i.e., “Venerable man, go hunting! Kill whatever persons or quadrupeds meet you!” They think that this being drives the game towards the hunter.

In the war chart there are seven songs of the Wakanda who makes night songs. Fig. 16 of that chart refers to a song of another Wakanda who is not described. Fig. 18 refers to two shade songs. Shade is made by a Wakanda. Fig. 19 is a dream song. There is a Wakanda who makes people sleepy, an Indian Somnus.

§ 40. OMAHA INVOCATIONS OF THE TRAP, ETC.

Notes.

i. e., “Ho, ye four firebrands that meet at a common point (i. e., in the middle of the fireplace)!” He subsequently changed it to an invocation of the fireplace itself. But it is very probable that there was an invocation of the four firebrands, resembling the ceremonies of the Kansa and Osage (see § 33). George has given all that he remembers of the invocations, but he does not recollect the exact order.

387, 3. [p]eje-hide, “lower part,” or “roots of grass,” an archaic name for “makaⁿ”, medicine. Nini gakĕ—the classifier kĕ shows that a long object, the pipe, is referred to, the tobacco being in the pipe when it is offered to the powers.

388, 1. aiȼagaȼaȼiⁿhe, contr. from áiȼágaȼa áȼiⁿhé, used here in the sense of “abȼiⁿ,” I have.

388, 12. aⁿȼaⁿbakĭnde, eq. to aⁿȼaⁿbista ȼéwaȼĕ, to send them (through) when they are so close that they touch me.

Translation.

The invisible being who first made the beaver medicine and taught its use to mankind, was thus addressed: “Oh, Thou who didst teach how to make the medicine, here is tobacco! Though I have your medicine, the nature of which I do not understand at all, grant that I may easily acquire something or other by means of it! Here is tobacco!”

When he addressed the beavers, he said, “Ho, ye Beavers! Here is tobacco! Let all of you travel in your feeding places which you have made. Here is tobacco!” To the beaver medicine itself, he said, “Ho, Medicine! Here is tobacco! Stand thinking thus, ‘At any rate an animal shall surely pass me and be caught in the trap, and its nostrils shall be large enough to smell me.’” The trap itself was thus addressed: “Ho, ye pieces of iron! Here is tobacco! Sit ye and think thus: ‘At any rate I will kill one!’” To the pack-strap was said, “Ho, pack-strap! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall press against many quadrupeds.’” The right side of the entrance to the tent (?) was thus addressed: “Ho, Thou who standest at the right side of the entrance to the tent! (§ 232) Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall continue to have some one bring dead animals on his back and send through me suddenly, rubbing against me as they pass through.’” To the principal tent pole these words were said, “Ho, Thou who standest with the buffalo tail tied to thee! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate, I shall have a quadruped to come near me.’” When the man invoked the fireplace, he said, “Ho, Fireplace! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall sit and have the water fall on me in drops as it boils over from the kettle containing the quadruped.’”

These invocations may be compared with what the prophet Habakkuk tells us about the Chaldeans, in the first chapter of his prophecy. In his prayer to God, he says, “These plunderers pull out all men with the hook, draw them in with their casting net, and gather them with their draw net, and rejoice and are glad in it. Therefore they make offerings to their casting net, and burn incense to their draw net, for through them their catch is rich and their food dainty.”[38]

FASTING.

§ 41. This topic naturally precedes that of visions or dreams about mystery, animals, and objects. Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche heard the following spoken of as an ancient custom. It was told them in their youth by some of the old men of that day, who had received it from their elders as having been practiced by the tribe for unnumbered generations. When old men had sons, sisters’ sons, or grandsons, who approached manhood, they used to direct those youths to abstain from food and drink, and to put clay on their faces, saying:

i. e., “Walk ye in remote places, crying to Wakanda. Neither eat nor drink for three or four days. Even though you do not acquire personal mysterious power, Wakanda will aid you. If you act as poor men, and pray as you cry, he will help you.”

When their throats became dry, their voices gave out. When they had completed their fasts, they went home, being exceedingly emaciated. At that time they could not swallow solid food, so they were obliged to subsist on mush mixed with much water, till by degrees they became able to eat what they pleased. Many thought that this fasting enabled them to have superhuman communications with Wakanda.

Fasting was practiced at other times, but always in order to obtain superhuman assistance or to acquire a transfer of superhuman power. A Ponka war captain exhorted each of his followers thus: “Ahaú! Wackaⁿ´ egañ´-gă! Qu´bekiȼa´-bi ȼiⁿhe´!” i.e., “Oho! Do exert yourself! Be sure to make yourself the possessor of superhuman power by the aid of the animal that you have seen in your vision after fasting!”[39] Members of a small war party had to fast four days, counting from the time that they started on the warpath.[40] Before the large war party was formed to avenge the wrongs of Wabaskaha, the four prospective captains fasted.[41] When the Kansa captain fasted, he could not visit his family, but a small fasting lodge was erected for him at some distance from his own house.[42]

MYSTIC TREES AND PLANTS.

§ 42. The Omaha have two sacred trees, the ash and the cedar. The ash is connected with the beneficent natural powers. Part of the sacred pole of the Omaha and Ponka is made of ash, the other part being of cottonwood. The stems of the niniba weawaⁿ, or “sacred pipes of friendship,” are made of ash. But the cedar is linked with the destructive agencies, thunder, lightning, wars.[43]

When the seven old men took the pipes around the Omaha tribal circle, the bad Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe people wore plumes in their hair and wrapped branches of cedar around their heads, being awful to behold. So the old man passed them by and gave the pipe to the other Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe, who were good. In the Osage traditions, cedar symbolizes the tree of life. When a woman is initiated into the secret society of the Osage, the officiating man of her gens gives her four sips of water, symbolizing, so they say, the river flowing by the tree of life, and then he rubs her from head to foot with cedar needles three times in front, three times at her back, and three times on each side, twelve times in all, pronouncing a sacred name of Wakanʇa as he makes each pass. Part of the Paⁿɥka gens of the Osage tribe[44] are Red Cedar people. The Pañka gens of the Kansa tribe is called “Qŭndjalaⁿ,” i.e., “wearers of cedar (branches) on the head.” Cedar is used by the Santee Dakota in their ceremony of the four winds. (See § 128.) The Teton Dakota believe in the efficacy of the smell of cedar wood or of the smoke from cedar in scaring away ghosts. (See § 272.) In the Athapascan creation myth of Oregon, obtained by the author in 1884, the smoke of cedar took the place of food for the two gods who made the world, and the red cedar is held sacred as well as the ash, because these two trees were the first to be discovered by the gods.[45]

That the Hidatsa have a similar notion about the red cedar is shown by their name for it, “midahopa,” mysterious or sacred tree. Compare what Matthews tells about the Hidatsa reverence for the cottonwood with what is recorded above about the Omaha sacred pole.[46] (§ 344.)

The cottonwood tree also seems to have been regarded as a mystic tree by the Omaha and Ponka, just as it is by the Hidatsa. The sacred pole of the two tribes was made from a tall cottonwood.[47] When the lower part of the sacred pole became worn away, about 8 feet remained, and to this was fastened a piece of ash wood about 18 inches long. In preparing for the dance called the Hede watci, the Iñke-sabĕ people sought a cottonwood tree, which they rushed on, felled, and bore to the center of the tribal circle, where they planted it in the “ujeʇi.” Mystic names taken from the cottonwood are found in the Ȼixida and Nika[p]aɔna, the two war gentes of the Ponka tribe, and in the Ȼatada and [K]aⁿze gentes of the Omaha.[48]

That there were other mystic trees and plants, appears from an examination of the personal names of the Omaha, Ponka, and cognate tribes. For instance, ┴ackahigȼaⁿ, a nikie name of the ┴a[p]a, or Deer gens of the Omaha, conveys some reference to a white oak tree, ʇackahi; and in the Nuqe, a Buffalo gens of the Ponka tribe, we find the name ┴abehi, from a plant, bush, or tree found in Nebraska, the leaves of which, resembling those of red cherry trees, are used by the Omaha for making a tea. Further study may show that the Winnebago, who have the name Waziʞa, Pine Person, reverence a pine tree. (Query: May not this name be Cedar Person, rather than Pine Person?)

Among the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri, we find several cedar, corn, and pumpkin names. Several corn and pumpkin names occur in the name list of the Kansa tribe. Corn, elm, and black hawthorn names are found in the Osage name list, as well as cedar names; and their traditions tell of the cedar, red oak, and sycamore, as well as of the corn and pumpkin.[49] (See § 49.)

IȻA‘EȻĔ.

§ 43. This term has been defined in Chapter II (§ 8). It is very probable that fasting for several days tended to produce the condition of mind and body requisite for the supposed superhuman communications. According to Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and other Omaha, some persons thought that they saw or heard ghosts or various animals. Sometimes men were roused from sleep, imagining that they heard mysterious voices. They claimed to have interviews with U-ga-ha-na-[p]a-ze, or the Ancient of Darkness; Ma-qpi, or the Ancient of Clouds; ┴ande, or the Ground Being; Iñgȼaⁿ, or the Thunder-being; the Sun, the Moon, the Morning Star, the Ancient of Rattlesnakes, the Ancient of Grizzly Bears, the Ancient of Black Bears, the Ancient of Buffaloes, the Ancient of Big Wolves, and the Ancient of Prairie Wolves. Each being or animal thus seen in a dream or vision seems to have been regarded as the special guardian spirit of the person claiming to have had interviews with him. The Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or Those who had interviews with the Thunder-being, never danced at the meetings of their society. They invited one another to feast, and they sang as they remained seated. The songs referred to the Thunder-being. When they finished eating and singing the ceremonies ended. This order of Thunder shamans claimed the power to make rain (see § 36).

According to Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and Little Village Maker, these shamans could also make circles of seven colors around the sun and moon, and the two men just named said that they had seen this done. Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows gave the following explanation: “When there are clouds that obscure the moon, a circle is seen around the moon, and it sometimes resembles a rainbow.” Though Two Crows belongs to the Buffalo society (┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or Order of Buffalo shamans—see § 89), he said that he had never had an interview with a mysterious buffalo, but that his work in the order was confined to the practice of surgery, he being the keeper of the “makaⁿ skiȼĕ,” or sweet medicine. Notwithstanding this, there are certain buffalo songs, the property of the order, and which they claim to be powerful charms capable of working cures, when used by the surgeons of their order. Said Two Crows to the author, “If they had sent for the doctors of our order we could have cured President Garfield.” The author obtained two of these Buffalo songs from an Omaha, but they are recorded only in singing notation.[50]

Among the Omaha societies are the Cañge iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Horse shamans,[51] the Caⁿʇañga iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Big Wolf shamans,[52] and the Maⁿtcu iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Grizzly Bear shamans.[53]

According to Francis La Flèche,[54]

“There are three degrees of powers which come to men through visions: First, when the vision takes the form of an animal which addresses the man, he will then have acquired a power which will stead him in danger, and give him success in life. Second, if the vision assumes the appearance of a cloud, or a human shape having wings like an eagle, and a voice addresses the man, he will have the additional power of being able to foretell events. Third, when the vision comes without any semblance and only a voice is heard, the man is given not only the power to achieve success and foretell events, but he can foresee the coming of death. Should a man endowed with the third degree so elect, he can in due form join the Ghost Society; or, if he prefers, he can practice his powers individually.”

His father, the late Joseph La Flèche, told the author in 1882 that the Ghost Dance formerly belonged to the Ponka tribe, from whom the Omaha took it; though it has not been used by the Omaha since about A. D. 1850.[55] The only inference which the author can draw from this statement of the father is that if the Omaha obtained the Ghost Dance from the Ponka, the Ghost Society or order of Ghost shamans is not an original Omaha society. That the two are closely connected is proved by the names, Wanaxe iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the (order of) Ghost shamans (or, The Ghost Society), and Wanaxe iȼa‘eȼĕ watcigaxe, The dance of those who have visions of ghosts, or, The Ghost Dance.

The Kansa have the Tce wactce, or Buffalo shaman, and an order of such shamans. When a Kansa had a vision or dream (i-ya-k’e-ye) of an animal, etc., he painted the mystery object on his shield. An old woman used to “iyak’eye” of a flying serpent, the [M]yets‘a táji lícka. The remains of such enormous serpents are found in the Black Hills, “and if one finds such a reptile, he must die.” For an account of the Kansa “wakandagi” see § 66.

The Kwapa or Ukaqpa Indians speak a dialect more closely allied to that of the Omaha and Ponka than to those of the Kansa and Osage. With them, to have superhuman communications is called dȼa-q‘é-dȼĕ; shamans and doctors are níka qúwĕ, mysterious men, and among their societies of such men are the following: Te dȼáq‘edȼĕ, Those having superhuman communications with the Buffalo; the Maⁿtú dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Grizzly Bear; the Iⁿtaⁿ´dȼaⁿ tañ´ʞa dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Panther; and the Jawé dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Beaver. There were doubtless other orders, but they are unknown to the author’s Kwapa informant, Alphonsus Valliere, of the Wajiñʞa or Bird gens.[56]

PERSONAL MYSTERY DECORATIONS.

§ 44. The Omaha and Ponka have certain personal mystery decorations, some of which are worn on garments, and others appear on the tents of their owners. The makers and wearers of such decorations must be members of one of the orders of shamans. George Miller’s father, Little Soldier, used to wear a buffalo robe decorated in the style shown in Figs. 156 and 157. It was his personal mystery decoration, which no one else could use. Even members of his gens (the Ictasanda, a Thunder and Reptile gens) feared to imitate it. The father promised to paint this decoration on four white blankets for his son George, but he died before he could paint the fourth one.

George received the first one when he was about seventeen years of age. Before he married he had worn out three. He still has the right to decorate and wear the fourth blanket, according to his father’s intention. He could decorate other white blankets in this style, and wear them, if he wished, but he could not transmit to any one of his children (the grandchildren of Little Soldier) the right to make and wear such a decoration, unless George himself should hereafter see the objects in a dream or vision.

The right to use such designs on a buffalo robe, blanket, tent, etc., must originate with one who has had a vision or dream in which the mystery objects are manifested. Those who could use the class of designs represented in the accompanying illustrations (Figs. 156-161) were members of the order of Thunder shamans (Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma).

ORDER OF THUNDER SHAMANS.

§ 45. This order is composed of those who have had dreams or visions, in which they have seen the Thunder-being, the Sun, the Moon, or some her superterrestrial objects or phenomena.

When a person saw the Thunder-being or some other mystery object, he kept the matter a secret for some time. He took care to join the first war party that went from his camp or village. When the party reached the land of the enemy or got into some trouble the man told of his dream or vision. Should the dreamer or seer kill or grasp a foe while a member of the expedition he made a Thunder song. He who brought back one of the enemy’s horses also had the right to make a Thunder song. Some time having elapsed after the return of the warriors, the seer painted the mystery objects on a robe or blanket, and prepared a feast, to which he invited all the members of the order of Thunder shamans. When the guests had assembled the robe was hung up and shown to them. Then all who were present rejoiced. From that time onward the host was a member of the order, and he could wear the robe with safety.

He could give his son the right to wear such a robe, but unless that son had a similar vision he could not transmit the right to one of the next generation. Little Soldier painted a buffalo robe with his personal mystery decoration, and gave it to Two Crows, whose father had been one of the leaders of the order of Thunder shamans. So Two Crows wore the robe, and he can make another like it; but he can not transmit the right to his son, Ga‘iⁿ-bajĭ. Two Crows would have been afraid to wear the robe or to copy the decoration on it had he not been a member of the order by direct inheritance from his father. A father can clothe his son in such a robe when that son is large enough to go courting. The man can not give such a robe to his daughter, but he can give one to his son’s son, or to his daughter’s son, should that grandson be a large youth, who has neared or reached the age of puberty.

If a man who became eligible by his vision to membership in the order of Thunder shamans ventured to wear the decorated robe without inviting the members of the order to a feast, he incurred the anger of the members and misfortune was sure to follow. Should a man wear such a decorated robe without having had a vision of the mystery object, he was in danger (if the object was connected with the Thunder-being, etc.) of being killed by lightning. Every Omaha feared to decorate his robe, tent, or blanket with an object seen by another person in a dream or vision. For instance, George Miller would not dare to have bears’ claws, horses’ hoofs, etc., on his robe, because neither he nor his father ever saw a bear or horse mysteriously. There are penalties attached to violations of the prohibitions of the other orders, but George Miller did not know about them.

Besides the personal mystery decoration of the robe or blanket, is that of the tent. Pl. XLIV, E is a sketch of a tent, furnished to the author by Dried Buffalo Skull, an old man of the Ȼatada gens of the Omaha. The decoration of this tent was the personal mystery or “qube” of Hupeȼa, Sr., father of Hupeȼa, Jr. (now known as ┴enugaʇañga), of the Wasabe-hit‘ajĭ or Black Bear sub-gens of the Ȼatada. After the death of Hupeȼa, Sr., the decoration became the property of his kinsman, Agaha-wacuce, of the same sub-gens, and father of Ԁaȼiⁿnaⁿpajĭ. The circle at the top, representing a bear’s cave, is sometimes painted blue, though Agaha-wacuce had it reddened. Below the four zigzag lines (representing the lightnings of different colors) are the prints of bears’ paws. The lower part of the tent was blackened with ashes or charcoal. Among the four zigzag lines, red, according to Mr. Francis La Flèche, symbolizes the east.

Wanukige, a chief of the Ictasanda gens, had a vision of the aurora borealis, so he depicted this on his robes and tent, as shown in Figs. 158 and 159. On the tent were seven stripes, three on each side of the entrance and one in the rear. Each robe that he wore had seven stripes.

Fig. 160 represents the personal mystery decoration of Ȼaqube of the [K]aⁿze gens. George Miller’s father could wear this decoration, but the right to it could not be transmitted by him to any one else. Ԁahe-ʇap‘ĕ, of the [K]e-‘iⁿ subgens of the Ȼatada gens, once had a vision of two stars and the new moon. Consequently he decorated his buffalo robe, as shown in Fig. 161, and joined the order of Thunder shamans. He died when the author was at the Omaha agency (between 1878 and 1880).

GENERIC FORMS OF DECORATION.

§ 46. There are examples of generic forms of decoration, as well as those of specific forms. For instance, when a person had a vision of the night, or of the Thunder-being, or one of some other superterrestrial object, he blackened the upper part of his tent and a small portion on each side of the entrance, as shown in Fig. 162.

It was given thus by George Miller:

SPECIFIC FORMS OF DECORATION.

A specific form related to the generic one just described is shown in Fig. 163. The blackened part of the tent represents the night, and the star denotes the morning star. There was a star on the left hand at the back of the tent, and another star on the right side. Black and blue are occasionally interchangeable in Omaha symbolism; hence we find that the night is represented by a blue band on a coyote skin worn by the elder Aⁿpaⁿ-skă, and subsequently by his son and namesake, when the latter was a small boy. The blue band was worn next the shoulders of the owner (Fig. 164).

The decoration refers to his “qube” or “sacred vision.” Little Cedar, of the Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe (Omaha) gens, belonged, we are told, to the Miⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or order of Sun and Moon shamans, probably identical with the order of Thunder shamans. Fig. 165 represents a vision which Little Cedar once had, described thus by George Miller:

The black band refers to the night; the circle, to the moon; the circumscribed figure is a ghost that he saw in the moon; and the dots above the moon refer to the “white which stands above the rising sun or moon.” Pl. XLIV B shows another tent decoration of the same man. The red circle represents the sun, in which stands a man holding the ʇa-cá-ge, or deer rattles, made of the hard or callous knobs found near the hoofs of the deer. These knobs are split, hollowed out, and strung on sticks. The tent being very large, the figure of the man was almost life size, and a real feather was tied to his head. The blue band at the bottom may represent night, but there is no certainty about it.

§ 47. Fig. 166 is the decoration of one of the tents of Ni-ku-ȼi-bȼaⁿ, father of the present Wackaⁿ-maⁿȼiⁿ (Hard Walker), an ex-chief of the Omaha. Nikuȼibȼaⁿ was one of the two leaders of the order of Thunder shamans, and was regarded as being very “qube” or mysterious. The black band at the bottom refers to the night, and above it are seen the moon and a star. The old man named one of his grandchildren Haⁿakipa (Meets the Night), after the vision to which the tent decoration refers.

George Miller furnished the description of Nikuȼibȼaⁿ’s tent, obtained from an old woman, who is his widow:

That is, “I myself did not see him, but I have heard what was told. They say that he had a vision of the Thunder-being, so he made that rainbow which appears in the figure (Fig. 167). The old woman, his widow, has told that he painted the top of the tent, near the smoke-hole, in spots. They say that he said that the Thunder-being had carried him up on high, and that the place there resembled this world. The man was regarded as very mysterious; therefore he decorated his tent according to the pattern that he wished to make. The painted spots represent hail.” Many years ago, Nikuȼibȼaⁿ said that he had been carried up into the world above this one, and that he found it resembled the world in which we live. The rainbow and hail depicted on the tent formed part of the vision, but their exact significance has not been explained.