[50] Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 108.

[51] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 13. Cf. the Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 95, 117 ff., passim.

[52] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 41, 42, 4 ff., 28, 29-42, 118, passim.

[53] Dargun, op. cit., 41.

[54] Ibid., 3 ff., 28, 36, 86 ff., 155, passim. As remarked in the text, the whole work is concerned with the thesis in question. The distinction is also made in the Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 18.

[55] See Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 86-116, for his criticism of the linguistic argument.

[56] Ibid., 91, 92. Cf. a similar protest against conclusions as to the primitive Aryans derived from Greek and Roman sources, ibid., 116; and Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 14.

[57] Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 69, denies that women have ever attained political headship; but (113, 114) declares, though the researches of the philologists make it probable that the Aryans lived under the rule of house-fathers, that neither this fact nor any other circumstance tells against the view that mother-right coexisted from antiquity; while, in a still more remote period, this may have implied matriarchal power in the family; but of such a matriarchate no proofs are presented.

[58] Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 64. This work is continued in the Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, the two books really constituting a single treatise. Compare the more conservative view of Jolly, Ueber die rechtliche Stellung der Frau, 4 ff., 20-22, and Hindu Law of Partition, 76 ff., who, however, denies the existence of an authority on the part of the Hindu husband equal to that of the Roman pater.

[59] Bernhöft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 12, 15, who also regards the view of Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 8, 13, as extreme. Cf. his "Principien des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., IX, 416, n. 39. Kohler favors the patriarchal system and agnation for the Indic peoples, in ZVR., VII, 201, 210, 216; X, 85. Hearn, Aryan Household, chaps. iii-vi, passim, takes practically the same view as Maine regarding the patriarchal theory, rejecting entirely for the Aryans the matriarchal hypothesis.

[60] The rita-conception is well expressed by Dr. Botsford: "This mankind learned from the revolution of sun and stars, from the succession of the seasons, from the unchanging movements of nature. The conception thus gained was transferred to human modes of activity. The sexes in marriage were subject to the naturalis ratio, as well as the continuance of the race through successive generations. The relation of parents to children with their reciprocal obligations and privileges—the protection and support which the father, as the stronger, offered, the kind care of the mother for her infants, the reverence and affection with which the children requited their services, the love of youth and maiden, leading to marriage—all these rested, in the rita period, on the one foundation of natural law."—Athenian Constitution, 29, 30.

[61] The discussion of the two general phases of rita and dharma, with their transitional stages, constitutes one of the most valuable parts of Leist's contribution to comparative jurisprudence: Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 3, 111 ff., 132, 133, 174 ff., 606; Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 175-285. Cf. Botsford, op. cit., 24, 25, 26 ff., for an excellent account; on the Roman stages see Muirhead, Private Law of Rome, 14-23; and for the Greek themis and the themistes of the hero-kings consult Maine, Ancient Law, chap. i.

[62] For a definition of dharma see Bernhöft, "Ueber die Grundlagen der Rechtsentwicklung bei den indogermanischen Völkern," ZVR., II, 266 ff., 261 ff.

[63] Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 122 ff., 125-33.

[64] Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 10 ff., 21 ff., 25 ff., divides the rita period into two stages: that of the "primitive Aryan household," and that of the "early Ayran household," and thinks that the latter stage is represented by the house-communities of the southern Slavs; but this may be doubted. Dr. Botsford favors the existence of agnation and the absolute power of the father in the rita period; and believes that the liberal tendencies, presently to be pointed out, are a development of the dharma period, beginning before the separation (24-26). On agnation and the power of the early Aryan house-fathers see Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 386 ff.; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 319 ff., 326 ff.; Delbrück, Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, 382, 586-88, 543, 544; Jolly, Ueber die rechtliche Stellung, etc., 4 ff., 20-22; Hindu Law of Partition, 76 ff.

[65] Leist, op. cit., 80.

[66] On ancestor-worship, in connection with the literature already cited, p. 13, note 4, see Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 7 ff., 121 ff.; Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 59-118; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 318; Schneider, Die Naturvölker, I, 202 ff., II, 64 f., 75, 76, 108, 126 f., 255 ff., 369; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 408 ff.; "Studien über künstliche Verwandtschaft," ibid., V, 423-25; also for the Papuas, ibid., VII, 373. For the influence of ancestor-worship among the Slavs see Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, 33 ff.; among the American aborigines, Peet, "Ethnographic Religions and Ancestor-Worship," Am. Antiquarian, XV, 230-45, and "Personal Divinities and Culture Heroes," ibid., 348-72.

[67] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 10-14, 275 ff., 282, 284, 294, criticises Maine's theory of adoption. Kohler's investigations show that adoption, artificial brotherhood, milk-kinship, and like institutions have widely prevailed and rendered important service. Adoption, he holds, may arise in different motives; sometimes being due to sexual communism, when it is a means of assigning the children to particular fathers; but very generally arising in the desire for descendants to perpetuate the family-worship: "Studien über die künstliche Verwandtschaft," ZVR., V, 415-40; see also for much important matter his various other writings in ZVR., III, 408-24, 393 ff. (India); VI, 190 (Chins), 345 (Indian Archipelago), 377-79 (China), 403 (Korea); VII, 218 ff. (Punjab); VIII, 100 (Rajputs), 109-12 (Dekkan), 243, 244 (Arabia). See also Post, Familienrecht, 25-42, for an interesting account; also Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 60 ff., 77, 99-207; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 103 ff., 115, 606; Tornauw, "Das Erbrecht nach den Verordnungen des Islams," ZVR., V, 151; Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 237-45; Starcke, Primitive Family, 146, 233; Huc, Chinese Empire, II, 226.

[68] Leist, op. cit., 103, 115, 504 ff. On the position of the house-mother cf. Hearn, Aryan Household, 86-91.

[69] Leist, op. cit., 122, 123, 126 ff., successfully combats the theory of Kohler ("Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 394), who declares that it is a cardinal principle of Indo-Germanic legal evolution that "die Vaterschaft beruht auf dem Rechte des Mannes am Weibe, kraft dessen dem Hausvater das Kind des Weibes zukomme, ebenso wie dem Eigenthümer des Feldes die Frucht." The same view is expressed by Kohler in Krit. Vjschr, N. F., IV, 17, 18; and in "Vorislamitisches Recht," ZVR., VIII, 242. Cf. Unger, Die Ehe, 11, 77; Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 95 ff., 99, 158.

[70] Although the married son possessed a hearth and was a free member of the gens, "his house did not become fully independent in religious and property matters till the death of the father and the final division of the property."—Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 27, and the sources there cited. Cf. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 326 ff.; Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 124.

[71] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, chaps. xvi, xvii; Leist, op. cit., 124, 504 ff.

[72] Leist, op. cit., 496-508; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 424 ff.

[73] Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 95, 96. Lack of space prevents any attempt at a detailed discussion of the old Aryan or Indic family and matrimonial law; a general reference must suffice: Leist, Alt-arisches Jus Gentium, 59 ff., 496 ff.; Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 7 ff., 57 ff., passim; Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte, 379-95; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, 305-36; Jolly, Rechtliche Stellung, 1 ff.; idem, Hindu Law of Partition, 70 ff.; Kohler, "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht," ZVR., III, 342-442; and his various articles, ibid., VI, 344-46 (Indian Archipelago and Caroline Islands); VII, 201-39 (Punjab); VIII, 89-147, 262-73 (Indian customary law); IX, 323-36 (Bengal); X, 66-134 (Bombay); XI, 163-74 (Indian North-west Provinces); Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 2-67 (excellent); Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 159 ff., 355 ff., index; Bernhöft, "Altindisches Familienorganisation," ZVR., IX, 1-45; McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 50 ff., 96 ff., especially the chapters on "sonship among the Hindoos," 266-339, combating the view of Maine, Early Law and Custom, 78-121, 232 ff.; Early Hist. of Inst., 116-18, 310 ff.; and Mayne, Hindu Law and Usage, 50 ff., 60 ff., passim; Starcke, Primitive Family, 100 ff.; Letourneau, L'évolution du mariage, index; Hearn, Aryan Household; Unger, Die Ehe, 21-27; Bader, La femme dans l'Inde antique, 39 ff.; Jacolliot, La femme dans l'Inde, 7 ff.

[74] Botsford, Athenian Constitution, 50; Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 59 ff. Westermarck, Human Marriage, 230, justly observes that the power of the father among the Greeks, Germans, and Celts, "to expose his children when they were very young and to sell his marriageable daughters, does not imply the possession of a sovereignty like that which the Roman house-father exercised over his descendants at all ages."

[75] Leist, op. cit., 60, and 59 ff., for his discussion of the Aryan custom of exposing new-born children.

[76] Botsford, op. cit., 51; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 118, 120, notes; Plutarch, Solon, 13.

[77] Botsford, op. cit., 52; Leist, op. cit., 57, 58, 64, 11 ff.

[78] Ibid., 57-102.

[79] In the post-Homeric age agnation did not exist; see Botsford, op. cit., 73. In general on the Greek family see Hruza, Ehebegründung nach attischem Rechte, 8 ff.; McLennan, Studies, I, 121-23, especially the essay on "Kinship in Ancient Greece," ibid., 195-246 (favoring the maternal system); Botsford, op. cit., chaps. i, ii, iii, supporting the patriarchal theory; but Dr. Botsford's patriarchal family is not that of Sir Henry Maine; Lasaulx, Zur Gesch. u. Philos. der Ehe bei den Griechen, 3 ff.; Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 2, 3, 14; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines, etc., 286-301; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 24 ff., 355 ff., 366 ff., who criticises McLennan's view in detail for the Aryan peoples; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 35, 36; Bernhöft, "Das Gesetz von Gortyn," ZVR., VI, 281-304, 430-40; and his "Ehe- und Erbrecht der griechischen Heroenzeit," ibid., XI, 326-64, both articles being of great value; Kohler, "Die Ionsage und Vaterrecht," ibid., V, 407-14, who proves the existence of "judicial" fatherhood; Westermarck, Human Marriage, 232, 233; Unger, Die Ehe, 52-65; Bader, La femme grecque, I, 41 ff.; II, 1 ff. See also Hearn, Aryan Household, and Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, for much valuable matter.

[80] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 120-31; Studies, I, 68 ff., 118; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines, etc., 329-32; Kovalevsky, Tableau, 31, 32; Maine, Early Hist. of Inst., 216 ff., passim.

[81] The South Slavonian house community is an early institution; see Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven, 2 ff., 64-128; Botsford, op. cit., 12-21; Giraud-Teulon, op. cit., 340, 341; McLennan, op. cit., 71-119; Maine, Ancient Law, 118; Early Law and Custom, 232-82. But it is not primitive. Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Anc. Laws of Russia, chaps. i, ii, finds many survivals, as he believes, of an earlier maternal system of kinship and succession.

[82] The question for the Germans will be again referred to; see chap. vi, below.

[83] Gaius, I, 55, Poste, 61.

[84] Such is the view of McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 136-40, 181 ff., 205 ff., 214, 260-62, where Maine's theory of agnation is criticised.

[85] "The last vestiges of the two disappeared from the law together. But, in fact, agnation went first. The paternal powers were susceptible of abridgment and restriction in various ways short of extinction. The wife might become free from them; the children also; and yet they might remain for the slaves. And it was thus gradually that they perished. But agnation is perfect, or it ceases to be agnation. And the moment the ties of blood through women received civil effects agnation was no more."—Patriarchal Theory, 182. On the decay of agnation and patria potestas see Sohm, Institutes, 357, 358, 389-93, 438-47; Puchta, Institutionen, II, 18, 384 ff., 431 ff., 457 ff.; Muirhead, Introduction to the Private Law of Rome, 422 ff., 343-49; Maine, Ancient Law, chap. v; Morey, Roman Law, 78, 129, 150, 240-43, 248.

[86] McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 190.

[87] Ibid., 194, 195.

[88] Ibid., 204-14. Cf. Muirhead, Introduction to the Private Law of Rome, 43.

[89] Plutarch, Roman Questions, VI, tells us that "in early times the prohibition of marriage extended as far as the tie of blood; and, if this be received, it involves—since the gentiles considered themselves to be of the same blood—that there could not be marriage between persons of the same gens."—McLennan, op. cit., 206, 207.

[90] Leist, Graeco-italische Rechtsgeschichte, 95, 96, also denies (against Marquardt, Privatleben, I, 22, 29) that the distinctive feature of the Roman family is dependent on the patriarchal authority, since the elements of agnation and paternal power are Aryan. Bernhöft, "Germanische und moderne Rechtsideen im rezipirten röm. Recht," ZVR., IV, 234, holds that Roman agnation does not depend upon blood-relationship, but upon power; and this was an Aryan characteristic; idem, Röm. Königszeit, 69 ff., 94, 201. McLennan's hypothesis is plausible, though not strongly supported by proof. Cf. Starcke, Primitive Family, 101; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 384, 385.

[91] Such are the isolated facts comprised in the early annals which seem to imply acknowledged kinship in the female line, even precedence of the latter; the fact that the status of slaves, illegitimate children, and the children of concubines was determined by the condition of the mother; the effects of marriage by usus; the supposed evidences of former wife-capture and wife-purchase, marking the transition to the agnatic system; the instances of wife-lending as by the elder Cato; and especially the plebeian element; for cognation, not agnation, prevailed among the plebeians, and possibly among them kinship was at first counted only through the mother; see Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 9-13, 14; Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 115; Bernhöft, "Zur Geschichte des europäischen Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 197-201; "Germanische und moderne Rechtsideen im rezipirten röm. Recht," ibid., IV, 227 ff.; Staat und Recht der röm. Königszeit, 192, 202-7; Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 408-26; Sohm, Institutes, 360, 361, notes; Karlowa, Die Formen der röm. Ehe, 1 ff.; McLennan, Patriarchal Theory, 194 ff., 205 ff., 259 ff.

[92] "Die Ehe des römischen Civilrechts (justum matrimonium) war eine formgebundene, durch und durch künstliche Institution."—Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe, 10. Cf. Bernhöft, Staat und Recht der röm. Königszeit, 196 ff.

[93] See, for example, Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 4, 5; Kohler, in ZVR., IV, 266 ff., who regards Bachofen as the "Altmeister der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz;" and Giraud-Teulon, Mariage et la famille, 146 ff., passim. Cf. Kautsky, in Kosmos, XII, 348.

[94] Delbrück, "Das Mutterrecht bei den Indogermanen," in Preussische Jahrbücher, XCVII, 15, characterizes the work as "fantastic," though resting upon "einer äusserst ausgebreiteten Gelehrsamkeit." Dr. Starcke's criticism is too severe: "We should rather call his 'Mutterrecht' the rhapsody of a well-informed poet than the work of a calm and clear-sighted man of science."—Primitive Family, 243. For the best analysis of Bachofen, see ibid., 241-51. Cf. also Bernhöft, "Zur Geschichte des eur. Familienrechts," in ZVR., VIII, 4, 5; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 98 ff.; McLennan, Studies in Ancient History, I, 319-25; Giraud-Teulon, La mère chez certains peuples de l'antiquité, 6 ff.; Zmigrodski, Die Mutter, 178 ff., 196 ff., 311 ff., passim; Schmidt, Jus primae noctis, 31, 36-38, 178, 190; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 14 ff., 257, 258; Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 256, 257, 348; Achelis, Die Entwicklung der Ehe, 6 ff.; Posada, Théories modernes, 47 ff., 148; Chamberlain, The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought, 12 ff.

[95] The author first discusses the account given by Herodotus and others of Lycian customs, which account, he declares, contains the clearest and most valuable evidence of the existence and character of Mutterrecht (v). Then follows a similar treatment of the evidence derived from Crete, Athens, Lemnos, Egypt, India and central Asia, Orchomenos and the Minyœ, Epizephyrian Locris, Elis, Lesbos, Mantinea, the Cantabrians, and from the Pythagorean system.

[96] Das Mutterrecht, vi, xviii-xix, xxi, passim.

[97] Ibid., vi. "Wie auf die Periode des Mutterrechts die Herrschaft der Paternität folgt, so geht jener eine Zeit des regellosen Hetärismus voran."—Ibid., xviii. For many illustrations, see the Index at "Aphrodite," "Demeter," and "Apollo," the names of the divinities presiding respectively over the three phases.

[98] "Es kann nicht verkannt werden: die Gynaikokratie hat sich überall in bewusstem und fortgesetztem Widerstande der Frau, gegen den sie erniedrigenden Hetärismus hervorgebildet, befestigt, erhalten."—Ibid., xix; cf. xviii, 17-18.

[99] Ibid., 18, passim. Cf. Starcke, 245.

[100] "Das demetrische Prinzip erscheint als die Beeinträchtigung eines entgegengesetzten ursprünglichern, die Ehe selbst als Verletzung eines Religionsgebots.... Nur aus ihm erläutert sich der Gedanke, dass die Ehe eine Sühne jener Gottheit verlangt, deren Gesetz sie durch Ausschliesslichkeit verletzt. Nicht um in den Armen eines Einzelnen zu verwelken, wird das Weib von der Natur mit allen Reizen, über welche sie gebietet, ausgestattet; das Gesetz des Stoffes verwirft alle Beschränkung, hasst alle Fesseln, und betrachtet jede Ausschliesslichkeit als Versündung an ihrer Göttlichkeit."—Das Mutterrecht, xix. In general, on the antagonism of Aphrodite to marriage, see ibid., 13, 71, 134, 137, 310, 320, 325.

[101] "Die Prostitution wird selbst eine Bürgschaft der ehelichen Keuschheit, deren Heilighaltung eine vorausgegangene Erfüllung des natürlichen Berufes von Seite der Frau erfordert."—Ibid., xix.

[102] Ibid., xxiv.

[103] Starcke, Primitive Family, 246. On the Amazon myth see Bachofen, Das Mutterrecht, xxiv ff., 85. For many examples of amazonism noticed in the work see Index at "Amazonen;" and compare Giraud-Teulon, Mariage et la famille, 302-28, who accepts the view of Bachofen and gives an elaborate discussion. According to Kovalevsky, Mod. Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia, 16 ff., there are evidences of amazonism found among the Slavs. Compare Stricker, "Untersuchungen über die kriegerischen Weiber," Archiv für Anthropologie, V; and his Amazonen in Sage und Geschichte.

[104] Das Mutterrecht, xiii, xiv. See Starcke's fine translation of these passages, op. cit., 243-45.

[105] Das Mutterrecht, 19; cf. Starcke, 245.

[106] Starcke's summary, op. cit., 244; Bachofen, xxvii.

[107] Starcke's summary, op. cit., 244, 245; Bachofen, xxix.

[108] Friedrichs, "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ZVR., X, 190, 191, rejects the use of Mutterrecht as being practically of "no significance," preferring Matriarchat (from ἄρχειν = "to lead") to denote the uterine system of relationship; and Gynaikokratie, "gynocracy" (from κρατεĩν = "to rule") to express the idea of the domination of women over men. "Gynocracy" is used to express this idea by the Jesuit Lafitau (Mœurs des sauvages, 1724), borrowed from Strabo (Geogr., lib. iii); Peschel, Races of Man, 234; Ploss, Das Kind, II, 393. Mucke, Horde und Familie, 108 ff., 114 ff., 174 ff., passim, rejects the use of Mutterrecht and Vaterrecht, and adopts the terms "gynocratic" and "androcratic" family; but these designations had already been employed by other writers, e. g., by Ploss, op. cit., II, 393-96. "Metrocracy" also appears: Westermarck, Human Marriage, 98.

But Dargun's use of Mutterrecht and Vaterrecht to express maternal or paternal kinship, and Matriarchat and Patriarchat to express maternal or paternal power, seems preferable, in order to avoid confusing the two conceptions; see above, chap. i, p. 21. Compare further Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 11, who uses Mutterfolge and Vaterfolge respectively as opposed to Matriarchat and Patriarchat; also Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 122-24, who gives definitions of "marriage" and "family;" and Westermarck, "Le matriarcat," Annales, 115 ff., who shows that in practice writers have used "matriarchate" in three senses.

[109] Les origines du mariage, 302-28.

[110] Lippert, Geschichte der Familie, 17; Unger, Die Ehe, 9. See also Gumplowicz, Grundriss der Sociologie, Abschnitt III, who holds that a period of gynocracy preceded the androcratic stage; Barazetti, in ZVR., IX, 304-7. See also Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 13 ff.

[111] Kautsky, "Die Entstehung der Ehe und Familie," Kosmos, XII, 343, 344.

[112] Peschel, Races of Man, 233, 234.

[113] Tylor, Method of Investigating Institutions, 252.

[114] Letourneau, in Annales de l'institut international, 155: "Le mot [matriarcat] doit disparaître, parceque la chose n'a jamais existé."

[115] Hellwald, Die mensch. Familie, 213 ff. But this author (112 ff., 116) shows that among primitive men the sexes were not fully differentiated; so that women often possessed "amazonian" characteristics.

[116] Grosse, Die Formen der Familie, 48, 161 ff., 176 ff., 183. According to Grosse, among the lowest existing races patriarchalism prevails. Examples of women exercising political authority in the clan (Sippe) are exceedingly rare, although such may be found occasionally, as among the Huron and Iroquois, and some other peoples.

[117] Kohler, "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium," ZVR., VI, 328, 329. Cf. Powell, "Wyandot Government," I. Rep. of Bureau of Eth., 59-69.

[118] Friedrichs, "Ueber den Ursprung des Matriarchats," ZVR., VIII, 381, 382, though he shows elsewhere that paternal authority may coexist with mother-right: "Familienstufen und Eheformen," ibid., X, 206. Cf. Mucke, Horde und Familie, 108 ff., 114 ff., passim, who maintains that the family, androcratic or gynocratic, originates in slavery through rape or purchase. In the gynocratic family the woman is owner and mistress of the man, as the man is lord of the woman in the androcratic family.

[119] Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 67-85.

[120] For an example see Powell, op. cit., and his "Wyandotte Society," A. A. A. S., XXIX, 675-88.

[121] For his theory see the Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht; and compare chap. i, pp. 20-23, above.

[122] See Post, Ursprung des Rechts, 52-56; Die Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 94, denying the existence of a period of gynocracy; also Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I, 748; Ploss, Das Kind, II, 393; Wake, Marriage and Kinship, 216-19; Letourneau, L'évolution du mariage, 131.

[123] Westermarck, Human Marriage, 41; Curr, The Australian Race, I, 60, 62, 69. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht, 2 ff., insists that Mutterrecht denotes merely exclusive kinship through the mother and is entirely consistent with paternal authority. Cf. Mucke, 173 ff.

[124] Starcke, op. cit., 65; cf. ibid., 229. Fear of the blood-feud through the wife's relatives, as among the Amaxosa, may sometimes act as a check upon the power or brutality of the husband: Rehme, "Das Recht der Amaxosa," ZVR., X, 39, 40.

[125] For example, by Giraud-Teulon, Les origines du mariage, 70 ff., passim; Lippert, Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit, II, 7; Bernhöft, "Zur Gesch. des eur. Familienrechts," ZVR., VIII, 161 ff.; Engels, Ursprung der Familie, 17; Kulischer, "Die geschlechtliche Zuchtwahl," ZFE., VIII, 140; "Intercommunale Ehe," ibid., X, 193; Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity, 480, 487 ff.; Ancient Society, 418, 500-502, 384 ff.; Bastian, Rechtsverhältnisse, xviii, lix; McLennan, Studies, I, 92, 95, passim; Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 86 ff., 98 ff.; Post, Anfänge des Staats- und Rechtsleben, 19; Geschlechtsgenossenschaft, 16 ff.; Grundlagen des Rechts, 182 ff.; Familienrecht, 54 ff.; Ursprung des Rechts, 46 ff.; Wilken, Das Matriarchat, 7; Gumplowicz, Outlines of Sociology, 110 ff.; and especially Kohler, in ZVR., IV, 266, 267; V, 334 ff., and elsewhere throughout his numerous papers.