παῖδες καλοί (i.e. whether or no they belonged to the aristocratic class) is a secondary question compared with that of the development of painting which they help to elucidate.
The question of fabric is one that hardly needs discussion, the evidence pointing so unanimously to Athens in all cases. The apparent exceptions suggested by classes of vases found almost exclusively on one site, like the “Nolan” amphorae or the Gela lekythi, can easily be shown to be no real exceptions. We have already met more than once with instances of particular fabrics being favoured by particular places; and just as Ionian vases were imported to Caere or Vulci, and a special class of Attic B.F. vases made for Cyprus, so we may suppose that certain Athenian makers had a monopoly of export to Nola, to Gela, or elsewhere. Otherwise similarity of style, of technique, of subject, of the alphabet of inscriptions, and all other details point to a purely homogeneous fabric, and that this was located in Athens itself is not a matter to be seriously disputed. To this complete monopoly which Athens enjoyed in the fifth century only one exception can be traced, that of Boeotia, where local fabrics continued to be made at Thebes and Tanagra. Of these one class has already been discussed (p. 391); the other will be treated of subsequently (p. 451).
We must next consider briefly the technical characteristics and the forms of the Attic R.F. vases. As regards the former, the method pursued during the period under consideration may be summarised as follows. The artist sketches his design on the red clay with a fine-pointed tool; he then surrounds this outline with black varnish, laid on with a pen or brush,[1281] to the extent of about an eighth of an inch all round, this being done to prevent the varnish, when laid on over the rest of the ground, from running over into any part of the design. Finally, details such as features or folds of drapery are added with a brush in black lines on the red, this process representing the incised lines of the old style; and further details are often expressed either in a thinned black pigment which becomes brown and is sometimes only perceptible in a strong light, or by application of white and purple as in the last period. In the severe style purple is generally used; but at a later stage this colour was dropped, and finally replaced by white. The accessory colours were chiefly used for fillets in the hair, liquids, flowers, and other small details, as well as for inscriptions. Thus we see that the technical process of the preceding method is exactly reversed and that the figures now stand out in the natural colour of the clay against the black ground.
The advantages of the new method were obvious. As long as the vase-painters continued content with stiff and hieratic forms and mere silhouettes the black figures were sufficient. The careful mapping-out of the hair and muscles, the decorations, and all the details of shadow in painting and of unequal surface in sculpture could be easily expressed by the new method. But it is evident that these stiff lines were quite inadequate to express those softer contours, which melted, as it were, into one another, and marked the more refined grace and freedom of the rapidly advancing schools of sculpture and painting. By the change of colour of the figures to the lucid red or orange of the background, the artist was enabled to draw lines of a tone or tint scarcely darker than the clay itself, but still sufficient to express all the finer anatomical details; while the more important outlines still continued to be marked with fine black lines. At first the style is essentially the same, the forms precise, the eyes in profile, the attitudes rigid, and the draperies rectilinear. The backgrounds may have been painted in by an ordinary workman, and some specimens exist in which it has never been laid on (cf. p. 222). The artists seem to have worked from slight sketches, and according to their individual feelings and ideas, and as duplicate designs are quite unknown, there was clearly no system of copying.
The correspondence of style in the figures on the earlier R.F. vases to those of B.F. technique shows that the two methods must have coexisted for a time, and this is further borne out by the mixed vases of Andokides, Hischylos, and others, and by the work of artists who employed either style, like Pamphaios. The latter, for instance, seems to have adhered to the old style by preference for hydriae and large vases, but preferred to follow the new fashion in the kylix.
To quote a recent writer: “The new method opened up a path for the freer exercise of the imagination,” and we can see in the red-figure vases a gradual development of artistic conception and power of expression, together with the shaking off of all restrictions until the perfection of drawing is reached, and “the red figures stand out against the black, unencumbered with anything that might distract from harmony of colouring or purity of outline.”[1282] It is the essential characteristic of the new style that it is drawing rather than painting, and it stands out as the final attainment of what the vase-painters had really been striving after from the days of the Melian and early Ionic wares—namely, the perfection of linear design. The same principle is at work in the vases with white ground which passed through parallel phases of development.
Among minor details of drawing in which an advance is conspicuous is the treatment of hair, eyes, and drapery. In the B.F. style the hair was indicated as a black mass, standing out against the light background; but now that the background had become black, a separation was necessary. At first this was done by adhering to the old engraved line method, for which came to be substituted a narrow unpainted line. Next, an advance was made in the treatment of the hair itself, with a view to more accuracy in detail, and the contours are undulated or separate locks shown on the forehead. Sometimes a kind of stippling process is adopted, by means of which the hair is indicated by rows or clusters of raised dots, representing close curls, such as are seen in Attic sculpture of the late archaic period.
The general contours of the forms are slender; the foreheads are low, the noses prominent, the eyes long, the chins sharp, the legs short and thick, and the folds of the garments stiff and rectilinear. Women are not distinguished in this style either by their colour or by the shape of their eyes, in which respects they are drawn just like the men, but exclusively by their costume and form. The white hair of old men is indicated by white markings on the black ground, and curly hair, as noted, by little raised knobs of black paint (βόστρυχοι). The figures are generally small, but some of grandiose proportions occur even in the earlier stages, though more characteristic of the succeeding “strong” style. The principal outlines are usually finished with wonderful spirit and truth, but sometimes, as in the extremities, great carelessness is visible. The general effect is much enhanced by the fineness of the clay, which in the earlier R.F. vases is of a bright orange-red, as also by the brilliancy of the black varnish.