As this speech was made in the midst of the excitement in Massachusetts on the nomination of Mr. Sumner as Senator, an account of that contest will not be out of place here.
The early and active part taken by Mr. Sumner in favor of Emancipation, and the urgency of his efforts against Slavery, excited against him an intense opposition, not only in Massachusetts, but throughout the country. He was denounced as second only to Jefferson Davis in hostility to the Constitution. But these attacks aroused the friends of Emancipation, who were unwilling to see their representative sacrificed.
There were signs of this contest in the autumn of 1861, when Mr. Sumner called for Emancipation as our best weapon.[133] Governor Andrew saw it coming. In a letter, dated June 9, 1862, with reference to the appointment of officers in the Internal Revenue Bureau, he used the following language.
“The Hunkers will make the most strenuous efforts to secure a large representation in this agency, so that, by means of their influence with the people (and in travelling from town to town), they can poison the minds of prominent citizens against you, and accomplish your defeat by securing a Legislature favorable to their purposes.
“Depend upon it, that they are calculating largely upon the Tax Bill as an element in their desperate ‘strategy’ for the fall campaign.”
The New York Tribune, in a vigorous article, June 24, 1862, entitled “Mr. Sumner’s Seat,” set forth reasons “why many earnest Republicans in other States would regret the retirement of Mr. Sumner.” Here it said:—
“Most of our Republican statesmen have a political history antecedent to our existing organizations. Mr. Sumner, nearly alone, is nowhere regarded as having Whig or Democratic predilections, but as purely and wholly Republican.
“Other statesmen, however profoundly Republican, regard collateral questions with an observing interest: the Tariff, the Currency, the Pacific Railroad, &c., largely engross their attention. Mr. Sumner profoundly believes it of paramount, absorbing interest that the nation should be just, even to her humblest, most despised children, and that Righteousness is the essential condition of material and other prosperity. Never inattentive to or neglectful of any public duty, never even accused of sacrificing or opposing the interest of Massachusetts in any matter of legislation, he is yet known to believe that her interests can never be truly promoted by sacrificing those of Humanity. In an age of venality and of uncharitable suspicion, he was never even suspected of giving a mercenary or selfish vote; in an atmosphere where every man is supposed to have his price, and to be scheming and striving for self-aggrandizement, no man ever suggested that Charles Sumner was animated by sinister impulses, or that he would barter or stifle his convictions for the Presidency. The one charge brought against him by his many bitter adversaries imports that he is a fanatic,—not that it was ever imagined that he is the special devotee of any fane or sect, but that he sincerely believes it the end of civil government to hasten the coming of God’s earthly kingdom by causing His justice to pervade every act, every relation, and thus making the earth, so far as human imperfection will permit, a vestibule of heaven.”
In warning against possible combination to defeat his reëlection, the article said:—
“All that the Republicans of other States can and do ask is, that no back-stairs intrigue, no chimney-corner arrangement, shall send to Boston a Legislature secretly pledged to oust him, and elected by constituencies profoundly ignorant of any such manipulation.… All we ask is, that those who vote at the polls to supersede Mr. Sumner in the Senate shall know for what they vote, and not be duped by professions only made to deceive.”
The adverse spirit showed itself at a large public meeting in New York, July 1st, which was entitled by the Herald, “The Anti-Abolition and Anti-Secession Movement.—Disunion the Fruit of Abolition.” Here Hon. William Duer, of Oswego, seemed to become the mouthpiece of the excited multitude.
“No emancipation and turning loose upon them hordes of uncivilized and ignorant Africans.… No tyrant in history has ever made his name execrated by measures more despicable than such as those proposed by the Abolitionists for the humiliation and destruction of the South. The Southern people have been deluded by their leaders in the same way as the Northern people, and, in his opinion, the next man who walked up the scaffold after Jefferson Davis should be Charles Sumner. [Loud and long-continued applause, mingled with hooting and groans for Sumner. Some person in the meeting attempted to say a word in his favor, but his voice was quickly drowned in loud shouts of ‘Put him out!’]”
This is from the Herald. The same incident is thus reported in the Tribune.
“And if we came to hanging every traitor in this country in the order of their guilt, the next man who marched upon the scaffold after Jefferson Davis would be Charles Sumner. [Loud applause, the greatest of the evening thus far. Groans for Sumner. Great excitement. Cries of ‘Put him out!’ Cries, ‘Where is Horace Greeley?’]”
A correspondent of a Boston paper, taking up the strain, echoed it for the benefit of Massachusetts.
“There are now two war-cries in New York, and the great Union mastiff is as ready to pounce upon one of the brutes as upon the other. If there are two parties outside of the doomed radicals, they are those, the most violent of them, who would hang Jeff. Davis and Sumner together, and those who would hang Davis first and Sumner afterwards.
“If Sumner is reëlected to the Senate, he may not find it convenient to pass through this city. That his name is odious, infamous, is not all,—it is cursed and abominable. The blood of thousands sacrificed to his ambition and personal revenge cries to Heaven against him, and if a Massachusetts Legislature can still support him by its vote, those who do so will deserve to lose their children at the altar of this Moloch.”
The New York Herald followed with a leader, July 16th, entitled, “Senators Wade and Sumner,” which, after announcing that the terms of these Senators would expire on the 4th of March next, made the following appeal.
“By the foulest means they have succeeded in clogging the wheels of our progress in the war, and have made another year of battles unavoidable. Had it not been for them and their coadjutors, the war would have been over and the Union restored on the Fourth of July instant. More than any other men they are responsible for the useless sacrifice of blood and treasure in the past, and for the three hundred thousand more men and five hundred millions more dollars which will have to be perilled in the future. Practically, and in the most emphatic sense, they are traitors to the country and enemies of the nation. From them, more than from a thousand Vallandighams, Jeff. Davis has received aid and comfort; for they have strengthened his forces by exasperating the South and by dividing and weakening the North. We hope that the loyal men of Massachusetts and Ohio will raise these questions in the coming elections for State legislators, and vote down every man who is pledged or who intends to vote for the reëlection of these twin traitors, Sumner and Wade. They have only escaped Fort Lafayette and the gallows because the Government has distrusted its own power and misunderstood the sentiments of the loyal people. Let this misunderstanding now end, and let Messrs. Sumner and Wade find, when they return to their homes, that they are held personally and politically responsible for their infamous and treasonable course.”
The friends of Emancipation in Massachusetts were not inactive. The issue thus presented was accepted by the formal nomination of Mr. Sumner, at the annual Republican State Convention at Worcester, September 10th.
The Convention was organized by the choice of the following officers.
President,—Hon. Alexander H. Bullock of Worcester.
Vice-Presidents,—District 1, Nathaniel Coggswell of Yarmouth; District 2, J. H. D. Blake of Braintree; District 3, Theodore Otis of Roxbury; District 4, Nehemiah Boynton of Chelsea; District 5, Timothy Davis of Gloucester; District 6, George Foster of Andover; District 7, Chauncey L. Knapp of Lowell; District 8, Valorous Taft of Upton; District 9, Joel Hayden of Williamsburg; District 10, George L. Wright of West Springfield. At Large,—John Bertram of Salem, George Morey of Boston, Tappan Wentworth of Lowell, Ensign H. Kellogg of Pittsfield, Charles G. Davis of Plymouth, Henry Alexander, Jr., of Springfield.
Secretaries,—Stephen N. Stockwell of Boston, William M. Walker of Pittsfield, Joseph B. Thaxter, Jr., of Hingham, William T. Hollis of Plymouth, Thomas B. Gardner of Boston, Joel Hayden, Jr., of Williamsburg.
John A. Andrew was re-nominated for Governor by acclamation. J. Q. A. Griffin, of Charlestown, introduced a resolution approving the course of the two Senators, and nominating Mr. Sumner for reëlection as Senator, and at the same time said:—
“Remember, it is our duty not only to sustain the arms of the Generals in the field, but likewise to sustain the President in his seat, the Cabinet in its counsels, the Governor in his chair, and, above all, the fearless legislator in his duty. [Loud applause, and cries of ‘Good!’]”
Mr. Griffin was followed by Frederick Robinson, of Marblehead, who hoped that the resolution would be adopted unanimously, and also another, expressing the opinion of Massachusetts in favor of Emancipation. George F. Hoar, of Worcester, agreed with Mr. Robinson. As to the resolution approving Charles Sumner and Henry Wilson, “he liked that,” but he wished, also, “an expression of the opinion of this Convention, that it is the duty of the United States Government, in the further prosecution of the war, to strike the Rebellion where it is weakest.” The different propositions were then referred to a committee. At this stage the letter of Mr. Sumner to the Convention was presented and read by Mr. Claflin.[134]
Among the resolutions subsequently reported were the two following.
“Resolved, That the most decisive measures for the complete and permanent suppression of this Rebellion are the most prudent, and that, as the institution of Slavery is a principal support of it, that institution shall be exterminated.”
“Resolved, That we recognize and acknowledge the preëminent merits and services of our Senators in the Congress of the United States, the Hon. Charles Sumner and the Hon. Henry Wilson. In the posts of duty assigned them by the suffrages of their brother Senators, one as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, and the other as Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, they have cordially and unreservedly, and with masterly ability, supported all governmental measures, and fitly represented the Commonwealth as among the most cheerful and enthusiastic defenders of the Government. And now that the second term of our senior Senator is drawing to a close, we desire to express our warm approbation of his course and appreciation of his services, and to commend him to the suffrages of his fellow-citizens, whom he has served so well, that the Commonwealth may again honor itself by returning to duty at the capital a statesman, a scholar, a patriot, and a man of whom any republic in any age might be proud.”
The whole series, as read, was received with intense enthusiasm, especially that against Slavery. A motion was made to amend by striking out that part recommending the reëlection of Mr. Sumner, which was voted down promptly, and the resolution was unanimously adopted.
The action of the Convention presented two distinct issues,—first, the extermination of Slavery, and, secondly, the reëlection of Mr. Sumner. There was at once a counter movement. A call was put forth for what was called a “People’s Convention,” at Faneuil Hall, October 7th, whose main object was to defeat the action of the Republican Convention, and especially the reëlection of Mr. Sumner. It was supposed that in this way all the elements of opposition could be united. This plan received an unexpected check by the Proclamation of Emancipation of September 22d. It could no longer be said that the Republican Party of Massachusetts and Mr. Sumner were not in entire harmony with the President.
Meanwhile Mr. Sumner addressed his fellow-citizens at Faneuil Hall, October 6th, in vindication of the Proclamation. On the succeeding day the “People’s Convention” assembled in the same place and nominated candidates for State offices in opposition to the Republicans. The tone of this Convention appears in a brief extract from the speech of Hon. Josiah G. Abbott, of Boston. After alluding to the various interests of Massachusetts, he said:—
“And I tell you, Gentlemen,—and every heart here responds to it,—every heart out of this hall would respond to it, if the lips would speak the language of the heart,—I tell you, Gentlemen, we want men in the Halls of Congress, in the House of Representatives, and, above and beyond all, in the Senate Chamber, who will attend to those interests, and not be continually, as they have been, Sir, attending to mere wild speculations and sentimental theories. [Applause.] Do not the people cry out, ’For God’s sake, give us somebody who believes there is something to be attended to in the wants of a million and a quarter of white men, women, and children’? [Great applause.]”
The spirit of this Convention was thus described by the Norfolk County Journal:—
“The partisanship of the People’s Convention all centres in opposition to Charles Sumner. It is as pure an instance of personal hate on the part of its leaders as was ever exhibited. This animosity comes solely from the fact that he was the earliest and has been the most persistent advocate of what is now the policy of the nation. They hate Mr. Sumner, not because he is personally unamiable, not because there is a flaw in his moral character or a doubt as to the purity of his intentions, not because he has not represented the opinion of Massachusetts, and faithfully advocated her best interests on every point affecting her material prosperity. They have commenced this personal crusade solely because he has been the most conspicuous and uncompromising foe to the encroachments of Southern Slavery. And now that the President has ranged himself on Mr. Sumner’s side, in opposing him they oppose the Administration.”
On the next day, the Democratic Convention at Worcester adopted the nominations of the “People’s Convention,” so that the elements of opposition seemed to be united. The President of the Convention in his remarks announced the common object.
“Let me, then, appeal to you to come here with one heart and with kindly feelings towards all, entertaining respect for the opinions of all, so that, when this Convention shall have adjourned, a voice will go forth throughout this Commonwealth, that the day of John A. Andrew and Charles Sumner is ended. [Prolonged cheers.]”
Other speeches followed in the same tone, and insisting upon union “to beat Sumner and Andrew.”
The issue was thus presented to the people of Massachusetts, and throughout the Commonwealth the election of Senators and Representatives turned mainly upon it. If the attack was vigorous, so also was the defence. Of the latter a few illustrations will suffice. The first is from Wendell Phillips, who, in an address at Music Hall, Sunday forenoon, November 2d, said:—
“I say this much, before turning again to my immediate subject, for our great Senator, who has done justice to the manufacturing interests and the shipping of Massachusetts, as Webster did, and also justice to her conscience and her thought, as Webster did not. [Applause.] I do not wish to take one leaf from the laurel of the great Defender of the Constitution; he rests at Marshfield, beneath the honors he fairly earned. But we have put in his place a man far more practical than he was; we have put in his place the hardest worker that Massachusetts ever sent to the Senate of the United States [applause]; we have put in his place the Stonewall Jackson of the floor of the Senate,—patient of labor, untiring in effort, boundless in resources, terribly in earnest,—the only man who, in civil affairs, is to be compared with the great terror of the Union armies, the General of the Virginia forces: both ideologists, both horsed on an idea, and both men whom a year ago the drudges of State Street denounced, or would have denounced, as unpractical and impracticable; but when the war-bugle sounded through the land, both were found to be the only men to whom Carolina and Massachusetts hasted to give the batons of the opposing hosts.”
John G. Whittier, whose words of flame had done so much in the long warfare with Slavery, was aroused from his retirement to testify. In the Amesbury Villager, near his home, he wrote:—
“In looking over the speeches and newspapers of his active opponents, it really seems to me, that, if ever a man was hated and condemned for his very virtues, it is this gentleman. Nobody accuses him of making use of his high position for his own personal emolument; no shadow of suspicion rests upon the purity of his private or public character; no man can point to an instance in which he has neglected any duty properly devolving upon him; no interest of his State has been forgotten or overlooked; no citizen has appealed to him in vain for kindly offices and courteous hearing and attention. As Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, his industry and ability have never been denied by his bitterest enemies. All admit that he has rendered important service to his Government. What, then, is his crime? Simply and solely this, that he stands inflexibly by his principles,—that he is too hearty in his hatred of the monstrous Wrong which initiated and still sustains the present Rebellion,—that in advance of his contemporaries he saw the danger and proclaimed it,—that he heartily sustains the President in his Proclamation,—that he is in favor of destroying the guilty cause of all our national calamities, that red-handed murderer and traitor against whom the sighs and groans of Massachusetts wives and mothers, weeping in every town and hamlet for dear ones who are not, are rising in swift witness to God.
“This is his crime, his real offence, in the eyes of his leading opponents. I know it has been said that he is too much a man of ideas, and not a statesman. That he is not a politician, in the modern sense of the word, I admit; and if indirection, trickery, and the habit of looking upon men, parties, and principles as mere stock in trade and tools of convenience are the qualifications of statecraft, then he is not a statesman. But if a thorough comprehension of the great principles of law and political economy, of all which constitutes the true honor and glory and prosperity of a people,—if the will and ability to master every question as it arises,—if entire familiarity with the history, resources, laws, and policy of other nations, derived not merely from the study of books, but from free personal intercourse with the leading minds of Europe, are essential requisites of statesmanship, then is Charles Sumner a statesman in the noblest and truest sense. Certain it is that he is so regarded by the diplomatic representatives of European nations, and that no man in the country has so entirely the confidence and esteem of all who are really our friends in the Old World.”
Horace Greeley, in an article under his own name in the New York Independent, and entitled, “Charles Sumner as a Statesman,” united with the Republicans of Massachusetts.
“For the first time in our political history, a party has been organized and a State ticket nominated for the sole purpose of defeating the reëlection of one who is not a State officer, and never aspired to be. Governor Andrew is regarded with a hostility intensified by the fewness of those who feel it; but the bitterness with which Mr. Sumner is hated insists on the gratification of a canvass, even though a hopeless one; and, since there was no existing party by which this could be attempted without manifest futility, one was organized for the purpose. And it was best that this should be. Let us have a census of the friends and the enemies of Mr. Sumner in the State which he has so honored.
“I have said, that, while other Senators have shared his convictions, none has seemed so emphatically, so eminently, as he to embody and represent the growing, deepening Antislavery sentiment of the country. None has seemed so invariably to realize that a public wrong is a public danger, that injustice to the humblest and weakest is peril to the well-being of all. Others have seemed to regard the recent developments of disunion and treason with surprise and alarm: he has esteemed them the bitter, but natural, fruit of the deadly tree we have so long been watering and cherishing. The profound, yet simple truth, that ‘Righteousness exalteth a nation,’—that nothing else is so baleful as injustice,—that the country which gains a large accession of territory or of wealth at the cost of violating the least tittle of the canons of eternal rectitude has therein made a ruinous mistake,—that nothing else can be so important or so profitable as stern uprightness: such is the key-note of his lofty and beneficent career. May it be vouchsafed him to announce from his seat in the Senate the final overthrow of the demon he has so faithfully, so nobly resisted, and that from Greenland to Panama, from the St. John to the Pacific, the sun in his daily course looks down on no master and no slave!”
A single incident will illustrate the interest excited throughout the Commonwealth. A venerable citizen of New Bedford, seventy-nine years of age and very feeble, was assisted to the polls, saying, “Here goes a dying vote for Charles Sumner!”
The triumphant result of the election was known at once. It was declared officially on the meeting of the Legislature.
January 15, 1863, at twelve o’clock, each branch of the Legislature proceeded, by special assignment, to vote for a Senator to represent Massachusetts for six years from March 4th next ensuing. The vote in each branch was vivâ voce, the roll bring called and each member pronouncing the name of the candidate he voted for.
In the Senate, the vote was,—
| Charles Sumner, of Boston | 33 |
| Josiah G. Abbott, of Boston | 5 |
| Charles Francis Adams, of Quincy | 1 |
In the House of Representatives, the vote was,—
| Charles Sumner | 194 |
| Josiah G. Abbott | 38 |
| Caleb Gushing | 2 |
| Charles Francis Adams | 1 |
In the House there were slight manifestations of applause when the result was announced, but they were promptly checked by the Speaker.
The result was noticed by the press throughout the country. The venerable National Intelligencer, at Washington, which had been opposed to the principles and policies of Mr. Sumner, employed the following generous terms.
“This is the third time that this gentleman has been thus honored by the Legislature of Massachusetts. Such repeated tokens of confidence would seem sufficiently to indicate, that, whatever dissent from the views of Mr. Sumner may elsewhere exist, he is the favorite, as he is admitted by all to be the able, representative of the opinions entertained by a majority of the people of this great and influential State. And these views now predominate in the conduct of the present Administration, which may be said to have adopted, reluctantly and at a late day, the political and military policy early commended to its favor by Mr. Sumner.
“If we are not able to concur with Mr. Sumner in certain of his opinions on questions of domestic politics, it gives us only the greater pleasure to bear our cheerful and candid testimony to the enlightened judgment and peculiar qualifications he brings to the discharge of the important duties devolved on him as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations in the Senate. In this capacity he has deservedly won the confidence of the whole country.”
Such testimony from a political opponent attested the change that had occurred in public policy and private feeling.
The Tribune exhibited the change in yet stronger light.
“By a vote of nearly six to one, Massachusetts again declares her confidence in her long-tried Senator, and, on an issue defined with unmistakable clearness, for the third time returns him to his seat.
“The contrast between his present position and that which he held on first entering the Senate is instructive. Then an arrogant Democratic majority with unequalled effrontery declared him outside of any healthy political organization, excluded him from the Committees, denied him parliamentary courtesies, and withheld the common civilities of social intercourse and acquaintance. There were hardly three or four Senators in Congress who were in any degree identified with his opinions. He declared them none the less boldly, and his speeches for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, on the Nebraska Bill, and on the Crime against Kansas finally exasperated the slaveholding oligarchy into personal violence, and for words spoken in orderly debate he was brutally assaulted on the floor of the Senate and seriously injured. This outrage, and the enthusiastic approval with which it was received throughout the South, were largely instrumental in rousing the North to a right estimate of the system and the political power which sought such means of defence.”
The Liberator, by the pen of its faithful and able editor, William Lloyd Garrison, gave expression to the sentiments of those most enlisted against Slavery.
“Thus has Massachusetts nobly vindicated her name and fame as the foremost State of all the world in the cause of free institutions, and trampled beneath her feet the malignant aspersions cast upon the political reputation of her gifted Senator by the minions of a traitorous Slave Oligarchy. The vote is an overwhelming one, notwithstanding the desperate efforts of Mr. Sumner’s enemies to make his defeat a sure event. Such enemies only serve to prove his personal worth and public usefulness, and their factious and profligate character.
“Mr. Sumner’s friends in Washington proposed, last week, to give him a serenade in honor of his reëlection to the Senate; but, hearing of their intention, he declared that the compliment was not in accordance with the present condition of public affairs, and intimated that he preferred that the funds subscribed for the music should be donated to the Massachusetts Soldiers’ Relief Association, which was done.”
In Mr. Sumner’s reëlection the cause of Emancipation triumphed, and Massachusetts was fixed irrevocably on that side.
Letter to Fellow-Citizens at Salem, October 10, 1862.
Boston, October 10, 1862.
GENTLEMEN,—I feel flattered by your invitation, where I recognize so many excellent names, and shall be happy to take advantage of the opportunity with which you honor me.
The Emancipation Proclamation of the President, on which you ask me to speak, is now the corner-stone of our national policy. For the sake of our country, and in loyalty to our Government, it ought to have the best support of every patriot citizen, without hesitation or lukewarmness. Now is the time for earnest men.
If agreeable to you, I accept your invitation for Monday evening, 20th October.
Believe me, Gentlemen, with much respect,
Faithfully yours,
Charles Sumner.
Speech at the Dinner of the Hampshire County Agricultural Society, at Northampton, Mass., October 14, 1862.
At the dinner which followed the cattle-show, Mr. Sumner was introduced by Hon. Erastus Hopkins, who commenced by alluding to their early days at the Boston Latin School.
“Gentlemen,—It is now full forty years, when at school I had a schoolmate and a classmate who in point of physical altitude and breadth, but more especially (I am no flatterer, I only speak historic truth) in point of diligence and scholarship, was primus inter pares,—first among equals. That boy was father of the man. He now holds the position of Senator in the Senate of the United States, with a relative eminence no less than that of his earlier days. He is the valued servant and the honored Senator of Massachusetts, whom she has hitherto delighted to honor, and whom, so long as she remains true to her cherished sentiments, to her gushing instincts, and to her memorable history, she will ever honor. [Loud applause.]
“We were told yesterday by the Rev. Dr. Huntington, in his admirable address delivered in this hall, that the farmer owed his first duty to his land,—to care for it, to fertilize it, and to beautify it. Recurring to this point, at the close of his address, he reminded the farmer that ‘duty to his land’ was susceptible of a double meaning: the one referring to the few acres of his own individual and exclusive proprietorship; the other, to that great land, that vast country, which he owned, and to which he owed duty, in common with all his fellow-citizens.
“I do not know that the honorable Senator owns, or ever did own, in separate proprietorship, any acres of land,—that he ever held the plough, or ‘drove the team a-field’; I do not know whether he intends to enlighten us with regard to the care and culture of our homesteads and our farms; but I do know that he understands the farmer’s ‘duty to his land,’ in the secondary and higher sense to which allusion has been made,—that, looking over our wide country, our rich heritage, and heritage of our fathers, he has been ever diligent and untiring in his endeavors to remove its deformities, to augment its fertility, and to crown it with beauty.
“To which department of farming the Senator will direct his remarks I know not; but, whatever his topic, I submit without fear his words of instruction and of eloquence to the ordeal of your verdict.
“I have the honor to introduce to you the Hon. Charles Sumner.”
Mr. Sumner spoke as follows.
Mr. President, Ladies, and Gentlemen:—
I cannot forget the first time that I looked upon this beautiful valley, where river, meadow, and hill contribute to the charm. It was while a youth in college. With several of my classmates I made a pedestrian excursion through Massachusetts. Starting from Cambridge, we passed, by way of Sterling and Barre, to Amherst, where, arriving weary and footsore, we refreshed ourselves at the evening prayer in the College Chapel. From Amherst we walked to Northampton, and then, ascending Mount Holyoke, saw the valley of the Connecticut spread out before us, with river of silver winding through meadows of gold. It was a scene of enchantment, and time has not weakened the impression it made. From Northampton we walked to Deerfield, sleeping near Bloody Brook, and then to Greenfield, where we turned off by Coleraine through dark woods and over hills to Bennington in Vermont. The whole excursion was deeply interesting, but no part more so than your valley. Since then I have been a traveller at home and abroad, but I know no similar scene of greater beauty. I have seen the meadows of Lombardy, and those historic rivers, the Rhine and the Arno, and that stream of Charente, which Henry the Fourth called the most beautiful of France,—also those Scottish rivers so famous in legend and song, and the exquisite fields and sparkling waters of Lower Austria; but my youthful joy in the landscape which I witnessed from the neighboring hill-top has never been surpassed in any kindred scene. Other places are richer in the associations of history; but you have enough already in what Nature has done, without waiting for any further illustration.
It is a saying of Antiquity, often quoted: “Oh, too fortunate husbandmen, if they only knew their blessings!”[135] Nowhere are these words more applicable than to this neighborhood, where Nature has done so much, and where all that Nature has done is enhanced by an intelligent and liberal spirit. An eminent French writer, one of the greatest of his country, who wrote in the middle of the last century, when France was a despotism, Montesquieu, has remarked in his “Spirit of Laws,” that “countries are not cultivated in proportion to their fertility, but in proportion to their liberty.”[136] A beautiful truth. But here in this valley are both. Where is there greater fertility? where is there truer liberty?
If the farmers of our country needed anything to stimulate pride in their vocation, it would be found in the statistics furnished by the national census. That of 1860 is not yet prepared, and I go back to that of 1850. Here it appears, that, out of the whole employed population of the United States over fifteen years of age, two millions four hundred thousand, or forty-four per cent, were engaged in agricultural pursuits, while the total number engaged in commerce, trade, manufactures, mechanic arts, and mining was only one million six hundred thousand, or about thirty per cent. These figures show an immense predominance of the agricultural interest in the whole country. Of course in Massachusetts the commercial and manufacturing interests are relatively larger than in other parts of the country. But our farmers are numerous.
This same census shows, that, in 1850, the four largest staples of our country, ranking them according to their nominal value, were: Indian corn, two hundred and ninety-six million dollars; wheat, one hundred million dollars; cotton, ninety-eight million dollars; hay, ninety-six million dollars. These figures, of course, are familiar, but they are so instructive that they will bear repetition. Besides illustrating the magnitude of our agricultural interests, they shed new light on the lofty pretensions that have been made for King Cotton. There is no crown for hay, or wheat, or Indian corn, and yet two of these stand above cotton. But the whole table testifies to the power of the farmer.
From another quarter are statistics showing how agricultural pursuits favor longevity. Out of seventeen hundred persons, the average life of farmers was forty-five years; of merchants, thirty-three years; of mechanics, twenty-nine years; and of laborers, twenty-seven years. Thus length of days seems to be an agricultural product.
Gratifying as it may be to glance at agriculture in these statistics, which must arouse the pride, if not the content of the farmer, there are other aspects which to my mind are more interesting. In early days agriculture was only an art, most imperfectly developed. The plough of the ancient husbandman was little more than a pole with a stick at the end by which the earth was scratched, and other implements were of like simplicity. As for the knowledge employed, it was all of the most superficial character. But agriculture is now not only an art, in a high degree of perfection, it is also a science, with its laws and rules, as much as navigation or astronomy. There is no knowledge which will not help the farmer; especially is there no branch of science. Geography, geology, meteorology, botany, chemistry, zoölogy, and animal physiology, all contribute. Regarding agriculture in this light, we cannot fail to give the farmer a high standard of excellence. In the cultivation of the earth he practises an art and pursues a science. But human character is elevated by the standard which is followed.
There is another feature in the life of the farmer which is to me more interesting still. The farmer is patriotic and liberal. Dependent upon Nature, he learns to be independent of Man. If not less than others under the influence of local prejudices, he is at least removed from those combinations engendered by the spirit of trade. He thinks for himself, and acts for his country. I do not venture to say that he is naturally a reformer, but I think the experience of our country attests that he does not set himself against the ideas of the age.
Here Mr. Sumner dwelt on that spirit of obstructiveness which is so common, illustrating it by historic instances, and then proceeded.
I rejoice to believe that there is no such hide-bound indifference to liberal ideas among our farmers. But, just in proportion as these are numerous, intelligent, powerful, and liberal, do they constitute an arm of strength. Pardon me, if now more than ever I see them in this character. In appealing to them for the sake of our country, I make no appeal inconsistent with the proprieties of this occasion. Our country is in peril, and it must be saved. This is enough.
Under God, our country will be saved through the united energy, the well-compacted vigor of the people directed by the President of the United States. Our first duty is to stand by the President, and to hold up his hands. There must be no hesitation or timidity. If he calls for troops, he must have them. If, besides calling for troops, he enlist other agencies for the suppression of the Rebellion, he must be sustained precisely as in calling for troops.
Thus far the main dependence has been troops, to which our honored Commonwealth has made generous contributions. No part of the country has suffered more in gallant officers, youthful, gentle, and excellent in all things. This neighborhood has its story of sorrow. Amherst has buried the pure and patriotic Stearns, and only within a few days here in Northampton you have received from the field of death the brave and accomplished Baker.
And now at last a new power is invoked, being nothing less than that great Proclamation of the President which places Liberty at the head of our columns.
Mr. Sumner here explained the immediate and prospective effects of the Proclamation, and then closed as follows.
It is sometimes said that this edict is unconstitutional. Some there are with whom the Constitution is a constant stumbling-block, wherever anything is to be done for Freedom. It cannot be so, I trust, with the liberal farmers of this valley. Of course, the Edict of Emancipation is to be regarded as a war measure, made in the exercise of the Rights of War. It is as much a war measure as the proclamation calling forth troops, and is entitled to the same support. It is not a measure of Abolition or Antislavery, or of philanthropy, but a war measure, pure and simple. If there be any person disposed to discourage it, I warn him that he departs from the duties of patriotism hardly less than if he discouraged enlistments. There is but one course now before us. The policy of Emancipation, at last adopted as a war measure, must be sustained precisely as we sustain an army in the field. With this new and mighty agency I cannot doubt the result. The Rebellion will be crushed, and the Republic will be elevated to heights of power and grandeur where it will be an example to mankind. It is related of the Emperor Julian, known as the Apostate,—for he had once embraced Christianity,—that, perishing before he had struck the last blows prepared by hatred to the Church, he looked at the blood which spurted from his side, and then cried, “Galilean, thou hast conquered!” Whether fable or truth, the story has its meaning. Such a cry will yet be heard from the apostate chiefs in our Rebel States, “Liberty, thou hast conquered!”—and the echo of this cry will be heard round the globe.
Following the usage of your festival, I offer the following sentiment:—
The Valley of the Connecticut. Happy in its fertility, and also in its beauty; happier still in that inspiration of Liberty which is better than fertility or beauty.
Resolution in the Senate, December 3, 1862.
The following resolution, offered by Mr. Sumner, was adopted.
RESOLVED, That the Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia be directed to consider the expediency of providing by law for the establishment of a corps composed of men especially enlisted for hospital and ambulance service, with officers commissioned purposely to command them, who shall have the entire charge, under the medical officers, of the hospitals and of the ambulance wagons, so as to enlarge the usefulness of this humane service, and give to it the efficiency derived from organization.
Letter to a Public Meeting of Colored Citizens in Boston, January 1, 1863.
Washington, January 1, 1863.
MY DEAR SIR,—Owing to the wretched condition of the mails between New York and Washington, I did not receive your letter of the 27th in season for an answer to be used at the proposed meeting.
I am glad that you celebrated the day. It deserved your celebration, your thanksgiving, and your prayers. On that day an angel appeared upon the earth.
Accept my best wishes for your association, and believe me, dear Sir,
Faithfully yours,
Charles Sumner.
Remarks in the Senate, on Resolutions against French Interference in Mexico, February 3, 1863.
In the Senate, January 19th, Mr. McDougall, a Democratic Senator from California, introduced the following resolutions, setting forth the duty of the United States to take steps against French interference in Mexico.
“Resolved by the Senate (the House of Representatives concurring), That the present attempt by the Government of France to subject the Republic of Mexico to her authority by armed force is a violation of the established and known rules of International Law, and that it is, moreover, a violation of the faith of France, pledged by the treaty made at London on the 31st day of October, 1861, between the allied Governments of Spain, France, and England, communicated to this Government over the signatures of the representatives of the allies, by letter of the 30th day of November, 1861, and particularly and repeatedly assured to this Government through its minister resident at the Court of France.
“Resolved further, That the attempt to subject the Republic of Mexico to French authority is an act not merely unfriendly to this Republic, but to free institutions everywhere; and that it is regarded by this Republic as not only unfriendly, but as hostile.
“Resolved further, That it is the duty of this Republic to require of the Government of France that her armed forces be withdrawn from the territories of Mexico.
“Resolved further, That it is the duty and proper office of this Republic, now and at all times, to lend such aid to the Republic of Mexico as is or may be required to prevent the forcible interposition of any of the States of Europe in the political affairs of that Republic.
“Resolved further, That the President of the United States be requested to cause to be communicated to the Government of Mexico the views now expressed by the two Houses of Congress, and be further requested to cause to be negotiated such treaty or treaties between the two Republics as will best tend to make these views effective.”
February 3d, Mr. McDougall moved to take them up for consideration. His motion was opposed by Mr. Sumner, who said, among other things:—
But, Sir, if the Senate had abundant time, like a mere debating society, and were free to select at will a topic for discussion, I surely should object at this moment to a debate which must be not only useless, but worse than useless. I forbear from details at present. I wish to avoid them, unless rendered necessary. I content myself with saying that the resolutions either mean something or they mean nothing. If they mean nothing, surely the Senate will not enter upon their discussion. If they mean anything, if they are not mere words, they mean war, and this no common war, but war with a great and adventurous nation, powerful in fleets and armies, bound to us by treaties and manifold traditions, and still constant in professions of amity and good-will. Sir, have we not war enough already on our hands, without needlessly and wantonly provoking another? For myself, I give all that I have of intellectual action, and will, and heart, to the suppression of this Rebellion; and never, by my consent, shall the Senate enter upon a discussion the first effect of which will be aid and comfort to the Rebellion itself.