With respect to matrimonial rights nothing can be more misleading than the self-gratulations of writers who have treated colonial history from what Charles Francis Adams has aptly called the "filio-pietistic" point of view.[675] Thus in his early edition Bancroft, referring to the alleged mitigating character of Massachusetts legislation, securing to the slave such protection "as the Hebrew scriptures seemed to enjoin," declares that "this brought about a total modification of the character of negro slavery by giving to the slave the rights of marriage and the family."[676] Palfrey goes even farther in his zeal, solemnly assuring us that "from the reverence entertained by the Fathers of New England for the nuptial tie, it is safe to infer that slave husbands and wives were never parted."[677] In like spirit statesmen, jurists, and historians have reiterated the assertion that slavery was not hereditary in Massachusetts. "In all her annals," says Charles Sumner, "no person was ever born a slave" on her soil; and if, in fact, "the issue of slaves was sometimes held in bondage, it was never by sanction of any statute or law of Colony or Commonwealth."[678] Similar statements are made by Hurd, Washburn, and Belknap.[679] Justice Gray declares that "previously to the adoption of the State Constitution in 1780 negro slavery existed to some extent, and negroes held as slaves might be sold, but all children of slaves were by law free."[680] The unsupported dictum of Palfrey is equally confident. "In fact," he says, "no person was ever born in legal slavery in Massachusetts."[681]
Since the appearance of Moore's able monograph it is perhaps needless to explain that the facts are against these comfortable theories. Slavery was authorized by statute in Massachusetts under sanction of the Mosaic law; and so the children of slave mothers were also slaves.[682] The evils of the institution may, indeed, have been somewhat mitigated by the simple industrial conditions which then prevailed. The climate and soil were ill suited to slave labor. Occasionally there may have been a mind far enough ahead of the age to perceive dimly the social danger lurking in the system. Almost the only clear voice raised against it is that of Samuel Sewall,[683] whose practice nevertheless was not always consistent with his doctrine.[684] Mixture of race was not favored. But not until 1705 was intermarriage between a white person and a negro or mulatto forbidden by statute.[685] Through Sewall's influence the prohibition was not then extended to Indians;[686] and he succeeded in having a clause retained in the act enjoining that "no master shall unreasonably deny marriage to his negro with one of the same nation."[687] A passage in his diary shows that the laws relating to banns, as also, it is safe to infer, those regarding celebration and registration, were applied in the case of such unions; while at the same time we are given a pleasing picture of the humane treatment which slaves sometimes received from their masters. On September 26, 1700, he records that "Mr. John Wait and Eunice his Wife, and Mrs. Debora Thair come to Speak to me about the Marriage of Sebastian, Negro Servt of said Wait, with Jane, Negro Servt of said Thair. Mr. Wait desired they might be published in order to Marriage. Mrs. Thair insisted that Sebastian might have one day in six allow'd him for the support of Jane, his intended wife and her children, if it should please God to give her any. Mr. Wait now wholly declin'd that, but freely offer'd to allow Bastian Five pounds, in Money [=p] a[=n]um towards the Su[=p]ort of his children [=p] said Jane (besides Sabastians cloathing and Diet). I persuaded Jane and Mrs. Thair to agree to it, and so it was concluded; and Mrs. Thair gave up the Note of Publication to Mr. Wait for him to carry it to Wm Griggs, the Town Clerk, and to Williams in order to have them published according to law."[688]
Examples of such kindly usage were doubtless not uncommon among New England slave-owners, just as they were often found at all times in the South. But it is vain to apologize for a system, wicked and corrupting in itself, on the ground of individual benevolence or of laws which inconsistently in certain particulars seem to recognize the spiritual and social equality of human chattels. In a community where a black man or woman for sexual misconduct with a member of the favored race was condemned by statute to be sold into another province;[689] where Indian prisoners were divided among the captors, and sold as legitimate spoil;[690] where African fathers and mothers, bought on their native soil for watered rum with short measure, were shipped across the ocean in stifling death-traps,[691] to be "knocked down" from the auction block to the highest bidder,[692] it seems rather more than absurd to assume that under the benign influence of Puritan religion and morality slave wives and husbands were never parted through the lust or greed of their owners. Nor in general was the alleged hope of converting the "benighted heathen to enjoy the blessings of a Gospel dispensation" more than a soothing balm to quiet the incipient throes of a rudimentary conscience in this regard.[693] Nay, in New England as elsewhere, the Christianizing of the blacks was sometimes actually discouraged, lest it should put in jeopardy the white man's property in them. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a typical "case of conscience" arose. Would not the baptism of a slave in effect be a dangerous admission of his spiritual equality with the master? "Could an intelligent being, who, through the Mediator, had participated in the spirit of God, and by his own inward experience had become conscious of a Supreme Being, and of relations between that Being and humanity be rightfully held in bondage? From New England to Carolina, the 'notion' prevailed that 'being baptized is inconsistent with the state of slavery;' and this early apprehension proved an obstacle to the 'conversion of these poor people.' The sentiment was so deep and so general that South Carolina in 1712, Maryland in 1715, Virginia repeatedly from 1667 to 1748, set forth by special enactments that baptism did not confer freedom."[694]
Naturally the Puritan was deeply exercised by the same scruples. He sorely dreaded lest through extending the means of grace to his serf Christ should inadvertently be put "in bondage." But he solved the problem in the same way as his southern brother—at the expense of the bondman. In Massachusetts as in Rhode Island slavery was consecrated "without regard to the religion of the slave."[695] Accordingly in 1696 "the ministers of Boston" submitted to the general court "That ye wel-knowne Discouragemt upon ye endeavours of masters to Christianize their slaves, may be removed by a Law which may take away all pretext to Release from just servitude, by receiving of Baptisme." But to the credit of the court, we are told, "this proposal was not noticed."[696] Over forty years later a different result was reached by the clergy of Connecticut. At a meeting of the General Association for that colony in 1738, "It was inquired—whether the infant slaves of Christian masters may be baptized in the right of their masters—they solemnly promising to train them in the nurture and admonition of the Lord: and whether it is the duty of such masters to offer such children and thus religiously to promise. Both questions were affirmatively answered."[697] Thus the negro of Connecticut was admitted to the covenant of grace without jeopardizing his owner's chattel interest in his body.
The attitude of Massachusetts slave-owners on this problem is revealed in Sewall's "question" from the Athenian Oracle: "What then should hinder but these be Baptized? If only the Covetousness of their Masters, who for fear of losing their Bodies, will venture their Souls; which of the two are we to esteem the greater Heathens? Now that this is notorious Matter of Fact, that they are so far from persuading those poor Creatures to Come to Baptism, that they discourage them from it, and rather hinder them as much as possible, though many of the wretches, as we have been informed, earnestly desire it; this we believe, none that are concern'd in the Plantations, if they are ingenuous, will deny, but own they don't at all care to have them Baptized. Talk to a Planter of the Soul of a Negro, and he'll be apt to tell ye (or at least his Actions speak it loudly) that the Body of one of them may be worth twenty Pounds; but the Souls of an hundred of them would not yield him one Farthing; and therefore he's not at all solicitous about them, though the true Reason is indeed, because of that Custom of giving them their Freedom, after turning Christians." Whether this custom be "reasonable" the writer doubts; for neither the "Father of the Faithful" nor St. Paul commands masters to liberate their slaves and Christianity does not "alter any Civil Right." In the "mean time, if there be such a Law or Custom for their Freedom, to encourage 'em to Christianity, be it reasonable or otherwise, this is certain, that none can excuse those who for that Reason should in any way hinder or discourage 'em from being Christians; some of whose excuses are almost too shameful to repeat, since they seem to reflect on the Christian Religion, as if that made Men more untractable and ungovernable, than when bred in Ignorance and Heathenism."[698]
Much of the same casuistry is manifested in dealing with the question of slave marriages. A bondman might be made amenable to the law of banns and celebration; but his continued enjoyment of marital rights and family life was absolutely precarious. As Moore suggests, the proviso of the act of 1705 forbidding the "unreasonable denial of marriage to negroes is very interesting. Legislation against the arbitrary exercise and abuse of authority proves its existence and the previous practice."[699] Besides, the adoption of that law was prompted perhaps as much by self-interest as by regard for morality. It was in effect a prudent police ordinance. Masters were liable for the legal fines imposed on their slaves for sexual offenses. It might be cheaper and less troublesome to allow orderly wedlock. "Moreover it is too well known," writes Sewall, "what Temptations Masters are under, to connive at the Fornication of their Slaves; lest they should be obliged to find them Wives, or pay their Fines. It seems to be practically pleaded that they might be Lawless; 'tis thought much of, that the Law should have satisfaction for their Thefts, and other Immoralities; by which means, Holiness to the Lord is more rarely engraven upon this sort of servitude. It is likewise most lamentable to think, how in taking Negroes out of Africa, and selling of them here, That which God has joined together, men do boldly rend asunder; Men from their Country, Husbands from their Wives, Parents from their Children. How horrible is the Uncleanness, Mortality, if not Murder, that the ships are guilty of that bring great Crouds of these miserable Men and Women. Methinks when we are bemoaning the barbarous Usage of our Friends and Kinsfolk in Africa: it might not be unreasonable to enquire whether we are not culpable in forcing the Africans to become Slaves amongst ourselves."[700]
For another reason families were in constant danger of being separated. The breeding of slaves was not generally regarded as convenient or profitable in New England. According to Belknap, "negro children were considered an incumbrance in a family; and when weaned, were given away like puppies," and they were "publickly advertised in the news-papers" to be so disposed of.[701]
That there was something grotesque in using the solemn ritual of the church in the marriage of slaves was faintly realized. In 1748 Rev. Noah Hobart "challenged the want of flexibility in the forms of the Liturgy of the Church of England, as tending 'to introduce irreligion and profaneness'—especially in the use of the office of Matrimony for marriages contracted between slaves." The use of the phrase "with all my worldly goods I thee endow, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost" he regarded as particularly sacrilegious, although the prayers employed by the Congregational minister at slave weddings were equally profane.[702]
In at least one instance a sufficiently flexible special ritual was composed which very frankly discloses the idea of its author, and probably also that of a majority of his brethren, as to the real character of a slave marriage. According to Moore, it was discovered at Northampton, N. H., in 1868, by Mr. J. Wingate Thornton; and it was prepared and used by Rev. Samuel Phillips, of Andover, Mass., whose ministry there, beginning in 1710 and ending with his death in 1771, was a prolonged and eminently distinguished service of more than half of the eighteenth century." This "Form of a Negro-Marriage" is a decidedly safe and practical service from the master's point of view. The minister says:
"You S: do now in the Presence of God, and these Witnesses, Take R: to be your Wife; Promising that so far as shall be consistent with ye Relation wch you now sustain, as a Servant, you will Perform ye Part of an Husband towards her; And in particular, you Promise, that you will Love her: And that, as you shall have ye Opportty & Ability, you will take a proper Care of her in Sickness and Health, in Prosperity & Adversity: And that you will be True & Faithfull to her, and will Cleave to her only, so long as God, in his Provdce, shall continue your and her abode in Such Place (or Places) as that you can conveniently come together." Similar words are repeated to the woman; and when each in turn has sealed this unique troth-plight, the minister continues: "I then agreeable to your Request, and wth ye Consent of your Masters & Mistresses, do Declare, that you have Licence given you to be conversant and familiar together, as Husband and Wife, so long as God shall continue your Places of abode as aforesaid; and so long as you shall behave your-selves as it becometh Servants to doe: For you must, both of you, bear in mind, that you Remain Still as really and truly as ever, your Master's Property, and therefore it will be justly expected, both by God and Man, that you behave and conduct your-selves, as Obedient and faithfull Servants towards your respective Masters & Mistresses for the Time being."[703]
Through this ingenious device, it is clear, the permanence of the slave's nuptial bond, with all his connubial and family rights, was made absolutely dependent upon his owner's will.
[Bibliographical Note XIII.—For Virginia the chief materials have been drawn from Hening's Statutes at Large (Richmond, 1809-23), and the laws comprised in Acts of the Assembly (fol., Williamsburg, 1769). The third volume of O'Callaghan, Documents Rel. to the Col. History of New York, has an interesting memorial of the bishop of London written in 1677; and there are some references to marriage in Strachey, For the Colony in Virginea Britannea: Lawes Diuine, Morall, and Martiall, being "Dale's Code" (London, 1612): in Force, Tracts, III; Spotswood, Letters, constituting Vols. I and II, new series, of the Collections of the Va. Hist. Soc. (Richmond, 1882-85); Beverley, History of Virginia (reprint, Richmond, 1855); and the acts of the assembly of 1619 contained in the Colonial Records of Virginia (Richmond, 1874). Cooke, Virginia (Boston, 1884), gives a curious proclamation of Governor Wyatt for the regulation of courtship. In Vol. IV of the Va. Magazine of Hist. and Biog. (Richmond, July, 1896) there is a unique "Marriage Agreement" which throws some light on the economic affairs of the provincial household; and further illustrations of domestic and social customs may be found in Goodwin, The Colonial Cavalier (Boston, 1895); and Fiske, Old Virginia and Her Neighbors (Boston, 1898).
The principal sources for Maryland are Browne, Archives of Maryland (Baltimore, 1883-91); Bacon, Laws of Maryland (fol., Annapolis, 1765); and, to supplement these, the Laws of Maryland made since 1763 (fol., Annapolis, 1777); or the same (fol., Annapolis, 1787). Streeter, "Papers Rel. to the Early Hist. of Maryland," in Md. Hist. Soc. Publications (Baltimore, 1876), publishes a record of the first wedding in the colony, with the marriage license bond. The matrimonial doctrines of the Labadists are discussed by James, "The Labadist Colony in Maryland," in J. H. U. S., XVII (Baltimore, 1899); and the character of the episcopal clergy is described by Browne, Maryland (Boston, 1884), and by Lodge, Short History (New York, 1882).
On this subject, as on most topics for the period, the extremely valuable Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh, 1886-90) are a mine of information; and they are enriched by Colonel Saunders's "Prefatory Notes." The first matrimonial statute, passed by the assembly of Albemarle in 1669, is also contained in Chalmers, Political Annals: in Carroll, Hist. Coll. of South Carolina (New York, 1836); and in Hawks, History of North Carolina (Fayetteville, 1857-58), likewise of service on other points. The various statutes of the eighteenth century may be consulted in Iredell-Martin's Public Acts of the Gen. Assembly (Newbern, 1804); in Swan's Revisal (ed. 1752); or Davis's Revisal (ed. 1773). Similar collections of laws for South Carolina are Cooper and McCord's Statutes at Large (Columbia, 1837-41), and Brevard's Alphabetical Digest (Charleston, 1814)—both of which contain useful editorial notes. Constitutional provisions are, of course, found in Poore, Charters (Washington, 1877). The works of Friedberg and the Atlantic article of Cook, elsewhere mentioned, are still of service; and Weeks in his valuable monograph, "Church and State in North Carolina," in J. H. U. S., XI (Baltimore, 1893), has traced from the sources the struggle of the Presbyterian with the Episcopalian government party for the privilege of using their own rites in the celebration of marriage.]
Throughout the colonial period in Virginia the religious marriage ceremony, according to the rites of the Church of England, was prescribed by law. Indeed, it was not until 1794 that the lay celebration before a magistrate was permitted, and then only in certain exceptional cases. But in two important particulars, even in the earliest statutes, there is a remarkable advance upon the custom of the mother-country. In the first place, it is noteworthy that the administration of matrimonial law is gradually intrusted to the county officers and the local courts. Here, as in New England, there is a quickening of the forces of local self-government; and the lay tribunals gained important functions which in England belonged to the ecclesiastical courts. Again, the legislation of 1631-32 embodies the essential principles of the Hardwicke act of 1753. The institution of marriage begins to be protected and defined by careful statutory provisions and is no longer left to the perils of uncertain custom. Banns or license, parental consent, certificate, and registration are all soon introduced. Marriage becomes in effect a civil contract long before it is squarely acknowledged to be such by the law.
The brief act of 7 Charles I., 1632, provides that "no mynister shall celebrate matrimony betweene any persons without a facultie or lycense graunted by the Governor, except the baynes of matrimony have beene first published three severall Sundays or holydays in the time of devyne service in the parish churches where the sayd persons dwell, accordinge to the booke of common prayer." The minister is forbidden to "ioyne any persons soe licensed in marriage at any unreasonable tymes, but only betweene the howers of eight and twelve in the forenoone." If the marriage is after publication of banns without license, and the persons are under twenty-one years of age, the consent of parents is required before legal celebration.[704] It was also enacted that all marriages should be solemnized in church "except in case of necessity."[705]
The act of 1632 determined the broad outline of the marriage law of Virginia until after the Revolution. But two or three important modifications were made by subsequent legislation. Thus, an act of the Commonwealth period, 1657-58, enforces the provision that "ministers only shall celebrate marriages;" and significantly adds that they shall not do so without license or publication of banns "as formerly," under a penalty of "tenne thousand pounds of tobacco to ease the leavye of that county." No license is to be granted "without certificate vnder the hands of the parents, masters, or guardians of the parties to be married."[706] Again, the first act of the Restoration, 1661-62, requires license or "thrice publication according to the prescription of the rubric in the common prayer booke, which injoynes that if the persons to be marryed dwell in severall parishes the banes must be asked in both parishes, and that the curate of one parish shall not solemnize the matrimony untill he have a certificate from the curate of the other parish, that the banes have been there thrice published, and noe objection made" to the union. For violation of the law by the minister the penalty of 1657-58 is retained. But this statute goes farther and declares that "any pretended marriage hereafter made by any other then a minister" shall be "reputed null, and the children borne out of such marriage of the parents" shall be "esteemed illegitimate and the parents suffer such punishment as by the laws prohibiting fornication ought to be inflicted."[707] This act of the Restoration, like that of the Duke of York, 1665, was probably invalid as transcending the requirements of the English common law.[708] In part it may have been intended to punish violation of the marriage law by dissenters, and its severity must have been keenly felt. At any rate, it was repealed in 1696 and replaced by an "act for the prevention of clandestine marriages." The preamble recites that "many great and grievous mischeifes have arisen and dayly doe arise by clandestine and secret marriages to the utter ruin of many heirs and heiresses," and that "the laws now in force ... do inflict too small a punishment for so heinous and great an offence." The minister guilty of violating the provision for banns or license, which is re-enacted, is to suffer imprisonment "for one whole year without bayle or mainprize and shall forfeitt and pay the sume of five hundred pounds currant money, one moyety thereof to our sovereign lord the king, ... and the other moyety to him or them that shall sue or informe for the same." No licenses are to be granted without a certificate from the clerk of the county court; and the certificate may not be issued by the clerk without the consent of the parent or guardian given in person or by writing attested by two witnesses, under penalty of a year's imprisonment and the payment of a fine of five hundred pounds current money. The clause of the preceding act making the issue of irregular marriages illegitimate is not repeated in this act or subsequently—an admission, seemingly, that the provision was originally null and void. But a female between the ages of twelve and sixteen contracting such a marriage forfeits during coverture her inheritance to the next of kin. After the death of her husband the inheritance reverts to her or those who should have claimed "in case this act had never been made."[709] This clause was retained in subsequent legislation.[710] By the act of 1705 still more careful provision is made for license and certificate; and if any minister, contrary to the spirit of the law, shall "go out of this her majesty's colony and dominion" and there join in matrimony "persons belonging to this country," without license or publication, he is to suffer the same penalty as if the offense had been done in the province.[711]
No relaxation in the illiberal rule requiring solemnization by a clergyman of the establishment was made until after the Revolution. First in 1780 the court of each county was authorized to license not more than four ministers of any religious society to solemnize marriages. In 1784 ministers of all denominations, except itinerants, were put on the same level in this regard. Already the preceding year laymen "in the western waters" had grudgingly been empowered to act, provided they make use of the ritual of the English church; but it was not until 1830 that it became possible, when the court saw fit, to appoint laymen for this purpose in all counties of the commonwealth; and this policy has survived to the present hour.[712]
But if the Anglican clergy during the entire colonial period were given a monopoly of matrimonial business, it by no means follows that the dissenters, whose numbers were constantly gaining, ever tamely submitted. On the contrary, they often took the law into their own hands and had their marriages celebrated before their own ministers, or resorted to the local magistrates. This fact is made clear by the act of 1780 and subsequent statutes, by which marriages irregularly contracted are declared valid. Indeed, as early as 1677 we have evidence that dissenters refused to observe an unjust and probably invalid law. A memorial of the bishop of London in that year laments that in Virginia there is a great "defect in the execution of those two wholesome laws ... of the Assembly, the one prohibiting all marriages to be solemnized without a lawful minister imposing the punishment due for fornication on the parties & making their children illegitimate & so not capable of inheriting, the other prohibiting any persone the ministeriall Function without proveing himself to have first received Orders from some Bishop in England."[713]
As already stated, the matrimonial laws of Virginia were from an early day locally administered, and mainly by the civil magistrate. The minister of every parish was required to keep a "booke wherein shall be written the day and yeare of every christeninge, wedding, and buriall;"[714] and annually on the first day of June it was the duty of the church wardens and ministers to make a return to the quarter court of all marriages solemnized during the year.[715] By the act of 1642 the report is to be made to the "commander of every monethly court;"[716] and in 1661-62 the duty of registration is laid upon the reader equally with the minister.[717] At length, in 1780, the officiating minister is required to transmit a certificate of every marriage solemnized by him to the clerk of the county court for record.[718] It was the minister's duty to publish the banns thrice, as required by law. But in consequence of the scarcity of clergymen of the established church, in some places it became practically impossible to comply with the statutes. So, in 1705, the clerk or reader in any parish having no minister was empowered to publish banns and, "if no objection be made," to grant a certificate thereof to the officiating minister.[719]
In Virginia, as we have seen, the governor's license instead of banns takes the place of the license of the English bishop. Licenses are not to be issued "without certificate under the hands of the parents, masters or guardians."[720] On account of the rapid growth of population, in which was an ever-increasing proportion of dissenters, and on account of the scarcity of ministers of the established church, the demand for licenses became so great that, in 1661, the clerks of the county courts were empowered to issue them. "Whereas," runs the statute, "many times lycences are granted and the persons are marryed out of the parishes, which lycences have been usually granted by the governor, whose knowledge of persons cannot possibly extend over the whole country," therefore persons desiring to be married by license are required to give bond to the clerk that there is no lawful impediment. The clerk is then to write the license and certify to the first justice in the commission for the county, or else to the person appointed for this business by the governor, who shall sign it.[721] Later the personal or written consent of the parent or guardian is required before the clerk may issue certificate.[722] But by the act of 1705 a bond is required in all cases, and parental consent only in the case of minors. The license is then issued by the clerk for the signature of the magistrate or the governor's deputy.[723]
The granting of licenses was an important source of income for the governor, he receiving two hundred pounds of tobacco or twenty shillings for each license issued. Such, for example, was the law in the days of Beverley.[724] These fees were collected by the sheriff and turned over to the governor or secretary of the colony.[725] At the beginning of the Revolution, in order to provide for the expense of the militia, a tax of forty shillings was laid by the assembly upon each marriage license;[726] and in the next year the law granting license fees to the governor was repealed.[727] The legal fee allowed the minister was twenty shillings or two hundred pounds of tobacco for each marriage when celebrated by license, and five shillings or fifty pounds of tobacco when celebrated by banns.[728] In 1792, however, the uniform fee for a marriage was fixed at one dollar.[729]
Marriages within the "levitical degrees prohibited by the laws of England" were forbidden;[730] and curious and stringent regulations concerning the secret marriage of indented servants were made. Thus in 1642-43, since "many great abuses & much detriment hath been found to arise both against the law of God and likewise to the service of manye masters of families in the collony" by secret marriage of servants, it is provided that a man servant contracting a secret marriage with a maid servant shall serve an additional year after the completion of the term of indenture; while a maid servant so offending is to double the time of her service. A freeman for secretly marrying an indented maid servant must double the value of her service and pay a fine of five hundred pounds of tobacco to the parish where the offense is committed.[731] The unjust discrimination against female servants was done away with in 1657-58.[732] A still more rigorous law was passed in 1661-62. The minister is prohibited under a penalty of ten thousand pounds of tobacco from either publishing the banns or celebrating the contract of marriage without a certificate of consent from the masters of both the persons, who are each to suffer the penalty of a year's extra service, as before; while the freeman clandestinely marrying a servant is to pay to the master fifteen hundred pounds of tobacco or a year's service.[733] But in 1748 for the offending parties the year's extra service is commuted at "five pounds current money."[734] It may be noted that in this Virginia legislation there is no provision like that of Plymouth for compelling the consent of stubborn masters.
The matrimonial history of Virginia begins with the nuptials of Ann Burras and John Laydon, celebrated in 1608.[735] A few years later, in Dale's code, appear the first marital regulations, though to what extent they were ever carried out must remain uncertain. Every minister is required to "keepe a faithful and true Record, or Church Booke, of all Christnings, Marriages, and deaths of such our people, as shall happen within their Fort, or Fortresse, Townes or Towne at any time, vpon the burthen of a neglectfull conscience, and vpon paine of losing their Entertainment."[736]
The statutes of the Dominion are silent as to the celebration of pre-contract or espousals; and the penalties prescribed for adultery and fornication are in marked contrast with those of early New England. Persons were presented for these offenses by the church wardens at the annual visitations;[737] and the culprits were punished by fines or whipping.[738] Nor do the laws concern themselves with the regulation of courtship and "sinful dalliance" in New England style; although a proclamation of Governor Wyatt shows that his excellency was willing to supply the law's defect in this regard. He announces that "every minister should give notice in his church that what man or woman soever should use any word or speech tending to a contract of marriage to two several persons at one time," such "as might entangle or breed scruples in their consciences, should for such their offense, either undergo corporal correction, or be punished by fine or otherwise, according to the quality of the person so offending."[739]
Very little material has been collected regarding wedding customs in Virginia.[740] But this sketch may be concluded by reference to a curious "marriage agreement" which took place in Eastville, Northampton county, in 1714, and which throws light on domestic economy in the Old Dominion. Mr. John Custis and Frances, his wife, having fallen out, are inspired with hope and faith that they may renew "perfect love and friendship" by bond and covenant. First, therefore, it is duly stipulated that "the sd Frances shall return to the sd John all the money, Plate and other things what soever that she hath from him or removed out of the house upon oath and be obliged never to take away by herself or any other, anything of value from him again or run him in debt without his consent, nor sell, give away or dispose of anything of value out of the family without his consent, upon the condition that the plate and damaske linen" shall not be given away or otherwise disposed of by the said John during her life, but be delivered to his children "by the said Frances immediately after her decease." Next it is agreed that "Frances shall henceforth for bear to call him ye sd John any vile names or give him any ill language, Neither shall he give her any," but they are "to live lovingly together and to behave themselves to each other as a good husband & good wife ought to doe. And that she shall not intermeddle with his affairs but that all business belonging to the husband's management shall be solely transacted by him, neither shall he intermeddle in her domestique affairs but that all business properly belonging to the management of the wife shall be solely transacted by her." Again, after settling his debts, John gives bond in the sum of one thousand pounds that he will keep "true and perfect accounts of all the profitts and disbursements of his whole Estate," present and future, in Virginia or the rest of the world, and that he will "produce the same accounts yearly if it be required upon oath. And that after all debts hereafter necessarily accrueing; for buying cloaths, tools and all the necessary [things] for the servants and the plantations, paying leavys and Quitt-rents & making necessary repairs of his whole estate and alsoe all other necessary charges acrewing for the use & benefitt of the estate which is to descend to the child of ye said Frances are deducted and paid he shall freely & without grudging allow one full moity ... of his whole estate" to her annually, "for clothing herself and the children with a reasonable proportion thereof and the remainder to be all laid out in the education of the children & for furnishing ... all things ... necessary for house keeping (that are to be brought from England) and Phisick," so long as she remains peacefully with him; and that he shall allow for her maintenance and that of the family "one bushell of wheat for every week and a sufficient quantity of Indian Corn and as much flessh of all kinds as the stocks of Cattle, Sheep and hoggs" will stand, with "sufficient quantity of Cyder and Brandy if so much be made on the plantation." But if Frances exceed her allowance, then it is to cease, and the "bond to be voyd." Out of her allowance Frances is to have "free liberty to keep a white servant if she shall think fitt;" also the usual colored servants, among whom are mentioned "Jenny," "Queen," and "Billy boy," who are to "tend the garden, goe of errands or with the coach, catch horses, and doe all other necessary works" both in and about the house. Moreover, with impulsive generosity, "ye sd John" binds himself, not only to allow Frances "fifteen pounds of wool and fifteen pounds of fine dresst flax or fifteen pounds of wool in lieu thereof every year to spin for any use in the family she shall think fit;" but even to suffer her "to give away twenty yards of Virginia cloth every Year to charitable uses if soe much remain after the servants are clothed." Finally, pending the marketing of the tobacco crop in England, which will take twelve months, Frances is graciously endowed by John with fifty pounds in money for support of herself and the family, if there should happen to be so much left when all the debts are paid.[741]
The earliest extant record of a marriage in Maryland, we are told, is that of William Edwin and Mary Whitehead, dated March 26, 1638. They were married by license, with security to the Lord Proprietor for the payment of "one thousand weight of merchantable tobacco, to be paid upon demand, in case the said William Edwin hath precontracted himself to any other woman than Mary Whitehead (spinster)," or in case there is any other lawful impediment to the marriage.[742] According to Bozman, many similar marriage-license bonds have been preserved.[743] The requirement of a "caution," in such cases, is enforced in the act of the assembly passed in 1640.[744] No marriage may be solemnized without banns "three days before published in some Chappell or other place of the County where publique instnts are used to be notified, or else afore oath mad & caution entered in the County Court that neither partie is apprentice or ward or precontracted or within the forbidden degrees of consanguinity or under govermt of parents or tutors and certificate of such oath & caution taken from the Judge or Register of the Court."[745]
By the act of 1658, passed during the Fendall government, the civil ceremony is made legal. Persons desiring to be married have liberty to apply either to a magistrate or to a minister; but in all cases, under severe penalty, a certificate of the publication of banns at the county court, or in some church, chapel, or meeting, is required.[746] Banns or a license from the governor or lieutenant-general is prescribed by the act of 1662; and, as before, the ceremony may be performed by either a minister or a magistrate, but in presence of two witnesses. Otherwise the marriage is void.[747] Thus far no form of words at the nuptials had been prescribed. Therefore in 1666, by a statute which was to remain in force three years, a modification of the English ritual was adopted.[748]
The general provisions of the law of 1662 are repeated in the act of 1676, except that the intention to allow complete liberty with respect to the form of celebration is more accented. Instead of a "minister or magistrate," as in the former act, any "priest, minister, pastor, or magistrate" may now conduct the celebration; and, as before, a marriage not so solemnized is declared null and void; though it is highly probable that such a requirement was invalid as being inconsistent with the English common law.[749]
Up to this point, under the Catholic proprietors of the palatinate, absolute toleration had prevailed. Optional civil or ecclesiastical rites were sanctioned. But now arose a struggle for supremacy between the toleration party composed of Catholics and Quakers, who began to take strong root in the province, and a bigoted Protestant faction. "As happened twenty years before, a minority in the colony, in sympathy with the dominant party in England, wished to control in matters of religion, and, backed by the home government, renew a policy of intolerance in their own interests. Now, of course, this minority was composed of Protestants of the Established Church, instead of Puritans, as in the days of the Commonwealth."[750] The Episcopal minority triumphed with the establishment of the royal government in 1692, the Church of England was set up, and Catholics and dissenters were taxed for its support. A reactionary policy was begun with respect to the marriage celebration, and we have in this instance the only clear example of such retrogression that can be found in American history.[751] Only in Maryland was civil marriage entirely abrogated after it was once introduced.[752]
The change did not take place all at once. A beginning was made by the law of 1692 which in part deprived members of the established church of the privilege of the civil celebration, but as yet did not interfere with the liberty of others. As under the preceding acts, either a minister or a magistrate may perform the ceremony; but now it is provided that he "shall joyn them in manner and forme as is sett down & expressed in the Liturgy of the Church of England wch being finished the Minister, Pastor, or Magistrate shall say I being hereunto by Law Authorized do pronounce you lawfull man and wife."[753]
A more rigorous statute, affecting members of the establishment, appears in 1702. To "prevent all illegal and unlawful Marriages, not allowable by the Church of England," it is enacted that "no Minister, Priest or Magistrate shall presume to join together in Marriage, any persons whatsoever, contrary to the Table of Marriages, by this Act appointed to be set up in every Parish-Church within this Province," under penalty of five thousand pounds of tobacco for violation, and with a like punishment for each of the parties to such a marriage. To "prevent any Lay-Persons" from acting "where any Minister or Priest can be had, and to ascertain what shall be paid for Marriages," it is provided that "in every Parish where any Minister or Incumbent shall reside and have charge of souls therein, no Justice or Magistrate, being a Lay-Man, shall join any Persons in Marriage, under penalty of Five Thousand Pounds of Tobacco ... to our Sovereign Lord the King." The marriage fee is fixed at five shillings sterling, provided the persons to be married come to the parish church or chapel at time of divine service.[754]
In 1717 was passed a more elaborate act, which remained in force throughout the colonial period, but which did not extend to "persons of different persuasions from the Church of England," who are still to enjoy their own "manner of proceedings" unaltered. "Persons who desire Marriage" are to "apply themselves to a Minister ... and shall cause due Publication to be made, according to the Rubrick of the Church of England, of their Intent to marry, at some Church or Chapel of Ease belonging to the Parish" wherein the woman resides. In "case there be no Minister, Curate or Reader in such Parish, an Advertisement or public Notification ... shall be set up at the Court-house Door of the County, where such Marriage shall be intended, there to remain for the Space of Three Weeks at the least." The clerk of the county court is required to make a certificate of publication, on presenting which any "qualified" minister is empowered to solemnize the marriage "according to the Liturgy of the Church of England." For proceeding without certificate of publication or the governor's license, the minister and each of the parties shall severally forfeit five thousand pounds of tobacco, as under the act of 1702; and for evasion of the law by getting married in any place outside the province, except where the woman is a resident, the man is to suffer the same penalty.[755] But it is important to note that neither the act of 1702 nor that of 1717 invalidates an irregular or clandestine marriage.
Another statute of 1717 prescribes severe penalties for miscegenation. Any free negro or mulatto intermarrying with a white person shall become a slave for life, unless the free mulatto in question be "born of a white woman," when he is merely condemned to service for seven years. On the other hand, servitude for this same period is the punishment prescribed in case a white man or woman intermarry with a negro or mulatto.[756] Two years before a law provides that for joining any negro whatsoever or a mulatto slave to any white person the minister, pastor, or magistrate shall forfeit five thousand pounds of tobacco, one half to the use of free schools, and the other half to the informer.[757]
It is significant that throughout the whole colonial period all persons in Maryland, except members of the establishment, should have had unrestricted liberty to contract civil marriage, only to have that liberty taken away after the Revolution began. By the reactionary law of 1777, "the rites of marriage between any white persons, subjects or inhabitants of this State, shall not be celebrated by any person within this State, unless by ministers of the Church of England, ministers dissenting from that Church, or Romish priests, appointed or ordained according to the rites ... of their respective churches, or in such manner as hath been heretofore used and practiced in this State by the society of people called Quakers."[758] This monument of religious conservatism has survived to our own time.
No attempt is here made to describe wedding customs in the colonial era;[759] but the Archives of Maryland contain a unique document, entitled "Articles of Courtship," which may serve as companion-piece and counterpart to the "Marriage Agreement" with which the domestic economy of Virginia, half a century later, has already been illustrated. In this instance Robert Harwood essays by formal indenture to compound a lawsuit and at the same time reclaim the reluctant affections of Elizabeth Gary, despite the fact that ungallantly he had sought to requite her fickleness through "slanders and unhandsome attempts." From the "Articles of agreement ... made the 24th of September 1657 between Peter Sharpe of Putuxent County in the Province of Maryland Chirurgeon of the one pte, and Robert Harwood of the Same County planter of the other parte," it appears that "there hath been a Suit Commenced by the Said Peter Sharpe before the Governour and Councell ... a gainst the abovenamed Robert Harwood on the behalf of Elizabeth Gary Daughter of Iudith now the wife of the Said Peter Sharpe, for reparation for Slanders, and undhandsome attempts charged to be acted and reported by the Said Robert Harwood to the great Detriment of the Said Elizabeth, and of the Said Peter Sharpe his wife and family;" and, on the other side, that Robert, "for his own Vindication, doth much insist upon a former promise of Marriage Grounded upon a Mutuall declared affection" between him and Elizabeth, "obtained after a long familiaritie and Sollicitation;" with which engagement the said Peter and Judith his wife "are much dissatisfied," but which they are nevertheless willing to see followed by wedlock, if Elizabeth really have the proper "affection and resolution of marriage to and with the Said Robert."
Therefore it is duly stipulated that the insistent suitor shall have a fair chance to ensnare the coy damsel on neutral ground. "Imprimis the said Peter Sharpe doth for himself and his heirs ... agree that the Said Elizabeth Gary shall within fifteen dayes ... be conveyed to the house of mr Thomas Davis at the Cliftes and there she is to remaine for the Space of six weekes," the said Robert "during all the Said Time" being given "full free and perfect Liberty (bringing one or more of the Neighbours with him) to have all freedom of discourse" with her, and "to use all faire and Lawfull Endeavours" to win her consent to marry him. That Robert's "nerve" and zeal were confidently relied upon is revealed by the proviso that "one or more of the Neighbours" are "alwayes to be present" with the lovers at the above specified courting, the "Said Robt Harwood paying for the Said Elizabeth Gary her Entertainment during her Stay at the Said Davis his house."
Next it is covenanted by Peter, "if it should by Gods permission, So happen" that Elizabeth shall "within the Said prefixed time give her consent," that he will not directly or indirectly, "neither by himself nor by any other person or persons," try to hinder the marriage, which "shall be permitted to take effect without obstruction." On his part Robert doth agree that, if in the time set he fail to gain Elizabeth's consent to "intermarry with him," he "will from thence forth totally and absolutely discharge the Said Elizabeth" from all former promises; and will "never after by himself, or any other person or persons, either by words Letters or any other way directly or indirectly Endeavour to gain" her affections, "or to procure any familiaritie of discourse with her or willingly to Come into her Company." But if "Robert and Elizabeth shall entermarry," the docile bridegroom "shall first enter into Good Caution and Securitie not to upbraid or deride or any other way Exercise, or use any bitherness" toward the bride, "for or in relation to any former passages between them;" and in case of "breach of this his Engagement he shall from thenceforth be absolutely disabled and made uncapable of Entermedling with or disposing of any part of the Estate now belonging to the Said Elizabeth, or any part of the produce thereof."
Finally it is stipulated that "in the Cause formerly depending and now to be withdrawen" Robert is to "beare his own Charge," as well as those "on the plaintiffes behalf," if the marriage take place, otherwise Peter is to pay his own costs. Thereupon the instrument is "signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of Thomas Turner Clerk," under date of September 26, 1657.[760]
From the outset the colony of North Carolina had a population of diverse nationalities and various religious creeds. The "Fundamental Constitutions" of 1669, granted by the Earl of Clarendon and his colleagues, provided, hesitatingly, for the establishment of the English church;[761] but it was not until after the beginning of the eighteenth century that an attempt was made to enforce the Episcopal system by statute. In the meantime, the regular clergy were few, and dissenters came in large numbers; for lest "Jews, heathens, and other dissenters from the purity of the Christian religion may be scared and kept at a distance," the Constitutions had inconsistently guaranteed a qualified religious freedom.[762] Among the sects represented were Protestants from Germany, Huguenots from France, and Independents from New England. Later the Quakers and Presbyterians became relatively strong; and they stoutly resented the bigoted tyranny of the Episcopal minority, which was sustained by the government by whom the matrimonial legislation was shaped. The intolerance was the harder to bear because of the low character of the English clergy, some of whom in vice and dissipation being worthy rivals of the brawling and cock-fighting parsons of Maryland and Virginia. To this class belonged Rev. Daniel Brett, the first Episcopal clergyman who came to the colony; and Rev. John Boyd, notorious for open drunkenness.[763]
During nearly half a century following the charter[764] there was in practice full toleration as to the form of the marriage celebration. The very first statute of the "Assembly of Albemarle," the first legislative body after the "Fundamental Constitutions" went into effect, provides in characteristic American style for the solemnization of marriage. "Forasmuch," runs this act, "as there may be divers people that are minded to be joyned together in the holy state of Wedlock and for that there is noe minister as yet in this County by whom the said Partyes may be joyned in Wedlock according to the rites and customs of our native Country the Kingdome of England;" therefore, that "none may be hindred from this soe necessary a worke for the preservation of Mankind and settlement of this County it is enacted And be it enacted by the Pallatine and Lords Proprietors of Carolina by and with the advice and consent of the Present Grand Assembly ... that any two persons to be joyned together in the holy state of matrimony takeing three or fower of their Neighbors along with them and repairing to the Governor or any one of the Councell before him declaring that they doe joyne together in the holy state of Wedlock And doe accept one the other for man and wife; and the said Governor or Councellor before whom such act is performed giveing certificate thereof and the said certificate being registered in the Secretary's Office or by the Register of the Precinct or in such other Office as shall hereafter for that use be provided. It shall be deemed a Lawfull Marriage and Partyes violating this Marriage shall be punishable as if they had binn marryed by a minister according to the rites and customs of England."[765]
This timely act was ratified by the Proprietors, January 20, 1669/70; and there can be no doubt of its validity. It is a straightforward and sensible measure, such as the pioneer, forced to resort to self-help, has so often shown himself capable of throughout the history of the Anglo-Saxon race. Its clear expression, good English, and respectable spelling speak well for the training and intelligence of the first settlers of Carolina; although the act has been sneered at and ridiculed by some people who ought to know better.[766]
From the beginning the Quakers seem to have been allowed to solemnize marriage in their own way; and this they contrived to do even after the English forms were prescribed by statute. According to Hawks, the "Friends were entitled, by express grant from the proprietors, thus to adhere to their peculiar usage; for they had declared to them as an inducement to emigrate, 'there is full and free liberty of conscience granted to all, so that no man is to be molested or called in question for matters of religious concern; but every one to be obedient to the civil government, worshipping God after his own way.'"[767] The records of the monthly meeting in North Carolina reveal the Friends using the same simple rites as elsewhere in the colonies. The betrothed man and woman proclaimed their own banns, "passing the meeting" twice as in Pennsylvania. Thus at a monthly meeting of Friends "in Pasquotank ye 11th of ye first month 1707/8," held "as their manner is, to Inspect into ye affairs of ye Church," Zachariah Nixon and Elizabeth Symons appear the "second time & declare their Intentions of taking Each Other in Marriage and being approved by the said meeting are left to their liberty to take each other."[768]
It appears, then, that civil marriage, side by side with religious marriage according to the rites of each denomination, was lawful until 1715. By the so-called "Vestries Act" of that year, for the establishment of the Church of England in the province, magistrates are authorized to join people in wedlock only in "such parishes where no minister shall be resident." If any layman, except in such parishes, presume to act, he shall be fined five pounds, one-half to the parish for the use of the poor, and one-half to the resident minister or incumbent. After license or banns no marriage may be lawfully celebrated by minister, priest, or magistrate contrary to the table of marriages, which the church wardens and vestry are to have set up in every church or chapel.[769] But there is no invalidating clause for neglect. Already in 1704 some provision had been made by statute for registration.[770] Now it is enacted that the "inhabitants and freemen of each precinct" by majority vote are to elect three freeholders, from whom the governor or commander in chief is to choose one as register of deeds; and until there be a clerk of the parish church, such register is to record betrothals and marriages. Every "master or mistress of a family who shall neglect to register the birth or death of any person born or dying within his or her house or plantation; and every married man who shall neglect to remit to the said register a certificate of his marriage and cause the same to be registered, for longer than one month," must pay a fine of one shilling a month for the period of delay, provided the whole penalty do not exceed twenty shillings.[771]
The act of 1715 fixes the minister's marriage fee at five shillings; and to retain a monopoly of this perquisite at all hazards was the unswerving purpose of the Episcopal clergy throughout the colonial period. The governors, too, found the stipend for issuing marriage licenses a lucrative source of revenue. In 1730 the royal instructions to Governor Burrington declare, "to the end Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Bishop of London may take place in that our Province so far as may be We do think fit that you give all countenance & encouragement to the exercise of the same excepting only the collating the Benefices Granting licenses for Marriages and probate of Wills which we have reserved to you our Governor and to the Commander in chief of our said Province for the time being as far as by law we may."[772] The license fee was fixed at ten shillings.[773]
A new law was passed in 1741, which, though it does not expressly forbid dissenting ministers from performing the marriage ceremony, at any rate, as Weeks insists, makes "dissent burdensome and humiliating," puts a "premium on conformity," and constitutes "religious persecution."[774] "To prevent clandestine marriages" it is enacted "that every Clergyman of the Church of England, or for want of such, any lawful magistrate, within this Government" may join persons in the "holy state of matrimony." By implication this provision widens the area within which a magistrate is empowered to act, for by the law of 1715 a layman may not perform the ceremony in any parish where a "minister or priest" resides, thus probably including dissenters, who in the present case do not count. The next clause gives still further chances for lay celebration; for, while a justice of the peace may not join in marriage "any persons whatsoever in any parish where a minister shall reside and have a cure," still by implication he may do so in any parish in the colony by obtaining permission from the minister, and, of course, in all cases turning over to said minister the legally prescribed fee.[775] Another provision of this statute may perhaps justify the inference that dissenting ministers are not absolutely excluded. To prevent "that abominable mixture and spurious issue" which would follow, it is enacted, "That if any white man or woman, being free, shall intermarry with an indian, negro, mustee, or mulatto man or woman, or any person of mixt blood, to the third generation, bond or free, he shall, by judgment of the county court, forfeit and pay the sum of fifty pounds, proclamation money, to the use of the parish;" and any persons, including dissenting ministers, are forbidden to solemnize such marriages, under the same penalty.[776] The marriage of servants indented or by custom is also dealt with. It is provided "That if any minister or reader shall willingly publish, or cause or suffer to be published, the banns of matrimony between any servants, or between a free person and a servant; or if any minister or justice of the peace shall willingly celebrate the rites of matrimony between any such, without a certificate from the master or mistress of such servant, that it is done by their consent; he shall forfeit and pay five pounds, proclamation money, to the use of the master or owner." Every servant so married without consent shall serve the master or mistress "one whole year, after the time of service by indenture or custom is expired."[777]