October 21.—Steamers left this morning for Shendy. To-day is New Year’s Day of the Arabs, 1302. I think the Mahdi speculated on a rising in the town, but that the arrests[137] have put him out in his calculations.
New Year’s gift this morning, in arrival of Mahdi at Omdurman. Not much display. It is reported that he will occupy Kerowé and Halfeyeh at once; so it is as well I got the steamers off before he got his guns down to river bank. They will be safe with you,[138] and very useful.
Two men came in from Saleh Bey of Galabat with the post. They were thirty-two days en route. They brought a letter from Mitzakis, the Greek Consul, from Adowa, dated 17th August (which told me as much, or more, than Kitchener’s letter of 31st August!).[139] Saleh Bey is all right; he has been attacked. Spies say the small steamer Mahomet Ali, captured by the Arabs, is now on the Blue Nile, at Abou Haraz. Sennaar is all right.
Mitzakis writes to the Greek Consul here to say that a treaty has been made between Her Majesty’s Government and Abyssinia, to give Abyssinia Kassala, Galabat, Katarif, and Bogos! and that the King is preparing an army to go and take possession.[140] What an action. These lands (except Bogos) are entirely Mussulman, have held their own, and are in no way threatened, and we go and send a wild so-called Christian people (who have nothing to do with the quarrel) against these peoples, who have held their own against the Mahdi.
October 22.—I wonder what Saleh Bey of Galabat will say to this cession, after he has been fighting for me. Also what Seyd Mahomet Osman will say after all his trouble.
I can now see why I was kept in the dark.
In one of Saleh Bey’s letters he says he sends me a letter from King John. This I have not got; it apparently was not sent.
A man came in with letter from Slatin, in which he says the Abbas was captured near Dar Djumna. Stewart killed, with nine men, and all the papers captured.[141]
Three soldiers escaped yesterday from the Arabs. Seven more came in to-day; they had no news. Mahdi and all Europeans are four hours distant. Mahdi has put Saleh Pasha (of Shaggyeh) in chains.
Twenty-six goats came kindly into lines to-day.
I am very anxious about the Abbas; it would be terrible, if it is true, that she is captured.
The cut out pages are, or rather were, a tirade against the cession of Kassala,[142] &c., &c., but as they would be no use now I have cut them out.
I believe Government can, now-a-days, get men to do anything by means of money and honours (not honour), and I have a shrewd idea of how this affair will end up here. However, it is not my affair, and I have taken my decision.
Kitchener to Chermside. “He is furious about that admirable treaty of Hewitt’s. Fortunate I did not tell him about it. He has the Mahdi alongside now, and can vent his spleen on him. We have got his steamers all but two, and need not care.”[143]
Admirable treaty, let us think—yes, spread of Christianity, regular missionary movement, ancient Christian Church and people...! get me up a précis of this history of Abyssinia, but not that part of Bruce which speaks of ravages committed by the Abyssinian army on the march. Hewitt, charmed with His Majesty, calls the Queen his mother, &c. Now, if we can only get that Mahdi to make a treaty we are safe for six months. Enough for the day is its evil. I declare I am becoming a missionary myself with my quotations and acts.
Graham would be angry if I criticised his despatch, which Slatin sent me. The Raumer[144] seems an excellent weapon.
October 22.—It is suspected that the two men who came with letters from Saleh Bey of Galabat are spies of the Mahdi, into whose hands has fallen the letter King John wrote to me; these men came in a very circuitous way from the direction of the Mahdi’s camp.
Another soldier and a slave came in from the Arabs just now.
King John and the Mahdi both force men to change their religion; both cut off lips of smokers and noses of snuffers; both are fanatics and robbers.[145]
If the Mahdi has got King John’s letter to me, he knows all about the famous, or rather infamous, Hewitt Treaty, which is a trouble. Slatin’s letter mentions the ‘Rapport Militaire’; it seems odd he should have known it was on board, unless the Abbas was captured; yet we have two men who declare she passed down. Perhaps the captured Greeks knew of the existence of this famous journal, and told the Arabs of it, or Awaan may have written it; it is odd he (Slatin) says nothing of Power and Herbin.
House of Lords ... in answer to questions put by the ... of ... replied that the noble marquis seemed to take a special delight in asking questions which he knew he ( ... ) could not answer. He could say he had given a deal of time and attention to the affairs of the Soudan, but he frankly acknowledged that the names of places and people were so mixed up, that it was impossible to get a true view of the case (a laugh). The noble marquis asked what the policy of Her Majesty’s Government was? It was as if he asked the policy of a log floating down stream; it was going to the sea, as any one who had an ounce of brains could see. Well, that was the policy of it, only it was a decided policy, and a straightforward one to drift along and take advantage of every circumstance. His lordship deprecated the frequent questioning on subjects which, as his lordship had said, he knew nothing about, and further did not care to know anything about.
... to ... Why, I did my best to keep the Hewitt Treaty secret from him. It is no use blaming me. I knew from his telegram he would make a noise about it, and I told Kitchener not to say a word about it. It is that brute Mitzakis who let the cat out of the bag.
A man came in from the Mahdi’s camp, who left this fourteen days ago with my permission to go to the Arabs. He now comes back to see his family in Kartoum. I have told him,—once out, there is no return! He is a cool fellow.
The Major wounded at Bourré the other day is dead.
The two men who brought letters from Saleh Bey of Galabat do not like going out on the North Front side; they want to go out by the West side, i.e. where the Mahdi’s camp is.
I believe that the Hewitt Treaty will be a complete dead letter, for the Greek Consul says the Admiral gave him (King John) no money, so what was the use of the treaty. I expect King John wrote to me to ask me to give him the taxes of the country ceded, quoting the treaty of Hewitt. As for the King or his men ever leaving their hills, it is out of the question. He might have made a move had he been given £100,000, but no chance of his doing so when he has nothing but this paper treaty. The only place the King could possibly occupy is Senheit, and I doubt his doing that permanently. He will drive out the Roman Catholic Mission at once[146] (part of his missionary movement); the occupation of Senheit just cuts off the safe road from Massowah to Kassala. I declare it is amusing to see what shifts Her Majesty’s Government have been put to get out of their mess.
A slave has come in to Omdurman with another letter from the Arabs. I shall stop this fun for the future.
I feel sure King John gave Admiral Hewitt a spear and shield and the Order of Solomon—vanity of vanities—for the treaty, and I feel also sure we shall see no Abyssinian army in the Soudan. The King will write, or has written, a haughty letter, saying that his mother, the Queen, has given him, &c., &c., and he requests I will send in the taxes at once, otherwise he will advance. All T.,[147] and we shall hear no more of His Majesty except groans at my perfidy in not sending the taxes. He is a hopeless sort of man, and never is worth considering.[148] Her Majesty’s Government will say: “We made the treaty; it is not our fault His Majesty did not carry it out, on paper; Kassala and all the other places are now under King John, and consequently quite safe.” The treaty is worth as much as any treaty made now giving Kordofan to any one![149]
We need now only a treaty with the Mahdi about the garrisons, and then Her Majesty’s Government will sleep in peace: their work is done. I only say I will have no confidence in any such treaty, and shall take my precautions accordingly.[150]
Letters have come in: one says Lupton Bey has surrendered (Appendix U, a, b, c, d), and has been appointed Governor of Bahr Gazelle with an adherent of the Mahdi. Another says that he has brought slaves to the Mahdi, and hopes to buy horses with the products of their sale.[151] The Mahdi’s letter is to relate how he captured the post,[152] &c., Abbas, &c. My answer[153] was, that I did not care who had surrendered and who had been captured. As for these letters, I cannot make head nor tail of them, so I leave them to the Arabic scholars of the Universities.
October 23.—(What a fearful scrawl!) Ten soldiers, with six women came in this morning to Omdurman. I have sifted out the Mahdi’s letter[154] respecting the capture of the Abbas, and do not believe it; the papers he sent me as being captured in the Abbas were never in the Abbas, they were taken from a spy I sent out from here, the same man who brought me the news from Dongola of the British advance. He had a bad eye (ophthalmia), and was caught at Metemma and killed, having, when drunk, let out that he had come from me.
The nuns had to walk all the way from Kordofan. The Mahdi has 15,000 head of cattle with him. The Arabs are dying in great numbers from dysentery. The village of Hogali opposite the palace is levelled. It may not be generally known, but by the Firman which named Towfik, there is an express injunction that no part of the Egyptian territory is to be ceded, except by permission of the Porte. Also by the Treaty of Paris, and also by that of Berlin, the integrity of the Ottoman Dominion is guaranteed by the Powers. What a farce it is to say Egypt ceded Kassala!
The escaped party, I mentioned as having come in, have arrived at the Palace, nine soldiers, eight women, and two slaves, all old friends, also a baby! They say the Mahdi started with 40,000 Arabs and 1500 Regulars from Kordofan, that he has not now more than 5000 or 6000 Arabs, and 1000 soldiers (500 ran away), that they have no Dhoora, only 35 boxes (35,000 rds.) Remington cartridges, and 50 shells; they say the other soldiers want to come in, either to-day or to-morrow. The Mahdi says he will go against the English and will not stop at Kartoum. The whole gang were shown themselves in the mirrors. Such a display of ivories was never seen. The baby danced with delight, at seeing itself, for the first time, it was like a black slug. The mother was, of course, delighted.
The Arab horsemen cut the telegraph which goes out of the lines at Bourré to the North Fort. I declined to allow its repair since I had lost a major and had six men wounded when last we went out of the lines, and besides which I had another cable to the north side. No sentries at the North Fort or Bourré, or on the Mudirat; these people are enough to break any one’s heart. Fortunately, from the roof of the Palace one watches all these things, and can bully them into obeying orders, but it is (as Hansall says[155]) a vie abrutissante, to be always snarling and growling. The Ismailia and Husseinyeh went down the river, and saw no Arabs on either bank. If these Arabs (one’s servants) are not eating, they are saying their prayers; if not saying their prayers, they are sleeping; if not sleeping, they are sick. One snatches at them at intervals. Now figure to yourself the position; you cannot do anything with them while in these fortresses eating, saying prayers, sleeping, or sick, and they know it. You would be a brute if you did (which I fear I often am). You want to send an immediate order, and there is your servant bobbing up and down, and you cannot disturb him. It is a beautiful country for trying experiments with your patience.
It is very curious, but if I am in a bad temper, which I fear is often the case, my servants will be always at their prayers, and thus religious practices follow the scale of my temper; they are pagans if all goes well.
I must say I hate our diplomatists. I think with few exceptions they are arrant humbugs, and I expect they know it. I include the Colvin class. The Rothschilds are, I feel assured, giving Her Majesty’s Government a lot of bother about the Finance Question. If you had asked ... at Balaklava the price of a cheese, he would have said £5 5s. If you asked him now you would offend him.
October 24.—Arab church parade. Mahomet Achmet and Faki Mustapha, few in number, at Waled a Goun, the Arabs have divided their camp, putting the regulars near the river, in camp apart from theirs, to act as buffers if any attack is made on them.
The Arabs have got a nuggar at Giraffe. A man of Zubair’s old force has come in from the Arabs. To-morrow expires the six months for which the notes were issued. We have been boxed up 226 days (seven and a half months); siege of Troy.
The man who came in (Zubair’s old soldier) was one of Lupton’s men from the Bahr Gazelle; he left five months ago (Bahr Gazelle). He says Lupton is at Shaka, and is Sheikh Abdullah, so he has changed his religion.[156] I wonder what has become of the garrison of the Equator. Another man has come in.
All that bloodshed in fighting the slave dealers in the Bahr Gazelle has gone, apparently, for nothing![157] There are great doubts if the Mahdi is really near, no one appears to have seen him.
Since the escape of the lot yesterday, the Arabs have taken the rifles of the regulars from them: at the Mahdi’s camp, the Arabs have a ferry under our nose, across the White Nile; but I do not like to send up the steamers, for the captains are so heedless.
I calculated that the advance force of troops arrived at Wady Halfa on 22nd September,[158] that they took twenty days from there to Debbeh, so that on 12th October they were at Debbeh (Stewart (D.V.) arrived at Debbeh on 28th September), and I calculate they could not be at Metemma—Shendy—before 10th November, which will give them twenty-nine days for 150 miles, thence it is five days here for a steamer, so that 15th November ought to see them or their advance guard.
Extracts from Appendix R.
La Route de Souakim à Berber.
Avant que la bataille de Tamai eut été livrée et gagnée, le Général Herbert Stewart, sinon les généraux Graham et Buller, avaient étudié avec soin la question de savoir si les troupes, ou une partie des troupes, pouvaient marcher jusqu’à Berber pour aider Gordon à réprimer les partisans du Mahdi dans la région du Nil. Cette proposition semblait alors si convenable que l’état des troupes les mieux adaptées à une semblable expédition, les dispositions pour les approvisionnements, l’équipement, les chevaux disponibles, etc., avaient été l’objet de l’étude journalière des officiers. On se souviendra qu’après Tamai, la cavalerie se transporta aux puits d’Handouk, à huit milles de Souakim. On croyait généralement, alors, que cette marche en avant n’était que la première étape d’un mouvement sur Berber d’une force montée. Pour empêcher toute souffrance provenant d’une disette d’eau, l’effectif ne devait pas être de plus de 500 hommes de cavalerie; aucune infanterie ne devait faire partie de l’expédition. Il était en outre entendu, qu’en cas de nécessité, un semblable effectif pourrait suivre un jour ou deux après et trouverait également, dans les puits, de l’eau en abondance. Le fait est que les généraux Graham, Buller, Stewart, les colonels Clery, Taylor, et d’autres, semblaient ne pas mettre en doute, si l’ordre en était donné, qu’une succession de détachements, forts chacun de 500 hommes, pourrait être rapidement poussée sur Berber. Le bruit de ce qui se passait parvint rapidement aux oreilles de nos hommes qui étaient à la Zariba d’Handouk, et la plupart des troupiers manifestèrent un désir intense de prendre part à l’expédition. On savait que le Général Stewart avait soumis ses plans pour la marche en avant au Général Graham, et que ce dernier, ainsi que l’Amiral Hewett, les avait recommandés au gouvernement. Les jours se succédèrent, mais l’ordre du départ n’arrivait pas: quelque empressés de partir que fussent beaucoup d’hommes, si nous avions connu alors la position exacte de Gordon, on eût manifesté beaucoup plus d’anxiété pour l’ordre du départ. Lorsque cette question était discutée, question qui au moment occupait pleinement nos pensées, entre officiers supérieurs, ils exprimaient l’étonnement que l’ordre fut tant retardé, et que le Gouvernement hésitât davantage. On n’arrivait qu’à une seule conclusion, c’était que la position du Général Gordon était telle qu’il n’avait pas besoin d’aide de troupes britanniques venant de Souakim. Quoi qu’en ait pu penser, après réflexion, le Général Graham, de la possibilité d’envoyer une troupe de cavalerie forte de 500 hommes, en mars dernier, de Souakim à Berber, je suis certain que lui et la plupart des officiers sous ses ordres croyaient alors que c’était une chose sage et guerrière à entreprendre. Nous nous apercevons tous trop tard, que cette simple expédition eût sauvé Berber, Khartoum et Gordon au vrai cœur.
If they do not come before 30th November the game is up, and Rule Britannia. In this calculation I have given every latitude for difficulties of transport, making forts, &c., and on the 15th November I ought to see Her Majesty’s uniform. I suppose a part of the force will go to attack Berber on the 10th November (when I calculate they will be at Metemma—Shendy), and that a small party will come on here; so we have now 7 days in October and 15 days in November to wait = 22 days—three weeks to add to the 226 days we have already passed, owing to Baring (who I shall remember) and his peace manœuvres. One of the papers Slatin sent to me, says that Graham was willing to send men to Berber, and could have done it; but Evelyn would not give the order. I asked only for 200 men to be sent there (vide my telegram in Stewart’s Journal). I take Slatin’s paper out of Appendix R, and put it on the other side.[159] I do not know the date, but I declare that, if my telegrams to Baring are made known, it will be proved Baring knew up to the 12th March the exact position of affairs up here; and therefore, if there was an impression abroad that I did not say, “Send troops (200) to Berber,[160] or you will lose it,” he must have suppressed my telegrams.
I dwell on the joy of never seeing Great Britain again, with its horrid, wearisome dinner parties and miseries. How we can put up with those things passes my imagination! It is a perfect bondage. At those dinner parties we are all in masks, saying what we do not believe, eating and drinking things we do not want, and then abusing one another. I would sooner live like a Dervish with the Mahdi, than go out to dinner every night in London. I hope, if any English general comes to Kartoum, he will not ask me to dinner. Why men cannot be friends without bringing the wretched stomachs in, is astounding.
October 25.—Three men came in from Waled a Goun; one I sent out again, as I think he is a spy, the other reports that the small captured steamer Mahomet Ali will be down at Giraffe with twelve boat loads of grain, either to-day or to-morrow. I do not even attempt to stop it; for if the expeditionary force arrives, we will capture it; I cannot risk steamers against land guns.
Two soldiers came in from the Arabs at Omdurman with their rifles.
A lot of people are moving from the right bank of Nile, towards the Sheikh el Obeyed’s (the man not the city). Are they leaving on account of the advance of the troops? or is it for offensive purposes? or is it a raid which is returning from pillage? We sent up the steamers and stopped the Arab ferry near the lines. The Arabs are retaliating by putting a gun or two in the old place near the large tree (el Sheddarah). The Arabs fired four shells at the steamers. Soldiers at Omdurman captured two cows, and killed two others. Another slave came in at Omdurman. Yesterday some cows were captured near the South Lines.
What would be the best plan of attacking the Arabs? The object is to give them such a crushing defeat as will put an end to the fighting, and prevent them rallying on Kordofan. The position is thus:—
1. I would attack Waled a Goun at A, and I would cut off his retreat by the sending up steamers to Duem with a small force; the Mahdi’s force and Sheikh el Obeyed’s force would look on.
2. At the same time I would attack the post at Giraffe. Both operations on the same day with the following troops.
Operations on White Nile.—To proceed up the White Nile by boats, 2000 B. infantry to point X. To proceed along the White Nile, right bank, the cavalry you may have to point X. To occupy with two guns and 1500 men simultaneously the two villages outside the lines, with the Soudan troops, the troops not to advance, only to threaten, houses loop-holed, &c. Three steamers to accompany the force.
Operations on Blue Nile.—To proceed up the Blue Nile or along the bank, 1000 B. infantry, accompanied by steamers and boats, with the Shaggyeh horsemen, some 80, and 1000 men of Soudan troops to Giraffe.
If these operations are successful, then 800 men with four steamers to pursue up the river to Duem.
Expedition towards Sennaar.—The Sheikh el Obeyed will probably surrender at once, then a force of 500 B. I. and 1000 Soudan infantry should go up river to Wad el Medinet, and open the route to Sennaar (while men are sent up to buy corn with them). There appear to be no Arabs in arms between Wad el Medinet and Sennaar, or south of Sennaar. (The Mahdi will at once retreat to Obeyed, the city.) This expedition will probably be met at Abou Haraz by the surrender of Katarif and all that district, and thus the route to Katarif and Kassala will be opened.
These operations will entail the very smallest amount of marching on the troops, and would be completed in three weeks or less.
It must be remembered that in all these engagements in the Soudan no quarter on either side has been given, so it must not be expected that the Soudan troops will give it now if you come; also with respect to the wounded Arabs, if you go and help them, they will (like the Afghans) try and kill your men who make the effort; they are very treacherous, and, worked up by religious frenzy, they think—1. That you only pretend to help them, in order to kill them afterwards; 2. That, being desperate, they think to enter Paradise if they kill an infidel. It seems rather cold-blooded to write this, but it is the character of those whom you are to fight. For my part, I hope they will all run away, for they are only dupes ninety-nine out of every hundred; it is the leaders who are the prime movers. I would give the lives to the leaders if they ask pardon; but I would send them all to Mecca to study Mahdism under the Orthodox. No information as yet as to the meaning of the caravan, &c., which left the Nile to go towards the Sheikh el Obeyed. One of our boats, which was collecting grass down below Halfeyeh, must needs land its crew and try and take some cattle of the caravan. The Arabs turned on them, and killed the Reis. Crew says they killed a lot of Arabs (?). I think these people do really love fighting, if there is the least chance of plunder.
King John (according to the Greek consul) is to be allowed to import arms at Massowah. He will never do it, for he has not money to buy them.
If the Mahdi has got the Bahr Gazelle, and we evacuate the Soudan in his favour, the Anti-Slavery Society may as well close their office as to the suppression of the slave-trade in these parts, especially if we leave him the steamers.[161]
Special Commission, House of Lords.... under examination, Q. 2389. Did your Lordship know, when in Cairo, that the Fellaheen were being dragged in chains, from their houses, to go and fight the Mahdi, under Hicks, and what steps did you take to prevent it?[162] Did you inform Her Majesty’s Government of the facts, and what was their answer?
The Mahdi has moved his ferry higher up river since our steamers went up this morning.
It is a great question of doubt to me, if Public Officials ought to so sink their personality, as to allow themselves to overlook facts, which must strike them, as being not only evil, but also detrimental to our national interests, merely because such facts are likely to be disagreeable to our Government in requiring them to decide on difficult questions. ... did know of this forced conscription, and so did.... Did they not see that, to allow such conscripts to go up to the Soudan, was not only cruel, but also politically unwise, for it could not be expected that they would have any heart in the matter? If they had stopped it, Hicks would have never left Kartoum, and his army would not have been annihilated; for it is the defeat of Hicks which gave the Mahdi his great prestige. He had annihilated detachments before that: after that he had crushed a huge army. See what it has led to! There are times when men like ... ought to obey, and there are times when they ought to disobey or else resign. Now, if ... had only hinted his resignation, the Governments were so placed as to be obliged to listen to him. I have a strong suspicion ... did know how to act. It was ... and a wish to be agreeable to Her Majesty’s Government which prevented him acting according to his own ideas. Sometimes it is the height of unkindness to be too kind and amiable, and this is one of those cases. History may be misty about it (will not know the thimble the pea is under, for the cards are well shuffled), but there is no doubt that ... had the destinies of Egypt and of the Soudan in his hands, far more than Her Majesty’s Government, and he did not succeed. His amiability did for him. It is not insubordinate to resign, if you do not agree to a policy, or feel you cannot carry it out with a whole heart. In military affairs it is different; one is ordered to go here and there, and one obeys (even if one thinks it is unwise, having represented it), but in Diplomacy there is no such call, and certainly there was none in the case of ... who is only an amateur in the Foreign Office Service, an outsider. Had ... when he came to Egypt cut down the rate of interest by a swoop of his pen to 3½ per cent., who would have said a word; but now it is the difficulty. There would have been a fearful howl from the bondholders, but that would have been all. He dismissed the Control (under the cover of Towfik), and could have reduced the interest, and he would have gained the sympathy of all the people. Hicks (who, by the way, never wanted to go to the Soudan) would have held his own at Kartoum, and have worn out the Mahdi, and we would have had none of this late work. I am afraid to say what numbers have been killed through this present policy, certainly some 80,000; and it is not yet over. For my part, I hope they will all run away. We have in a most effectual way restored the slave-trade and slave-hunting, for Her Majesty’s Government cannot keep the Soudan, and never will Egypt be able to govern it. The only thing to be done, is to give it to the Sultan. What an end to diplomacy of Her Majesty’s Government: and it was so easy when I left in January, 1880, to have settled it quietly, giving up Kordofan, Darfur, and Bahr Gazelle, and Equator, with decency and quiet.
I declare I do not see how we will get out of it (the Soudan) even now; allow that you come to Kartoum, that you drive off the Arabs, open the road to Sennaar. What are you going to do? You will say, “Take out those who wish to leave.” Well, you begin with Sennaar, and of course will have to fight all the way down. It will take three months. During those three months, how are you to feed Kartoum? for the moment you leave Sennaar you leave your granary. You get to Kartoum, you are face to face with 30,000 people who will not leave, and who are hedging with the Mahdi; and with 3000 Shaggyeh, all armed. You fight your way to Berber; another three months, you have no food at Berber; then it will need another two months to get to Dongola, which (seeing your policy) will be hostile. It is indeed a terrible problem, and I wish I could see my way out of it.
Then you come into the hot months, and low Nile. This time next year will not see you out of the Soudan, with decency. Of course you can go back now, but what was the use of coming? I will not allow that you came for me. You came for the garrisons of the Soudan. Now, by the Turkish arrangement, if you act promptly, you can get away quietly in January, 1885. It will not cost anything like what it will cost you to keep your troops here for a year, as I fear you must do if you persevere in trying a “rapid retreat.”
I can have no object in this advice. I want to get out of the affair, but with decency. I regret the necessity of an expedition, but if once you come to Berber, and communicate with Kartoum, if you stick to the “rapid retreat.” you will not be able to accomplish it, and you are in for a year’s stay. While, on the other hand, the giving of country to Turks enables you to get away with credit. Let Her Majesty’s Government find excuses for it, it will not be difficult for them. Put yourself in my position if you say “rapid retreat, and leave Sennaar to its fate.” I will say “No, I would sooner die first,” and will resign my commission, for I could not do it. If you say, “Then you are no longer Governor-General,” then I am all right, and all the responsibility is on you (for I could not be supposed, if you turn me out of Governor-General, to be obliged to aid such a movement, which I think is disgraceful). You will then be face to face with the people. I do not say but that Abdel Kader might not aid in the “rapid retreat” better than I could, even if I agreed to it (of this you can judge for yourself, at any rate I shall be out of it, and of my engagement to the people).
It may be that all this writing is unnecessary, and that you have other views, but it is as well you know my opinions. I am secure against any loss, by the King of the Belgians, if I leave H.M.S., therefore I am, so to say, free of H.M.S. If you turn me out of Governor-General I am relieved from all responsibility, as to your action in Soudan, towards the people. I do not think I am insubordinate in this matter, nor unreasonable. I do not say I would not give all my services in a subordinate position to aid you, but it would be against my grain and be very distasteful, and must not be in position of Governor-General, that must be a sine quâ non, and it must be known that I disapprove of the “rapid retreat.”[163] I would not say this if I was not convinced that the “rapid retreat” is an operation of such difficulty as to make every Englishman akin, and bound to aid one another. If I was Lord Wolseley I would make Her Majesty’s Government send the Turks here.
I do not advocate the keeping of the Soudan by us, it is a useless possession, and we could not govern it, neither can Egypt (after the late events). I am only discussing how to get out of it in honour and in the cheapest way (we must remember we caused its troubles), and that way is, either by some sort of provisional Government under Zubair, or by giving it to the Turks; it is simply a question of getting out of it with decency. Zubair would square the Shaggyeh and townspeople and arrange with the Mahdi, and you could get away. He might hold his own if you gave the Mahdi a good defeat ere you left; at any rate it is only by Zubair or the Turks you will get out of the Soudan before November 1885!!!!!
The Turks are the best solution, though most expensive. They would keep the Soudan: give them £2,000,000. The next best is Zubair with £500,000, and £100,000 a year for two years; he will keep the Soudan for a time. (In both cases slave trade will flourish), thus you will be quiet in Egypt, and will be able to retreat to Egypt in January, 1885. If you do not do this, then be prepared for a deal of worry and danger, and your campaign will be entirely unprofitable and devoid of prestige,[164] for the day after you leave Kartoum the Mahdi will walk in and say he drove you out, which is not pleasant in India or elsewhere.
In discussing this question I have entirely put my own peculiar views out of the question: to give up countries which are to some degree civilised, which, if properly governed, are quiet and orderly, to the Turks or to Zubair, and to allow of the slave trade to flourish again in tenfold intensity, is not a very high rôle, but quoi faire? We have not the men to govern these lands, we cannot afford the money; consequently, I advise what I have said. When I left the Soudan it was quiet and covered its expenses, and there was no bother to have continued to have governed it. Now it is different, and would need an outlay which our Government will not give. (It is because the cloth is short I recommend the shape of coat to be such.)
It would be nobler to keep the Soudan, but it is too much to expect our taxpayers to agree to (and besides which, ‘Plutarch’s Lives’ are no longer in vogue, and “you must pay me well ere I go to the Soudan” is the idea). The Soudan could (if cut off from excrescences) be made to pay its expenses, but it would need a dictator, and I would not take the post if offered to me.
October 26.—Three women came in from Waled a Goun. The idea is gaining ground that the Mahdi is dead, and that his Vakeel is acting his part. The Arabs are thinking of placing a station at Kerowé.
Yesterday week was the anniversary of Hicks’s defeat, 1st November, 1883, though I believe it went on for three days, 1st, 2nd, and 3rd November.
The Arabs have brought a gun nearer Bourré to-day, probably emboldened by absence of the steamers. Two lieutenants, one sergeant-major, two serjeants, one soldier, and one slave came into Omdurman from the Arab camp. They say the Mahdi is alive; with him are Saleh Pasha, in chains, Hussein Pasha Khalifa, Elias Pasha, and all the Europeans. They heard a report (now some days old) that the Expeditionary Force was two days distant from Berber. The two lieutenants were with Hicks; they say the army died of thirst, and scarcely fought at all. With the Mahdi are 5000 men, of which 1000 are black troops, 150 are Egyptian troops. What little weight do engineers place on the existence of populations in fortresses, yet this existence is all-important; more so than the works. Malta and Gibraltar are weak, because of their civil population.
The Arabs have a big tent at Giraffe this evening. The lieutenants who came in say the Mahdi will try and place a station in the place we drove them out of—on the North Front—in August last, just before our defeat at El foun. Goba, with the exception of Mahomed Seyd Osman’s house and the Mosque, is destroyed. Salaam Pasha’s is nearly so.
8 p.m.—Two slaves have come into Omdurman. They say “the regulars in the camp of Mahomet Achmet, the Mahdi, went this afternoon to the Dem, or camp of Faki Mustapha, and looted it, firing on the soldiers of Faki Mustapha, who resisted the plundering.” I fear it is all fudge.
October 27.—One sergeant-major and two slaves came into Omdurman this morning. Sent out two spies towards Shendy.
One thing which (although spiteful) would cause me intense pleasure if the “rapid retreat” is carried out, is that the English would just walk into those Shaggyeh and Bashi Bazouks, and bundle them all out, and thus pay them out for the worry they have given me, and for their meanness.
If the Turks come here, you would have scarcely anyone to send down, and you would hand over the Shaggyeh and Bashi Bazouks to the Turks, and all the Divans, &c. Nothing then could be better for you than to get the Turks here. You would get off all responsibility of Kassala and Sennaar, and you would let the Turks and the King of Abyssinia settle about the Hewitt Treaty. You would also get off the bother of the Equator and Bahr Gazelle, if it has not fallen.
You would know exactly what sum you had to pay, and save no end of expense and time and vexation with regard to the settlement of claims. Remember that Baring authorised me to draw more than £100,000; indeed, he said, “Such sum as you need.” So you are responsible for paper-money issued.
You would make up with the Sultan, and, as for giving up Suakin and Massowah to the Turks it is nothing; for those ports are useless, except as ports of the Soudan, and would be a bother to you to keep, if the Mahdi has the Soudan. You would be always in strict blockade on land side.[165]
The more I think of it the more the Turk solution appears Hobson’s choice. I can see no option, unless, ere you arrived at Kartoum, Kartoum fell, and then, even, it would not look well to go back from Berber, while that even would be dangerous to some degree; for the Dongola people would see you meant to evacuate, and would be hostile. You have gone so far and spent so much that I cannot see anything for it but to go on. And the Turks are the only solution which affords the certainty of being able to stop. I get out of all my troubles if the Turks come, for I shunt them on the Turks, and so do you. The idea is that when the English come here the Arabs will bolt.
Stewart’s servant, Macktar, must needs go and marry another wife. How they can go on like this, marrying and giving in marriage, when one can never say, that to-morrow is our own, is wonderful. Tangi has taken two wives up here!
The Government shall not get out of the desertion of Kassala (if they take cover under the Hewitt Treaty and say, “we arranged with the King of Abyssinia to look after that country”), if they do desert it, for the King will never move, and all who have ever known anything of Abyssinia must know he can never move. There is a report in town that Slatin has been put in chains. I should not be at all surprised.
The sergeant-major, soldiers, and two men, Shaggyeh, who came in to-day, say that Slatin is not a prisoner. The sergeant-major states that one of our soldiers escaped from Omdurman three days ago. On inquiry, I find that it is true, and the officer in command never reported it. The sergeant-major says the Arabs meditate an attack on Omdurman, in consequence of what the deserter told them. This is the fourth desertion since March that I know of, and it is the first desertion among the soldiers (with saving clause) that I know of. Arabs fired on the Santels[166] at the end of the lines on the White Nile, and struck one. The Arabs fired fourteen times with Krupp guns; they retired when we fired twice on them; they fired from their old battery near the Tree “el Sheddarah.” Some time ago I gave Ferratch Pasha £100 a month, and I afterwards made him a Ferile, or General of Division, for political reasons. He had the cheek to ask me to give him £150 a month (the sum I used to give the Seraskier or Commander-in-Chief in the Soudan in old times, but which was £50 beyond regulation). He put in an application a few days ago for the £150, and forage for eight horses! Quite ignoring the state of the Dhoora exchequer, I said, “Wait.” He was foolish enough to renew the application, which I tore up. He may go to the Arabs if he likes. The Arabs appear to be passing the Blue Nile at Giraffe, they may be going to place a post at Halfeyeh, the Sheikh el Obeyed refusing to send his men there, we shall see to-morrow. It is not from any feeling of respect to the people up here that I urge their relief, but it is because they are such a weak selfish lot, and because their qualities do not affect the question of our duties to them. The Redemption would never have taken place if it had depended on our merits.
I must say I rather revel at the thought of the dismay which will attend the reduction of salaries to quarter their present rate, they have been so very selfish about these things. I believe if the Mahdi would only give them half the present rate, they would go to the Mahdi, but the Mahdi’s service is gratuitous, so there is no fear of that. I go out, a black Bashi Bazouk addresses me on the inadequacy of his pay and rations. I whisper to him, “Go to Sheikh el Obeyed,” he grins and evaporates. I do not care a bit now. We must either be relieved, or fall, before the end of November, or at the end of November. I am meditating the sending down of “Husseinyeh” with this post; if the Arabs come to Halfeyeh I then cut off all hopes of our escape, for the Ismailia steamer would not be fit to go down to Berber. The financial affairs up here will be a precious job.
It amuses me to find people here holding on to the delusion that the old state of affairs is likely to come back as to the Government, and saying, “You are going to stay with us as Governor-General, and things are to be as of old.” I answer, “I would not take you again at any price after your meanness.” They say, “Oh, yes, the people are not well behaved, &c., &c., but you will stay for the glory of God” (i.e. our interests). They are an amusing lot: Allah on lips, self interest at heart, and such self interest, as is positively naked, and they even laugh at it.
A soldier and a slave came in to-night to Omdurman. They say the Mahdi is undecided what to do. The regulars with the Mahdi have been robbing the Arabs, so the Mahdi has taken away their arms.
Spy in from Sennaar fifteen days ago with letters,[167] which say Sennaar is all right. This was in answer to a letter I sent to Sennaar saying, “Expedition was on its way to relieve the garrisons, so Sennaar depends on me to see after it.”
October 28.—The man who came from Sennaar says the Mahdi has ordered all the Arabs to congregate at Kartoum from all parts. Sheikh el Obeyed has made a station close to Giraffe, on right bank of Blue Nile. They have two boats plying across the river, taking corn from Sheikh el Obeyed to Waled a Goun. Arabs had a reconnoitring party in the ruins of Omdurman village this morning.
One lieutenant, one sergeant-major, four soldiers, and one boatman came in this morning from the Arabs at Omdurman. Rumour says the steamers have been looting Shendy (I hope that it will be remembered none of the Egyptian soldiers, officers, or Pashas are to come up here again). The boatman left Berber six days ago. He says the Arabs at Berber have sent the captured money, &c., of Berber into the desert; that Seyd Mahomet Osman, with a mixed force, were two days’ march from El Damer; that the five steamers have brought Shendy, &c., into subjection; that the road from here to Shendy is free of Arabs, who have gone into the desert; that only in a certain district near, but higher up than Shoboloha, there are marauding Arabs, but no great number; that the Abbas passed down safely; that the two boats which had wood in them alone were captured, being abandoned on being emptied; that at Dar Djumna a sheikh pretended to be friendly, and tried to capture the steamer, which fired on the Arabs, and killed a lot; that three spies from Seyd Mahomet Osman were captured trying to communicate with Dongola, and were executed; that a man went with a camel from Berber to Dar Djumna, and came back in one day; that the expeditionary force is at Dar Djumna. The officer reports the Mahdi most undecided, one hour disarming the regulars, and at another hour arming them; the Arabs deserting, and others joining the Mahdi day after day.
A mine was exploded by a man on the North side, and I hear he is dangerously wounded, if not dead. On questioning the boatman again he explained the Dar Djumna is not the cataract, but is a place (near the cataract, just below Berber) one-and-a-half days from Berber. They, the expeditionary force, had eight steamers (one, the old screw boat of Dongola, I had towed up from Wady Halfa in 1878). The man said the Abbas went on to Dongola (why was it not sent up with the others?). I have given half month’s pay to all ranks below sergeant-major. I only owe them now half month’s pay.
If the General of the expeditionary force has sent up a force, by Nile to Berber, to take Berber, and then if he marches across with bulk of force from Merowé, in my humble opinion he has done the right thing.
If Berber had not been taken it would have been a picnic. Baring!! Baring!![168]
The force going up Nile from Merowé to Berber would have pretty well quieted the banks of the Nile, for the triangle contained by Merowé, Abou Hamed, and Berber, so that the bulk of the force, moving from Merowé to the captured Berber, would only be exposed to attacks from the south flank, where there are few people. My experience is that whenever you can possibly do so, never expose yourself to be attacked on all points of the compass; at any rate secure yourself on one flank. The force advancing up the Nile were protected on one flank, the Nile; that going across from Merowé to Berber, will be protected on the north flank by the subjugated triangle. Arabs this evening appear not to intend to come to Halfeyeh. They have a station at Giraffe, and another at Kokoo, which is nearly opposite Giraffe, on right bank of Blue Nile. (End of this blotting paper!)[169]
Ferratch Pasha tried again in a roundabout way to get the £150 a month, forage (i.e. Dhoora) for four horses, and rations for ten men; he utterly failed, and had to content himself with £100 a month: they are a mean lot. (Do not let any of those Egyptians in the steamers come back here is my earnest prayer.) (Floyer will be furious at this misuse of telegraph forms.)[170] I am truly delighted that the Abbas did not leave the Greeks behind, and only abandoned the boats carrying wood. I hope in fourteen days to have another sister steamer to Abbas and Husseinyeh completed. I have told them to rivet her only six inches above water line, and to put holdfast rivets for the upper portion which is above water, and which does not require to be watertight.
They say that the Fascher[171] steamer had a gun on her; she went aground near Abou Shourim (the Father of the Truth), and got delayed in her pursuit of the Abbas. The man wounded by the mine is wounded in the head, chest, and legs; there is not much hope of his recovery.
Awaan (Stewart’s friend, the secretary of Arabi) is behaving very badly in prison; he was put in chains by mistake and released, but it has had no effect: he abuses the soldiers. I expect he wrote to the Mahdi and told him of Stewart’s departure and of the “Journal.” His arrest is said to have been of great effect in the town; he is said to have preached for a long time in favour of the Mahdi.
October 29.—To-day, year 1301 a.h., is said to be about the date of Hicks’s disaster; it was on the 1st, 2nd, 3rd November, but with the Arabs it was the 12th, 13th, 14th Moharrem. The news was known in Cairo three weeks after the event occurred; since that date up to this date nine people have come up as reinforcements—myself, Stewart, Herbin, Hussein, Tongi, Ruckdi, and three servants, and not one penny of money.[172] Of those who came up, two, Stewart and Herbin, have gone down: Hussein is dead, so six of the reinforcements alone remain, while we must have sent down over 1500 and 700 soldiers, total 2200, including the two Pashas, Ibrahim Hardar, and Hussein Cheri, Coetlogon, &c. The regulars, who were in arrears of pay for three months when I came, are now only owed half a month, while the Bashi-Bazouks are owed only a quarter month, and we have some £500 in the treasury. It is quite a miracle. We have lost two battles, suffering severe losses in those actions of men and arms, and may have said to have scrambled through, for I cannot say we can lay claim to any great success during the whole time. Things apparently went against us when we thought we were getting the best of it.
I believe we have more ammunition, Remington (though we have fired three million rounds at the Arabs), and more soldiers now, than when I came up. We have every reason to thank God for His protection. We had many untoward and unexpected misfortunes; the death of Berzati Bey[173] at Gitana; the almost unprofitable first trip of steamers to Sennaar, and their useless delay; our defeat (after El foun victory), by which we lost the active part of our troops, and our fighting Pasha, Mahomet Ali; the surrender of Saleh Pasha and 1500 men, with the capture of the Mahomet Ali steamer; the fall of Berber, with two steamers lost. It is really very wonderful that, with such few successes and so many heavy disasters, we should be in the position we are now. Of the reinforcement, Stewart and Tongi got wounded. We have lost three steamers, two at Berber and one at the Blue Nile, and we have built another, the Husseinyeh, and hope to have another finished in a fortnight, which makes our loss only one. The defeat near El foun brought about the arrival here of the Mahdi, which might have been very serious, but his arrival has been apparently rendered innocuous. We have £40,000 in Treasury in paper, and £500. When I came up, there was £5000 in Treasury. We have £15,000 out in the town in paper money. When I came, we had two Pashas, Ibrahim Hardar, Hussein Cheri; we have now two, Ferratch and Nutzer Pasha. Two women, wives of the men who escaped yesterday (with another very small brown baby), came into Omdurman to-day. They say the Arabs are very angry about the desertions; also a boy came in. It would seem, looking over the past months, that, if taken in detail, events have been very much against us; while, if taken generally, we have been most successful. I always had an idea we would not be allowed any success which we could impute to ourselves; that events would be so ruled that we should just scramble through and have nothing to boast of. Mahomet Ali Pasha’s defeat was owing to his and his men and the people of Khartoum’s desire to loot Sheikh el Obeyed (the man, not the city). It was against my grain, for I wanted to capture Berber, which was the proper military operation to undertake; it was only because they were so anxious, and represented the affair as so easy, that I consented to it. Perhaps, if we had taken Berber, Her Majesty’s Government would have said that no expedition was necessary for the relief of the garrisons; but it would not have been correct to reason thus, for, though Berber might have been taken, we could not have garrisoned it; and it would have been a barren victory, and not have done much towards the solution of the Soudan problem or withdrawal of the garrisons, while it might, on the other hand, have stopped the expedition for their relief.
It is the Mahdi’s men who have made the station at Kokoo on right bank of the Blue Nile opposite Giraffe, not the men of Waled a Goun; I expect it is to overawe the Sheikh el Obeyed.
The Baggaras on the north side captured this morning three of the Arabs (one is brother of the writer whose things were found on the bank, and whom we supposed to have been murdered); they were stealing three horses belonging to Saleh Pasha. A slave came in from the Arabs at Omdurman; he says the Mahdi says, the Moharrem being a sacred month, he does not mean to fight; he did not act on that view in re Hicks; but then Hicks attacked or tried to attack him.
Doubts are thrown on the veracity of that boatman, for he told some few lies about how he went to Berber in a Government boat, which is not true. However, his report cheered us for a time. Some one (Talleyrand?) said, “If a lie got currency for twenty-four hours, it did its work.” I am still of opinion, however, if the season was not so far advanced, and the Nile on the fall, that the route by the Nile for a covering force was a correct one, but it ought to have been undertaken in July with a rising Nile.
The three men caught to-day say the “expeditionary force is still at Debbeh,” and I expect this is the truth, for the eight steamers coming up the Nile is scarcely possible now, since the Nile is falling. The distance direct from Kartoum to Debbeh is nearly 250 miles, and if the Kababish are friendly, the road is not a bad one; however, I think Ambukol to Metemma (could the force know I had the five steamers at Metemma) would be better, for it is only 150 miles, and from Debbeh to Ambukol there is water transport. The road from Ambukol to Metemma does not plunge so deeply into desert; indeed, Merowé to Berber, 150 miles, with water transport from Debbeh to Merowé, would be best of all, if the force could cross the Nile at Berber. The only enemy the force will meet with, on any of the three roads, are camel-men and horsemen, till it arrives on the banks of the Nile.
October 30.—This morning the Arabs came to Halfeyeh, capturing some of our heedless people; whether they will stay there or not I do not know—rumour says they are on their way to Shoboloha and Shendy to repel the ravages of steamers.
You have the map made by railway engineers of the route from Ambukol to Metemma, which must have all information, wells, &c., &c. I should put five station forts along the line, and when I made my debouch at Metemma I should split off one detachment to capture Berber, and another towards Kartoum, taking care of any guns in Shoboloha defile (during which passage I should march the men, and not leave them in the steamers or boats). I would make my base at Metemma for all operations in the Soudan connected with the Nile Valley—the numbers I have put for the forts along road are probably in excess of what would be required.
The Arab force which went towards the north (? Shendy) consists of 200 footmen, and 50 horse.
Two men came in from the south front—they say the Sheikh el Obeyed is with the Mahdi; and Waled a Goun, and Abou Gugliz are at Giraffe. I expect that the Arabs have captured one of our merchant’s boats at Halfeyeh.
We have 1300 men in the North Fort, yet 250 Arabs went boldly across our front to Halfeyeh, and we do not dare to show our noses; this speaks for our morale.
A slave came in at Omdurman; he says the Mahdi says he will not fight until after Moharrem (to-day is 12th Moharrem).
Arabs fired on the lines from near the White Nile to-day, but did no harm. Not being able to sleep last night, I was late in getting up, and consequently every one also slept and no proper look-out was kept on the Arabs. I should think I had written twenty orders about their keeping a look-out, but it is of no use. The Arabs have gone back to Giraffe. I am going to make the officer of North Fort pay compensation for the men wounded, and to the families of those killed, in this raid. The map made by the railway engineers (1874-1875) must have every information as to water supply on Ambukol-Metemma road.
In reality, the relief of the garrisons is only a question of crossing over a well-surveyed road of 150 miles, at the end of which are found five steamers and nine guns: of course there is a great deal of trouble in transport arrangements, but no particular danger.
I believe we (i.e. those Shaggyeh) lost to-day twenty-three soldiers taken prisoners, one killed, one wounded; seventeen cows, five women, eight slaves, three donkeys, seven horses,[174] twenty-four Remington rifles[175] captured; and this after I had repeatedly warned them of an impending attack, and specially warned them last night after the capture of the three spies. They, these Shaggyeh, number 1200; on the other side, with 30 horses, the Arabs were not 200; they made no attempt to defend themselves; dreadful lot, how I look forward to their disbandment! Had I left them at Halfeyeh what a time I should have had with them. The Arabs have paid us off with interest for our cavalry raids of a few days ago. If any troops come up, as soon as the environs are clear around Kartoum, I would recommend their immediate disbandment. I cannot see any reason why the “expedition for the relief of the garrisons” should not have captured Berber, and arrived at Kartoum on 10th November (Lord Mayor’s Show), which is giving ample time; saying that troops did advance from Cairo on the 15th August, which I guess (from Kitchener’s laconic dispatch of 31st August) was the case. That strong rumours could not have been known at Debbeh (for at least twenty days) that Kartoum steamers were at Metemma (plundering right and left) is most unlikely, even if my many spies (sent with notes to this effect) did not get through one of their number. These rumours should have pointed out that the Ambukol-Metemma road was the road to follow[176]—even if not decided on before, which is most probable.
Route Ambukol to Metemma.—Itinerary of Arabs.
| Ambukol to Nesgee | 24 | hours. |
| Nesgee to Om Halfa | 12 | ” |
| Om Halfa to Gakdal | 12 | ” |
| Gakdal to Klela Abou | 18 | ” |
| Abou Klela to Metemma | 12 | ” |
| — | ||
| Caravan | 78 | ” |
Wells plentifully supplied.
No wells of import on flanks.
I expect water can be found along Wadi Abou Gir, as water is found at Kambok, which is on a higher level. I shall anticipate no danger for a force of 200 men as far as Gebil Gelif well—that takes 60 miles off this march of 150 and leaves 90 miles.
In the centre you have the wells Abou Halfa and Gakdul, 12 miles apart. This central portion is distant Ambukol 80 miles, Metemma 65 miles. There appear no wells on flanks where Arabs can assemble in any numbers.
October 31.—Three men, soldiers, came in from the Arabs on the White Nile last night. To-day it is 7-23/30 months, or 233 days, since the Arabs appeared in our immediate neighbourhood, since which date we have had no peace.
It will be bitter cold in the desert, and I think, of all the deserts, that of Dongola is the coldest. I do not think I should send Nutzi Pasha and the Egyptians you take out of the steamers down further than Dongola, for the moment, for if you do you will put Dongola on the qui vive as to the evacuation. Certainly, for those who are for a rapid retreat, having a tête du pont (so to say) at Metemma, much facilitates the movement; for the garrisons and the people of Kartoum and Sennaar. Shendy-Metemma is evidently the chief strategical point of the Soudan; for from it you reach Kartoum, Sennaar, and Berber by water, and Kassala by the Atbara valley; but, short of making Fowler’s railway to Shendy, I should prefer the making of stations along the Nile, for a peace route and for small forces, as by the Nile you get free of camel transport, which depends on the temper of the Arab tribes; besides, the Nile route is cheaper, and could be put into execution with one high Nile.
The three soldiers who came in last night have one sergeant-major among them. He says Mahmound Khalifa wrote to his father, who is with Mahomet Achmet, in which he says that the English General wants him to get camels in great haste; that he is delaying as much as possible; that the English General wants to go in one body; that he is trying to get him to go in four bodies; that Mahmound Khalifa is a traitor, like all his family; and he should catch it, for I expect this information is correct. The sergeant-major says that Mahmound Khalifa is at Dongola or Debbeh. The Mahdi is going into a cave for this month and next; he is now in his cave. All the Europeans are with the Mahdi (not in the cave). Slatin is very good friends with the Mahdi, and sees him every day (?). (This is rather against the cave report.)
The mysterious Frenchman is not with the Mahdi, but in Kordofan. The letter which I spoke of as coming from Mahmound Khalifa arrived at the Mahdi’s camp fifteen days ago, so left Dongola about twenty-two days ago (9th October). Can it be remembered whether at that time, viz. 9th October, any altercation took place on subject of march?[177] In the letter is a remark, that the English General said he wished “all to go together, for he would not leave a sick man behind.” The man says, Mahmound Khalifa wrote another letter to his father, stating the start from Dongola towards Berber. I can produce the sergeant-major who gave this information.
Church parade much as usual. I expect they exhibited the captives of yesterday. It is extraordinary if we are employing Mahmound Khalifa, when his father, Hussein Pasha Khalifa, is a so-called prisoner of the Mahdi. Stewart knows, I think, that the father gave up Berber by more or less treachery.
I hope the Mudir of Dongola will look after this man. The sergeant-major says “that the Mahdi declares” he will execute the Sheikh el Islam (whom I put in prison) for preventing our surrendering, by which bit of news I read that an adherent of the Sheikh el Islam got some friends of his to bribe the sergeant-major to say this while on his way to the Palace.
Three men more have come in—one sergeant, one corporal, and a slave—from the Arabs at Omdurman. They say many Arabs leave daily for Kordofan; the Mahdi has sent three companies of regulars to bring back deserters; the Mahdi has been taking women from others, which makes the Arabs doubt his holiness; he has only forty rounds for each Krupp gun, of which he has two. The slave was a great fat bull-faced fellow. He was honest, for when I asked him why he came here, he said, “because he got so little to eat with the Arabs.” His appearance belied his words. These men said nothing of the cave business. The living skeleton in hospital (Stewart knows him) departed this life yesterday—I will not say, deeply regretted, except by me in a small way, for I knew him so long. It turns out that the Shaggyeh chief who commanded in the North Fort slept in town the day before yesterday night, and so was absent at yesterday morning’s catastrophe; also the officer Osman Bey, who went down to Berber with steamers to escort the Abbas past Berber, and who let the Fascher pursue the Abbas never reported this man’s absence; I have turned them out, and cut them each a month’s pay. (No sentry as usual, on North Fort. They are incorrigible. 2 p.m. Though their men have gone to look for missing rifles, I ordered them thirty blows: i.e. the sentries.)
Two cows have kindly walked into Omdurman Fort. The Arabs fired a few shots on the lines near the White Nile, which did not reach them; I expect the Arab chiefs send out the regulars and tell them to fire on the lines, and the regulars obey orders much as my orders are obeyed here. The North Fort hate my telescope; day and night I work them. It is one of Chevalier’s, of Paris, which I picked up here and gave £5 for, it is by far the best glass I ever saw. Commander J. Baker, R.N., has the best opera-glasses; he got them from me at Berberah in 1878, in exchange; they belonged to the Egyptian Government. It was the father of Hussein Pasha Khalifa who led the Egyptians into the Soudan in 1823. The family comes from Assouan, for this, the grant of monopoly of commerce through Korosko desert was given to the family. It was taken away from them in Ismail Pasha Ayoub’s time, about 1872, and I restored it to them. I heard the Mahdi gave them this monopoly after the fall of Berber, or rather agreed to their retaining it. I think the only good one of the family was Sheikh Hamid, who died this year. I sent the horsemen of these Shaggyeh out to the scene of yesterday’s disaster; they recovered a horse! two donkeys! and three Remingtons! and found the body of one of their slaves. I am going to make them pay for the lost Remingtons, nineteen in number now. I cannot afford to have Remingtons thrown away like that. This recalls to my mind how, when I had 700 men in the North Fort, which consisted of two houses distant sixty yards apart, the great Melon, who was in the house where the telegraph office is, declined to open the door of his house and sent a message to the other house, for fear of the Arabs, who were camped three miles distant. It was like this:
I have ever felt the greatest insecurity respecting the lines, for I believe one hundred determined men would carry them with ease, if they made their attack on the Shaggyeh or Bashi Bazouk part. These creatures used to shut themselves into the houses at about 7 p.m., and never go out till it was broad daylight; they were not eighty yards from the river. The Cairo Turkish Bashi Bazouks, the Shaggyeh, and the Fellaheen soldiers, I will back against any troops in the world for cowardice! I expect the reason why the Arabs did not take the three recaptured horses was because they were as frightened nearly as our men (vide p. 259); the worst of it is, that it is taken generally as a thing of “matter of course” by the Kartoum people, and, one may say, officers; no one is a bit put out or ashamed; it teaches no experience. Vide the absence of sentries on the fort to-day, who, I expect, cannot sit down over-comfortably to-night after their thirty blows.
One cannot help feeling amused at these Shaggyehs, for they are the most arrant braggadocios, as are the Cairo Turkish Bashi Bazouks, and when you come up, if you do, you will see how they will exhibit. They have little kettledrums about a span in diameter; whenever I hear them I feel viciously inclined. This dates back many years. The Shaggyeh are very quiet to-day; they are all boxed up in the houses; very few have ventured out more than 2000 yards. The report is that they are ashamed, which, if words could make them so, they ought to be; but I doubt it. They have not beaten their kettledrums to-night; yes, they have begun to beat them now. On one occasion, when I had two guns in their fort, I had a truly miserable night; for a cow would have taken the fort, though there were 1200 men in it. It was more for the guns than for them that I was anxious. The horse, which was recovered to-day, was saddled and was bridled, but, like a wise brute, as he could not eat with the bit in his mouth, he put his foot on the bridle and broke it off. I telegraphed to the rider “that I felt sure he could not look him in the face after leaving him out all night for nothing with the saddle on.”[178]
November 1.—The Arabs came up to their old fort in front of Bourré this morning and fired a few shots; they did not stay five minutes there. A Boulak Basha, his son, and two slaves came in to Omdurman and report the Mahdi is in the cave; that Slatin has retained all his property; that the Arabs continue to desert the Mahdi, who sends the regulars after them; that the deserting Arabs fight the soldiers, and have killed many of them; that the Arabs generally doubt the mission of the Mahdi, and wish for the return of the Government. The Mahdi is not going to fight during Moharrem and Saphia months. Two hundred and fifty Arabs deserted yesterday. The Mahdi sent the regulars after them, and four regulars were killed, and the deserters got away. Fifty to one hundred per diem run away. These people are a fine lot. The merchants of the market have been refusing to give more than three and a-half reals for a sovereign, five to six reals being the proper rate; so I captured nine of the chief of them, and have sent them to the lines with a pretended order to send them out to Waled a Goun, but with orders to keep them on the lines. I hope this will cure them. I shall let them in again when they sign a paper agreeing to my terms. Of course it is tyranny, but there is no other course to be pursued. The nine culprits, three soldiers with fixed bayonets before, three soldiers with ditto behind, and a mounted cavass on each flank, are wending their way to the lines through the market. Quite a procession! My servants are my staff. I never hear these sort of things from the officials, who are bribed, I expect, to keep silence.
7 p.m. A small bright fire in direction of and below Halfeyeh, lasting scarcely a minute. I flatter myself I keep a good look out.[179]
Two soldiers came to Omdurman, escaping from the Arabs this evening. Nothing new.
One of the trying things of this existence is the way that one is waylaid as one goes out with petitions for dhoora, and howled at. These are the times when one feels amiably disposed towards the gentlemen who have ruled in Cairo for the last seven years.
November 2.—Those men I sent out ostensibly to the Arabs have given in, and I have let them back into town. I hate these coercive measures. But what is to be done? This frightening them is better than putting them in prison, or chaining them. No words are of any avail, or orders. Two dervishes with their weapons presented themselves before lines this morning, saying they had a letter from the Mahdi for me (at Mesalamieh Gate). I said, “Leave the letter and go back; I will not let you in. It is no use any more writing.”
The Arabs fired on the lines near the White Nile. We answered, and committed some damage, from all appearance; for the whole Dem turned out. I have forbidden all firing on the Arabs, unless they come so near as to injure our people; for I expect this vague firing is only performed by the captured soldiers to conform, in appearance, to the orders of the Arab chiefs.
Letter has come in;[180] it is an address to the whole town; it has no seal, the usual rubbish about the Mahdi being Mahdi, &c. A soldier came in from the Arabs at Omdurman; he says the Mahdi is not in the cave, but in a tent (very stupid man!) Some one has stolen 93,000 okes of biscuit; this robbery took place nearly a year ago, and was only found out two days ago. The people of the town wonder at one’s getting no information; the last I had was from Kitchener, dated 31st August, and received 17th September, now forty-six days ago. Had our people sent to Kassala viâ Massowah,[181] there is no doubt information could have got through, but it is no use saying any more on the subject. I suppose you acted according to “your conscience, best of your ability, and custom of war in like cases.”
3.30 p.m. Sentries off the roof of the North Fort again; sent over to have them flogged!
Rectified list of biscuit is 266,430 okes.
Dhoora is 2110 ardebs in magazine to-day—six weeks’ consumption!! and then the sponge must be thrown up.
I could write volumes of pent-up wrath on this subject if I did not believe things are ordained and all work for the best. I am not at all inclined to order half rations with a view to any prolongation of our blockade; if I did so, it would probably end in a catastrophe[182] before the time, in which, if full rations are given, we should have exhausted our supplies. I should be an angel (which I am not, needless to say) if I was not rabid with Her Majesty’s Government; but I hope I may be quiet on the subject of this Soudan and Cairo business, with its indecision; but to lose all my beautiful black soldiers is enough to make one angry with those who have the direction of our future.[183]
Arabs fired four rounds this evening towards the lines near White Nile, but did no harm (one shell fell in the town) with their Krupp.
November 3.—Two women and one boy came in to Omdurman from the Arabs; also seven cows walked into the same place. To-day is our anniversary of Hicks’s defeat. I have let out several of the men whom I had arrested as adherents of the Mahdi; they have had a good warning.
4 p.m. Bordeen in sight: I have let out the Sheikh el Islam, Cadi, and the old Mudir. A soldier came from the Arabs to Omdurman; he says Slatin is a prisoner for the last three days. With this man came in a spy from the Mahdi, whom I put in prison. The Mahdi has sent regulars to the rear. I shall send down the Bordeen the day after to-morrow to Metemma, and shall send the débris, Tongi & Co. down with the steamer, and you can send them on to Cairo. I think this is noble on my part, for you get their boats and they use your camels. The post has come in from Bordeen. Kitchener’s letter, saying “Abbas was captured” was a terrible blow (I send back the letters sent to Stewart in envelope).[184] Kitchener asks who were on board: Stewart, Power, and Herbin, the French Consul, and the Greeks named in the margin on the other side.[185] I cannot understand it, for the general opinion was that the route was quite safe for the Abbas, which had a mountain gun and some fifty soldiers in her. I can only put it down to some treachery on the part of the Arabs pretending to be friends.
I cannot decipher Lord Wolseley’s telegram,[186] for Stewart took the cipher-books. (Please inform Foreign Office of this, for if he [Stewart] is killed, and Abbas captured, they, the cipher-books, are in the hands of the Mahdi.) I think cipher-messages are in some countries, like this, a mistake.
The Shendy steamers sent back ten wounded from Shendy, one seriously; and I hear they had five killed. For goodness’ sake do not send back any Egyptians, now in steamers, to Kartoum; I include Pashas, officers, men, and exclude the sailors, engineers, and captains of steamers.
If Abbas is lost, I hope a Court of Inquiry will be held on the departure of Col. Stewart and Messrs. Power and Herbin; for when they left we had no news of an Expedition of Relief—vide my journal; also it was generally believed that the passage of the Abbas down was an absolute certainty without danger. I also add that Stewart, Herbin, and Power left of their own free will, and without any order from me, as the papers captured would show, if ever available. I refused to order, but I said, “If you like to go, I will assist you to go. It is at your own risk. The service you will perform is great, and you can do no good here.” I wrote this to Col. Stewart, in an official letter.
November 4.—I received private letters from Stanley, dated Congo, 5th May, and from Sir S. Baker, 1st June. I like the official note written on the envelope of Sir Samuel Baker’s letter to me—“Communications avec la Soudan interrompées.” I should think the communications were interrompées!!!
The Arabs have one gun at Shendy and one gun at Metemma; they struck Mansowrah four times.
I looked upon the descent of the Abbas as a certainty. I looked upon the relief of Kartoum as most uncertain; hence I sent down the cipher-books of the Foreign Office. Perhaps the Abbas got wrecked on the cataract. It is very sad. There is a report that the Sheikh el Obeyed is dead; if true, it will simplify that vexed question with Foreign Office of the man and the city. Arabs fired five shells at the Lines to-day; we answered with two, and they retired. If the capture of steamer is corroborated, tell French Consul-General that the Mahdi has his cipher, which was with Herbin. If Abbas was captured by treachery, then I am not to blame; neither am I to blame if she struck a rock, for she drew under two feet of water; and fifty boats (sailing) used to go down yearly to Cairo, with high Nile; if they were attacked and overpowered, then I am to blame, for I ought to have foreseen the chance, and prevented their going. But when they left we knew nothing of the Expedition, and I passed them under escort through Berber, which was the apparent only danger they had to meet. The Mahdi, if it is true that he has captured the Abbas, found two of his own seals,[187] which we had forged but did not use, also all his letters to me, and the journal was in most careful detail, hour by hour, so to say. Steamer leaves at daybreak, 5th November, 1884.
C. G. Gordon.
BOOK VI.
EVENTS AT KARTOUM.
From 5 November to 14 December, 1884.
GENERAL GORDON’S JOURNAL.
Vol. VI.
To be pruned down if published.
C. G. GORDON.
Copy of letter that accompanied this diary.
Kartoum, 10 Nov., 1884.
Sir,
Since departure, 10 Sept., of Lt.-Colonel Stewart, C.M.G., I have kept a daily journal of all events at Kartoum, which contains also my private opinions upon certain facts, which perhaps it is just as well you should know confidentially. You can of course make extracts of all official matter, and will naturally leave my private opinions out in the case of publication. I have already sent five portions of this journal, and now send the sixth portion.
I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
C. G. GORDON.
The Chief of the Staff,
Soudan Expeditionary Force.