[1029] Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 3, 4, distinguishes the three phases in the growth of the canon law: "D'abord, elle s'est développée à côté du droit séculier, celuici restant indépendant et souverain dans son domaine, et n'a exercé qu'une action parallèle. Dans une seconde phase, elle a supplanté et éliminé le droit séculier, elle seule régissant le mariage dans l'Europe chrétienne. Enfin, devant un reflux puissant de la législation civile, elle a dû, dans le temps moderne, abandonner le terrain qu'elle avait ainsi occupé, pour garder seulement son autorité première, et reprendre son ancienne position."

[1030] For examples see Ignatius, Epis. to Philadel., c. iv; Epis. to Polycarp, c. v, in Ante-Nicene Fathers, I, 81, 95; Justin, First Apol., cxv, ibid., 167; Athenagoras, Plea for Christians, c. xxxiii, ibid., II, 147; Clement of Alex., ibid., 259-63, 377-79. In this last passage Clement is less coarse than usual. "Marriage, then, as a sacred image," he concludes, "must be kept pure from those things which defile it." Cf. also Tertullian, ibid., III, 293-95, 443; Origen, To His Wife, ibid., IV, 40-44. Compare Bucksisch, De apostolis uxoratis, 9 ff., who holds that, with the exception of John and Paul, all the apostles had wives. In general, on the development of the early Christian conception of marriage from its Roman and Hebrew beginnings, see Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 32 ff.; Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 93 ff.; Schulte, Der Cölibatszwang, 5 ff.; Theiner, Die Einführ. der erz. Ehelosigkeit, I, 5 ff.; Stäudlin, Geschichte der Vorstellungen und Lehren von der Ehe, 259 ff.; Letters on the Const. Celibacy of the Clergy, 22 ff., 51 ff.; Recherches phil. et hist. sur le célibat, 67 ff. On the influence of Paul's teaching see Thwing, The Family, 47 ff.; and compare Nisbet, Marriage and Heredity, 33-57, who takes an unfavorable view of the influence of the church as opposed to that of Christianity; and Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 49 ff.; Huth, Marriage of Near Kin, 108 ff.

[1031] Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, II, 383. Compare the excellent account of the canonical conception of marriage in Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 63-92. "Enfin, le mariage étant conçu comme un remède à la concupiscence, le droit canonique sanctionnait, avec une énergie toute particulière, l'obligation du devoir conjugal, non seulement dans le forum internum, mais encore devant le forum externum. De là toute une série de règles que les canonistes du moyen âge exposaient avec une précision minutieuse et une innocente impudeur, et qu'il est parfois assez difficile de rappeler, aujourd'hui que les mœurs ont changé et que l'on n'écrit plus en latin."—Ibid., 84, cited also by Pollock and Maitland, II, 383. It is well, for instance, that the editors of the Ante-Nicene Fathers have concealed the "innocent immodesty" of Clement of Alexandria (The Instructor, c. x, ibid., II, 259 ff.; Stromata, Book III, ibid., II, 381 ff.) in the Latin version. The indecency of the Penitentials is so shocking as almost to justify Gibbon's severe epigram that in them "some sins are enumerated which innocence could not have suspected, and others which reason cannot believe."—Decline and Fall, chap. lviii, 1070. "I know of no more fatal sources of antichristian error," says Kemble of the Penitentials, "no more miserable records of the debasement and degradation of human intellect, no more frightful proofs of the absence of genuine religion."—Saxons, II, 403, 404. See the Poenitentiale Theodori, lib. i, c. ii: Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, III, 178, 179; and especially Wasserschleben's excellent collection of Bussordnungen.

The monstrous indecencies of the mediæval confessional are revealed by Bouvet, De la confession et du célibat des prêtres, 195 ff. On the other hand, a word of justification may be found in Ellis, Psychology of Sex, I, pp. viii-ix.

[1032] The Council of Trent declared marriage to be a sacrament, but did not settle the mediæval dispute as to the relation of its different elements. A strong party held that it is necessary to distinguish between the contract and the sacrament. The church might regulate the former and not the latter, for it was established by Christ himself. This doctrine would logically have led to civil marriage, which the council was not ready to sanction. "In every sacrament a distinction is made between the minister, that is the agent who produces the sacrament, and its materia, the objective or real content." From this distinction arose an important controversy; one party regarding the priest, and the other the parties, as the minister of the sacrament. According to the former theory, which was adopted by the French church, the bare consent of the parties constituted the contract, and the marriage gained its sacramental character later through the priestly benediction. The form of valid contract as a temporal matter may therefore be determined by the state. As a direct consequence of this doctrine in the eighteenth century civil marriage arose in France: Friedberg, Geschichte der Civilehe, 26-29; idem, Eheschliessung, 546 ff., 509 ff. Cf. Salis, Publikation des trid. Rechts, 46 ff.; Riedler, Bedingte Eheschliessung, 12, 18 ff.; Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 78 ff.; II, 159 ff. The modern Catholic church rejects the doctrine that there can be a distinction between the contract and sacrament, the parties being the ministers of the sacrament. Yet in effect a distinction is really made. The benediction, we are told, is not "necessary in order to the validity of the sacrament; but it is the presence of the parish priest, which is a necessary condition sine quâ non in order to the validity of the contract."—Humphrey, Christian Marriage, 70 ff., 73 ff.; Oswald, Die dogmat. Lehre von den heil. Sakramenten, II, 501 ff. On this controversy see especially Richter, Lehrbuch, 1047-49; Meurer, "Die rechtl. Natur des trid. Matrimonialdecrets," ZKR., XXII; and Schulte, "Die Statthaftigkeit der Civilehe nach kath. Grundsätzen," ibid., XI, holding that the action of the Council of Trent regarding the marriage contract is not dogmatic in character, and that hence the state, without violating Catholic doctrine, may rightly institute a compulsory civil marriage form. Compare Roskovány, De matrimonio in ecc. cath., 35-42; Perrone, De matrimonio christ., I, 46-159.

[1033] Kemble, Saxons, II, 434 ff., 454, 455; Lingard, Hist. Anglo-Saxon Church, I, 156-62; II, 235 ff., 260 ff.; Stubbs, Const. Hist., I, 224; Theiner, Die Einführ. der erz. Ehelosigkeit, I, 267-69.

[1034] In 376 "a Gallic synod excommunicated those who should refuse the ministrations of a priest on the ground of his marriage," though this need not imply that the church resisted celibacy: Kemble, Saxons, II, 441. Married priests were still allowed in the western church in 961. "The priests were enjoyned not to marry without the leave of the Pope, on which account a great disturbance took place in the diocese of Teilaw, so that it was considered best to allow matrimony to the priests."—"Brut y Twigsog.," in Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, I, 286. For England there is abundant evidence of the marriage of priests, sometimes of bishops, even as late as the twelfth century: Kemble, op. cit., II, 443 ff.; Haddan and Stubbs, op. cit., III, 19 (temp. Gregory); II, 178 (Scotland); Lea, Sacerdotal Celibacy, 147, 159 ff., 197 (concubines), 271 ff.; Theiner, op. cit., II, 183 ff.; Lingard, Hist. Anglo-Saxon Church, I, 156-62; II, 235, who thinks at first the rule of celibacy was enforced; Stubbs, Const. Hist., I, 223, 224, notes; Ellis, Int. to Domesday, I, 342 (two examples, an. 1086); especially the excellent discussion of celibacy in England by Makower, Const. Hist. Eng. Church, 212-24, where the sources are cited.

[1035] Stubbs, Const. Hist., I, 243, 244, notes; Cod. Dipl., xxxiii, cxlvi, ccxv, lxxx, cxxvii, lxxxii, cxxiv, clxix; Haddan and Stubbs, op. cit., II, 178 (Scotland); Theiner, op. cit., I, 321-47.

[1036] After centuries of struggle and divergent practice, this was decreed by the Roman council under Nicholas II., 1059; and by the first Lateran council under Calixtus II., 1123: Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Ant., II, 1100; Hard. Concil., tom. vi, 1052; vii, 1111. "The eastern church has never forbidden marriage before ordination to its presbyters, and has never laid upon them the burden of abstinence from their wives; and there is no doubt that the eastern discipline in this respect was the discipline of the whole of the early church." But eventually, in the East as well as the West, bishops were forbidden to have wives: Meyrick, op. cit., 1098, 1099, where the sources are cited on the whole subject of the rise of celibacy. Cf. Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 165 ff., 449 ff.; Lyndwood, Provinciale (ed. 1505), foll. xc-xcv; Lingard, Hist. Anglo-Saxon Church, I, 156 ff.; Kemble, Saxons, II, 439 ff.; Schulte, Der Cölibatszwang, 5 ff.; Recherches phil. et hist. sur le célibat, 147 ff.; Lea, Sacerdotal Celibacy, 59 ff.; Thwing, The Family, 74 ff.; Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 49 ff., 55 ff.; Nisbet, Marriage and Heredity, 44 ff.

[1037] Citing Augustine, Serm. ix, li, Op., tom. v, pp. 88, 345, ed. Migne. Augustine's view is that of the earlier Fathers; see the references in n. 2, p. 325, above, to which many more might be added. Cf. Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 83-87; Theiner, Die Einführung der erz. Ehelosigkeit, I, 23 ff. (teachings of the "heretical sects"), 81 (teachings of the "Fathers"); Recherches phil. et hist. sur le célibat, 177 ff. (doctrines of the early "heretics").

[1038] In the Stromata, c. xxiii: Ante-Nicene Fathers, II, 378, Clement of Alexandria approaches the loftier view of marriage. "Philosophers" are "to take advantage of marriage for help in the whole of life, and for the best self-restraint." It is a "sacred image;" and "every foul and polluting practice" must be purged away from it.

[1039] Meyrick, in Dict. Christ. Ant., II, 1198. The early theological conception of marriage is much lower than that of the mature Roman law: "Nuptiae sunt conjunctio maris et feminae et consortium omnis vitae, divini et humani juris communicatio": Modestinus, in Digest, xxiii, tit. 2, l. 1: Corpus juris civilis, I, 295. Cf. Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 22. As if to emphasize the paradoxical nature of the prevailing dogma, the Council of Trent anathematizes those who say "that matrimony is not truly and properly one of the seven sacraments;" as well as those who say "that the marriage state is to be placed above the state of virginity, or of celibacy, and that it is not better and more blessed to remain in virginity, or in celibacy, than to be united in matrimony."—Waterworth, Canons and Decrees, 194, 195. The Reformation Fathers constantly reproach their Roman antagonists with this anomaly and with having debased the state of marriage which is right for all according to the law of God and nature: see the Parker Society collection of the Works of Fathers and Early Writers of the Reformed English Church, General Index, at "Marriage," 515-17. Cf. the curious book of Madan, Thelyphthora, or a Treatise on Female Ruin (2d ed., London, 1781), who endeavors to show that sacerdotal celibacy, the theory of impediments, and the invention of the sacrament of matrimony have lowered the ideal of marriage which is an institution divinely ordained for all men. He brings together in convenient form for reference a mass of extracts from the teachings of the Fathers, the papal and conciliar decrees, the utterances of the schoolmen, and other sources.

[1040] Farrar, Seekers after God, 10 ff.

[1041] Capes, Early Empire, 223 ff., discusses the exaggeration of the satirists; and in his Age of the Antonines, 85, 86, 89, 90, 117 ff., he describes the family life of Marcus Aurelius and analyzes his meditations.

[1042] Taine, Ancient Régime, 1-5.

[1043] Eckenstein, Woman under Monasticism, 5, 478. This important and very interesting book throws much new light on the position of woman in the Middle Ages. The convent was a refuge from the "tyranny" of the family; and the author believes that the desire for independence was a survival of the "mother-age." The woman saint is thus a successor of the "tribal goddess" and the "heathen prophetess."

[1044] The doctrine that woman was the cause of the "original sin" arose among the early fathers of the church, and it was well established by the time of Augustine. At the Council of Macon (585) the question, "Does woman possess a soul?" was seriously discussed. "Upon one side it was argued that woman should not be called 'homo;' upon the opposite side that she should, because, first, the Scriptures declared that God created man, male and female; second, that Jesus Christ, son of a woman, is called the son of man. Christian women were therefore allowed to remain human beings in the eyes of the clergy, even though considered very weak and bad ones."—Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 56.

Nevertheless for many this problem remained for centuries a topic for theological debate. In 1595 appeared Acidalius's Disputatio nova contra mulieres, qua probatur eas homines non esse. In the same year it was republished, with an answer, by Simon Geddicus under the common title, Disputatio perjucunda, qua anonymus probare nititur mulieres homines non esse: cui opposita est Simonis Geddici sacros. theologiae doctoris defensio sexus muliebris (editio novissima, Hagae-Comitis, 1644). At the end Simon writes: "Scriptum Halae Saxonum, 10. Februarii, Anno Filii Dei nati, Hominis veri, ex Maria Virgine, homine vera, 1595."

Still later (1667) Feyerabend, De privilegiis mulierum (3d ed., Jena, 1672), 2-5, starts with the inquiry, "an mulieres sint homines?"

[1045] For details consult Theiner, Die Einführung der erz. Ehelosigkeit, I, 44 ff., 54-60, 167 ff., 239, 296, passim; II, 183-209; III, 96-148 (contemporary evidence for the period 1448 to the Reformation), 305 ff. (influence of the Jesuits on morals); Lea, Sacerdotal Celibacy, 78 ff., 109 ff., 115 ff., 129, 135 ff., 161-77, 330-61, 566-80 (abuse of the confessional, especially since the Council of Trent), 631 ff.; idem, Hist. of Auricular Confession, I, 378-400 (solicitations), 240 ff., 261, 272, 426 ff.; Lecky, Hist. of European Morals, II, 120 ff., 148 ff., 316-72; Huth, Marriage of Near Kin, 108 ff.; the vigorous arraignment of the church and the canon law for their alleged degrading influence on woman by Gage, Woman, Church, and State, 49 ff., 113 ff., 152 ff.; and idem, in Hist. of Woman Suffrage, I, 753-99. For the opposite view read Christian Marriage, by Rev. William Humphrey, S. J.; Zimmermann, Der Priester-Cölibat, 11 ff.; Gide, La femme, 169-82; and compare Thwing, The Family, 45 ff.; Letters on the Const. Celibacy of the Clergy, 266 ff., 294 ff.; and Bouvet, De la confession et du célibat des prêtres, 195-238, containing extracts from Burchard's Decretorum, showing the abominable questions put to women. For the literature relating to celibacy (to 1887) see especially Roskovány's Coelibatus et breviarium (13 vols., 1861-88), enumerating 6,785 books, essays, and articles on the subject, of which (according to Theiner, op. cit., III, 379) 3,285 are antagonistic.

[1046] Thoroughly to appreciate the nature of the controversy over the sacramental nature of marriage the writings of the Reformation Fathers should be studied. See General Index to the Parker Society publications; and cf. Madan's Thelyphthora, already mentioned.

[1047] The early Fathers render the Greek μυστήριον by sacramentum, which is defined by St. Augustine as "the visible form of invisible grace," or "a sign of a sacred thing"; Encyc. Brit., XXI, 131. Cf. also Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 153, 154; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 29 ff.; Zhishman, Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 124 ff.; Oswald, Die dogmat. Lehre von den heil. Sakramenten, I, 25 ff.; Perrone, De mat. christ., I, 1-21; Schulte, Lehrbuch, 349; Richter, Lehrbuch, 1044, 1045; Thwing, The Family, 81; and the monograph of Baier, Die Naturehe in ihrem Verhältniss zur christlich-sakramentalen Ehe; Amat, Treatise on Matrimony, 3 ff.

[1048] See the incunabula edition of Petrus Lombardus, Textus sententiarum (1488). Cf. Madan, Thelyphthora, III, 262; Nisbet, Marriage and Heredity, 46; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 34 ff.; Oswald, Die dogmat. Lehre von den heil. Sakramenten, I, 29; II, 458 ff.; Cigoi, Unauflösbarkeit, 107 ff.; Perrone, De mat. christ., I, 22 ff.

[1049] Encyc. Brit., XXI, 132; Waterworth, Canons and Decrees, 193-96.

[1050] See chap. xi, below.

[1051] For the growth of ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the West see Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, chap. i.

[1052] Ibid., 73, 74, where the sources are cited; Waterworth, Canons and Decrees, 196.

[1053] Haddan and Stubbs, Councils, III, 20.

[1054] Ibid., 199-202.

[1055] On the separation of the lay and spiritual jurisdictions see Stubbs, Const. Hist., I, 300, 307; idem, Select Charters, 85; idem, Lectures, 300. Schmid, Gesetze, 357, and Thorpe, Anc. Laws, II, 213, give William's law, the date of which is unknown. See also Makower, Const. Hist. of English Church, 465, 466, 392 ff.

[1056] Leges Henrici Primi, 11, § 5.

[1057] Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 365. The Concordia discordantium canonum, or Decree of Gratian, comprises the first volume of Richter and Friedberg's fine edition of the Corpus juris canonici (Leipzig, 1879). The bringing together of the scattered rules of the ecclesiastical authorities by Ivo of Chartres in the reign of Henry I., and especially by Gratian (1151), was of vast importance in building up the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. On the history of the canon law see Stubbs, Lectures, 292-333; idem, Const. Hist., I, 308 ff.; Dodd, Hist. Canon Law, 150 ff., 161 ff.; Blackstone, Commentaries, I, 14, 15, 19; Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 3 ff., 56 ff., 108 ff. The best account of the rise and jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts in England will be found in Makower, Const. Hist. of Eng. Church, 384-464.

[1058] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 365, 366; Geary, Marriage and Family Relations, 1 ff.

[1059] Esmein, op. cit., I, 85.

[1060] This is the view established by Sohm, Eheschliessung, particularly 120 n. 22, 151 n. 89. Compare Sehling, Unterscheidung der Verlöbnisse, 1 ff., 14 ff., 34 ff.; Scheurl, Kirch. Eheschliessungsrecht, 35 ff.

[1061] Sohm, op. cit., 150-52; idem, Trauung und Verlobung, 61 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 209; Esmein, op. cit., I, 83. Riedler, Bedingte Eheschliessung, 15 ff., discusses the different views as to the relation of consensus and the copula carnalis, in connection with the sacramental nature of marriage. See also Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 151 ff., 164 ff., on the whole subject.

[1062] Sehling, Unterscheidung der Verlöbnisse, 33-59.

[1063] Gratian, Decreti sec. pars. causa xxvii, quest. ii, c. 16 ff.: Richter and Friedberg, Corpus juris canonici, I, 1069 ff. Cf. Esmein, op. cit., I, 97-119; Sohm, Eheschliessung, 111 ff.; Freisen, op. cit., 164 ff.; Scheurl, op. cit., 58-75; Sehling, op. cit., 81 ff.; Heusler, Institutionen, II, 290; Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 115 ff.

[1064] On the whole subject see Esmein, op. cit., I, 97-119.

[1065] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 366.

[1066] Esmein, op. cit., I, 83. Esmein traces the origin of this doctrine of the canonists in part to the influence of the "popular" or "naturalistic" view of marriage; in part to certain texts of the Old and New Testament (particularly Gen. 2:23, 24; 1 Cor. 16:16): and in part to the conception of marriage as a remedy for concupiscence: op. cit., 83, 84, 97 ff. Cf. Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 367 n. 1; Freisen, op. cit., 173.

[1067] It affected the "théorie de la formation et de la dissolution du mariage, théorie de la nullité pour cause d'impuissance, théorie de l'affinité, théorie des droits et des devoirs des époux."—Esmein, op. cit., I, 83.

[1068] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 366.

[1069] Peter Lombard (d. 1164) was a professor in the University of Paris, and later was ordained a bishop: cf. Sohm, Eheschliessung, 121 ff.; Esmein, op. cit., I, 119 ff. His theory is set forth in the Sententiae, lib. iv, dist. 27, 28: "Efficiens autem causa matrimonii est consensus, non quilibet, sed per verba expressus: nec de futuro sed de praesenti. Si enim consentiunt in futurum, dicentes, Accipiam te in virum, et ego te in uxorem, non est iste consensus efficax causa matrimonii": dist. 27, § 3. "Consensus, id est pactio conjugalis, matrimonium facit, et extunc est conjugium etiamsi non praecessit, vel secuta est copula carnalis": dist. 27, § 4. The consensus, if expressed by a verb of the present tense, accipio te, constitutes a valid marriage without copula. Opposed to this is a promise, expressed by a verb in the future tense, accipiam te, which is binding only when followed by copula. Compare Tancred, Summa de mat., 3 ff.; and see the masterly discussion of the history of the distinction, in Sohm, op. cit., chap, iv, and his Trauung und Verlobung, 73-109. Cf. Scheurl, Kirch. Eheschliessungsrecht, 76 ff.; Dieckhoff, Die kirchl. Trauung, 115 ff.; Sehling, Unterscheidung der Verlöbnisse, 72 ff., 115 ff.; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 179 ff., 205 ff.; Kent, Commentaries, II, 87; Bishop, Marriage, Divorce, and Separation, I, §§ 313 ff., 353 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 203, 206; Stephens, Laws of the Clergy, I, 672 ff.; especially Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 366 ff.; Esmein, op. cit., I, 119-37; Salis, Die Publikation des trid. Rechts, 2, 3.

[1070] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 124 ff.

[1071] This is proved by Sohm, op. cit., chap, iv; idem, Trauung und Verlobung, chap, iii; and by Esmein, op. cit., I, 119-37.

Magister Vacarius, who lived in England ca. 1148-98 and probably taught law at Oxford, has a theory differing from that of Gratian or Lombard. According to him, the "true act of marriage, the act which marks the moment at which the marriage takes place, is the mutual delivery (traditio) of man and woman each to each. Of course as a condition there must exist a pact of the appropriate kind.... Again, as a condition there must be the natural power of effecting a carnal union; but the carnalis copula is unessential." The marriage is made by the tradition: Maitland, "Magistri Vacarii summa de matrimonio," Law Quart. Rev., XIII, 136-38. In the same volume, 270-87, Maitland publishes the text of the Summa.

On the two kinds of canonical sponsalia see the dissertations described in Bibliographical Note VIII.

[1072] Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 366.

[1073] This doctrine was already sanctioned by Innocent III. (1130-43): Esmein, op. cit., I, 126.

[1074] Esmein, op. cit., I, 85. Cf. Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 366.

[1075] The effect of this neglect on clandestine marriage is forcibly described by Luther, Tischreden, foll. 355, 356. "Dass aber die Juristen fürgeben und anziehen den Canon, und sagen: Dass der Eltern Autoritet, Rath, und Will wol Ehren halben möge dabey sein, aber nicht auss not, dass es also sein müsste, denn die Bewilligung derer, die mit einander wollen Ehelich werden, ist die Substantz, die nötig ist. Der Eltern will aber ist ein accidens, ein zufellig ding, das nur Erbarkeit und Ehrenhalben geschieht, macht aber noch hindert nicht die Ehe.

"Es ist ein Gottloser Canon, und der Canonisten wahn wider Gott, gleich als ein Buler, der in der ersten Brunst und unsinnigkeit daher gehet, nicht viel nach Erbarkeit fragt. Also gehet der Eltern autoritet, ansehen, gewalt, und gehorsam zu Boden."

On the marriage of minors see Selden, Uxor ebraica, 99-104; Opera, III, 605-8; Morgan, Marriage, Adultery, and Divorce, I, 283 ff.; Lauginger, De consensu parentum, quaest. viii ff.; Lohen, De parentum ad nuptias a liberis contrahendas consensu (Regiomonti, 1685).

[1076] On the lack of prescribed conditions see Esmein, op. cit., I, 149 ff.; Freisen, Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 307-29.

[1077] Salis, Die Publikation des trid. Rechts, 14, 15, 31 ff.; Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 103, 122, 123; Fleiner, Die trid. Ehevorschrift, 3; Waterworth, Canons and Decrees, 196 ff., ccxxvi ff.

[1078] Esmein, op. cit., I, 85, 86; Pollock and Maitland, op. cit., II, 367-72; Salis, op. cit., 3, 4.

[1079] Ibid., 44-47, notes, where the evidence is collected from the sources. Cf. also Riedler, Bedingte Eheschliessung, 12, 18 ff.; Esmein, op. cit., I, 78 ff.; II, 159 ff.; Friedberg, op. cit., 109; Waterworth, op. cit., pp. ccxxv ff., 193-96.

[1080] Sohm, Eheschliessung, 133 ff.; idem, Trauung und Verlobung, 1 ff., has demonstrated that in their "content" the two kinds of sponsalia are identical; the one is no more nor less a betrothal than the other, each looking to a subsequent perfected marriage. The distinction is not "eine Unterscheidung verschiedener Thatbestände, sondern nur eine verschiedene rechtliche Behandlung desselben Thatbeständes."—Eheschliessung, 137. The differences in tense were arbitrarily made to have different legal consequences.

On the controversy as to the legal significance of the two kinds of sponsalia with Sohm compare Scheurl, Kirch. Eheschliessungsrecht, 76-107; idem, "Zur Geschichte des kirch. Eheschliessungsrechts," ZKR., XV, 65-92, who agrees with Sohm that both species of sponsalia are forms of betrothal (Verlobungen), but insists that they have different legal consequences. This article is criticised by Bierling, "Kleine Beiträge," ZKR., XVI, 288-316; who is answered by Scheurl, "Consensus facit nuptias," ibid., XXII, 269-86. See also Dieckhoff, Die kirch. Trauung, 115 ff.; Sehling, Unterscheidung der Verlöbnisse, 40 ff., 60 ff., 72 ff.; Lyndwood, Provinciale (Oxford, 1679), lib. quart., tit. I, 270, 271; Sanchez, Disputat. de s^to. mat. sac., I, 3-220; Selden, Uxor ebraica (ed., 1673), 92 ff., or Opera, III, 599 ff.

[1081] "Es kam hinzu, das der Gegensatz der Zeitform in der deutschen Sprache regelmässig überhaupt unerkennbar war, denn zu deutsch heisst es nicht: 'ich nehme dich,' noch: 'ich werde dich nehmen,' sondern 'ich will dich nehmen.'"—Sohm, Eheschliessung, 135.

[1082] "Ja, ich wüsste selbs nicht wol, wie ein Knecht oder Magd sollten oder kunnten in deutscher Sprache per verba de futuro sich veloben; denn wie man sich verlobet, so laut's per verba de praesenti, und sonderliche weiss der Posel von solcher behender Grammatica nichts, dass accipio und accipiam zweierlei sei; er führet daher nach unserer Sprachen Art und spricht: 'Ich will Dich haben,' 'ich will Dich nehmen,' 'Du sollt mein sein,' etc. Da ist die Stunde ja gesagt ohn weiter Aufzug oder Bedenken."—Luther, "Von Ehesachen," Werke (Erlangen ed.), XXIII, 102, 103; also in Bücher und Schriften (Jena, 1561), V, 240, 241; and in Strampff, 318, 319. This whole interesting passage, of which a portion is translated in the text, is given by Sohm, Eheschliessung, 139; and by Friedberg, Eheschliessung, 206, 207. Cf. also Luther's Tischreden (Frankfort ed., 1571), c. 36, p. 356. Luther's view is accepted by Scheurl, Das gemeine deutsch. Eherecht, 64; and Salis, Die Publikation des trid. Rechts, 3.

[1083] Swinburne, Of Spousals, 55-73, gives a most interesting discussion of the verbal difficulties arising in sponsalia de praesenti vel futuro, comparing the legal writers for and against the distinction.

[1084] Ibid., 62 ff. Cf. Jeaffreson, Brides and Bridals, I, 114 ff., 124-37 (on "Pre-Contracts" before and after the Reformation).

[1085] Pollock and Maitland, Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 367.

The rule laid down by Anselm in 1102, already mentioned, really invites such "hard swearing": "Promises of marriage made between man and woman without witnesses" are to be "null if either party deny them."—Johnson's Canons, 11, 27. The following is an example of what repeatedly happened in the ecclesiastical courts: "Omnium Sanctorum Honylane.—Thomas Potynger comparuit coram comissario [of London] in domo officii xxii die Augusti [1481], et prestitit juramentum, quod nunquam contraxhit matrimonialiter cum Margareta Hudson de eadem, ibidem presente, et confitente, quod nullum testem habuit ad probandum contractum, et ideo commissarius remisit eos regulae conscientiarum suarum."—Hale, Precedents and Procds. in Crim. Causes, 5. For another example see ibid., 6.