Regarding the scope and intent of the law of 1741, Weeks remarks that "in this, as in the former cases, the Assembly did not undertake to give" the right of celebrating marriages to the established clergy, "but simply recognized it as resting on prescription. But they might have granted this right to Dissenters as they proposed doing in the act of 1770. The Quakers seem to have been allowed to marry after their own fashion from the first," and why not grant the same privilege "to Presbyterians and Baptists"? Instead of taking such a just and tolerant course, "their preachers were debarred from performing the ceremony even among their own flocks. They were thus put to grave inconvenience, and the law of 1766 recites that the Presbyterians refused to consider themselves as bound by its provisions." Surely there was good reason to take this position, considering the previous law and custom of the colony. The Episcopalian government party seems to have been conscious of this fact, as appears from the discussion of the clergy bill of 1762. "The governor and council," continues Weeks, "tried to force on the lower house a clause by which it was enacted that 'no Dissenting minister of any denomination whatever shall presume on any pretence to Marry any person, under the penalty of forfeiting £50.' The law does not seem to have been successful, but it is a clear statement of the tendency of the act of 1741, and shows the position of a certain element in the province."[778]
The assembly rested from further matrimonial legislation until the passage of the act of 1766, already mentioned, which gave some relief to the Presbyterians, but not to any other dissenting body. Aside from the greed for the marriage fees, the principal motive leading to its passage was not justice, as will presently appear, but a desire to reward and strengthen the sympathy of the Presbyterians for the government in its struggle with the Regulators. The preamble of the act recites that because "the presbyterian, or dissenting clergy, conceiving themselves not included in the restrictions mentioned" in the act of 1741, have "joined many persons together in holy matrimony, without either licence or publication; whereby the payment of the just and legal fees to the governor on such occasions, has been eluded, and the validity of marriages may be endangered:" therefore all such marriages now celebrated or to be celebrated before the first day of January next are declared valid. Henceforth no minister of the Church of England or justice of the peace may celebrate marriage without a certificate of three times publication of banns, or a license from the governor or the commander in chief, "who is authorized hereby to grant the same, on certificate of the county court" of the person's "having taken and filed ... the usual bond," under the "penalty of fifty pounds, proclamation money; with condition that there is no lawful cause to obstruct the marriage for which such license is given." Presbyterian missionaries or itinerants in the western parishes, as well as all other dissenters in the province, are in effect excluded by the provision that after January 1 any Presbyterian minister regularly called to any congregation in this province may celebrate matrimony "in their usual and accustomed manner." But in all cases a license from the governor is requisite; and the marriage fee, it is carefully added, is always reserved to the clergyman of the Church of England having cure of any parish, no matter whether a dissenting minister or a justice performs the ceremony. Furthermore, a marriage celebrated without a license is declared "illegal and void."[779]
Governor Tryon, who approved the act of 1766, was not overfond of the Presbyterians as such, and all other "sectaries" he looked upon "as enemies to society and a scandal to common sense."[780] The next year, writing to the Earl of Shelburne, he says the law of 1766 "has more objects in view than appears on the sight of it." The Marriage Act of "1741 to which it has relation entitles every Justice of the Peace to marry by licence. In abuse of this privilege many Justices performed the marriage ceremony without licence ... and took the fee allowed to the Governor, most generally dividing the spoil between the Justice and the Clerk of the county who gave the bond and certificate. Another tendency of this Act was to prevent the frequent abuses of rascally fellows who travelled thro' the province under the title of ministers of the Presbyterian and other sectaries and who being beggars in conscience as well as in circumstances sought all opportunities to perform that sacred office to the great prejudice of the country. It is also to be observed most of the justices in the back or western settlements are Presbyterians, who by the Act of 1741 had the power to marry by licence: Therefore upon the whole I do not conceive the allowing the Presbyterian ministers the privilege to marry in their usual and accustomed manner can be of any real prejudice to the established Church especially as the marriage fee is reserved to the ministers of the parish; and the licence to be granted under the hand and seal of the Governor, this last provision prevents the former abuses in the application of the fee collected. The Act also provides a summary and effectual method for the Governor to oblige the county court clerks to account for the fees due to him: a recovery tho' an equitable one, was never yet secured but in temporary laws."[781]
The Presbyterians were by no means satisfied with the reward their loyalty had received. Especially did the "rascally" missionaries of the western frontiers feel themselves abused. Petitions protesting in strong terms against the act were presented by the clergy. Those of Mecklenburg, for instance, regard themselves as "highly injured and aggrieved" by the statute, "the preamble whereof scandalizes the Presbyterian clergy."[782] The petitioners of Tryon county say they are "much aggrieved," the law depriving them of a privilege "which a million of our fellow-professors in America now enjoy ... neither was it ever taken from Dissenters in America until it was taken from us by this act."[783] The "manly protest from the inhabitants of Orange and Rowan claims that the right of 'dissenting ministers' to perform the marriage ceremony after their own fashion was a 'priviledge they were debarred of in no other part of his majesty's Dominions; and as we humbly conceive, a priviledge they stand entitled to, by the Act of Toleration, and in fine, a priviledge granted even to the very Catholics in Ireland and the Protestants in France.'"[784]
The vigorous resistance aroused by the unjust law of 1766, and the continued services rendered by the Presbyterian pastors to the governor in his struggle with the Regulators had the desired result. In December, 1770, a legislative committee brought in a report recommending a new law. "Upon perusing the several Acts of Assembly concerning the solemnization of the rites[785] of matrimony and considering the great number of Presbyterian Inhabitants settled in the western Frontier Counties in this Province and the difficulties and expenses they must necessarily be under," the committee "Can't but think that the restraints and penalties in the Said Acts are in some measure hard and oppressive and that they have a just and reasonable claim to the attention of the Legislative body for granting to them a religious toleration in that particular, and that it is well becoming the Catholic and liberal principles of the Members of the House Representatives of this Colony, to appoint a Committee to prepare and bring in a Bill for impowering all regular Presbyterian Ministers in this Province to Solemnize the rites of Marriage, according to the Westminster confession of Faith, by publication in their religious Assemblies, where the parties are best known, and by License, without any Tax or Fees to the Clergy of the Establishment."[786] Such a bill was accordingly brought in and passed with the governor's approval, "but with a clause suspending its operation until the pleasure of the King should be known."[787]
No relief was offered by this act to the other dissenters; and the report of Governor Tryon shows that he felt himself under special obligations to the Presbyterians. According to Saunders, he said that the act was an "indulgence" to which they were well "entitled because of the attachment they had shown to the Government;" and it appears, aside from the "merits of the case," that something was due from Tryon to the Presbyterians "for the support their pastors gave him in 1768." Certainly "the letters in which all the Presbyterian pastors in the Province united to praise Tryon and denounce the Regulators were as strong in language as they were opportune in point of time. Indeed, old Parson Micklejohn of the Established Church was not more pronounced in enforcing the duty of obedience to 'the powers that be' as being of divine origin than the Presbytarian pastors were. The Governor in his report put him" and these ministers "on the same footing in this regard."[788]
The act had passed the house and received the governor's signature; but the battle was not yet won. It is perhaps not surprising that the ear of George III., in the days immediately following the Stamp Act, should have inclined more to the desires[789] of the loyalist clergy of the English church than to the complaints of "sectaries" in a rebellious province. Accordingly, the marriage act was disallowed by his Majesty; and the law of 1766 remained in force until 1778, two years after the constitution of 1776 had brought the establishment to an end.[790]
The history of marriage in South Carolina runs much the same course as in the northern province; except that we hear of no struggle by the privileged establishment to enforce the statutes eventually enacted in its behalf. For a time, under the same charters, the two colonies were ruled in the same way by the proprietors; and in South Carolina for over three decades there was apparently full toleration with respect to matrimonial rites. That such was the case near the close of the seventeenth century may be inferred from the registration act of 1696. It is required that "every man which hereafter shall be married according to the rubrick of the Church of England, or by any other contract or ceremony," shall record his marriage in the register's office within thirty days after celebration, or else forfeit "one royall" for neglect. But at the time of registration he must produce "a certificate from under the hand of the parson, minister, magistrate, or otherwise," attested by "six persons at least met and congregated at such religious meateing" where the ceremony took place. For neglecting to file the certificate the register forfeits his office.[791]
The Church of England was established by law in 1704. In the act for that purpose it is declared that "no justice or magistrate, being a layman, shall presume to join any persons in marriage, under penalty of one hundred pounds currant money of this province." Vestries are to provide a fit person as register of births, christenings, marriages, and burials, except those of "negroes, Mullatoes, and Indian slaves;" and a fine is prescribed for wedding contrary to the table of forbidden degrees.[792] All these provisions are repeated in the new act of 1706 for the "establishment of religious worship" in the province.[793] Six years thereafter the full text of the law of Henry VIII., "for marriages to stand notwithstanding Pre-Contracts" is adopted; and it appears again and again in the statute book until recent days.[794]
No further important change was made in the law before the Revolution. The act of 1706, giving a monopoly of the business of solemnizing matrimony to the established clergy, remained nominally in force. A fine could be levied for neglect of its provisions. But in the "Up" or "Back" country it was quietly disregarded; and, apparently without a contest, custom sanctioned the optional civil ceremony or optional ecclesiastical rites according to the usage of each denomination. "In the early stages of our juridical and civil history," says Brevard, "the laws of the province on this subject were in conformity to the English; but as the population ... encreased by emigrants from all countries, and of different religious denominations, this adherence to Episcopal regulations and forms was gradually relaxed, and at length generally disregarded." The church act of 1706, he adds, must have gone into "effectual and general operation." But, except partially, "it seems never to have extended farther than about sixty miles from Charleston."[795]
What has just been said regarding South Carolina applies equally to Georgia, whose territory had belonged to South Carolina since the original grant of 1663. But the charter issued to James Oglethorpe and his associates in 1732 expressly abrogates the laws of the parent colony,[796] and gives the power to enact new laws to the corporation of associates as trustees for the colony. The Episcopal system was introduced, but it was not rigidly enforced. The charter to Oglethorpe "guaranteed liberty of conscience to all except papists,[797] and the spirit exhibited in ecclesiastical legislation was one of toleration. Hence a considerable Puritan element was drawn to the Colony."[798] The preamble of the act of 1785 shows that it had been the custom for justices, ministers, and "preachers of the gospel" to solemnize marriage. Such marriages are made valid and the practice legalized for the future.[799]
It appears, then, that throughout the southern colonies matrimonial legislation was tending in the same direction. Everywhere, except in Maryland, the optional civil ceremony was legally or practically recognized, though under various restrictions. Marriage was already a civil contract of mutual partnership; and, notwithstanding an occasional invalidating clause for neglect of the prescribed forms, the common-law marriage by mutual consent was probably valid, though, so far as it appears, the records of the provincial courts are almost entirely silent on that question.[800] In short, in its principal elements, throughout the South matrimonial law had reached or was strongly tending toward the existing American type.
[Bibliographical Note XIV.—The New York Colonial MSS., of more service for the history of divorce, afford several important documents available for the present chapter. The use of these papers is facilitated by O'Callaghan's Calendar of Historical Manuscripts (Albany, 1866). Among the treasures also preserved in the State Library at Albany may be found the MS. copy of the Dongan Laws, including the marriage act of 1684 concerning which there has been much discussion; and some forty volumes of MSS. Marriage License Bonds, of interest to the genealogist and historian. The use of these is made easier by the published Names of Persons for Whom Marriage Licenses Were Issued by the Secretary of the Province of New York, Previous to 1784 (Albany, 1860), to which O'Callaghan has given an Introduction.
The most important source for the province is the Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New York (Albany, 1856-83), edited by O'Callaghan and Fernow. Original material may also be found in the Records of New Amsterdam (New York, 1897); Munsell's Annals of Albany (Albany, 1850-59); the same compiler's Collections on the History of Albany (Albany, 1865-71); and Valentine's Manual of the Corporation of the City of New York (New York, 1843 ff.). For the Dutch period we have O'Callaghan's Laws and Ordinances (Albany, 1868); for the proprietary government, "The Duke of Yorke's Book of Laws," in Linn's Charter and Laws (Harrisburg, 1879); earlier in Vol. I of the Collections of the New York Historical Society for the Year 1809 (New York, 1811); and recently in Vol. I of the Colonial Laws of New York (Albany, 1894), while the last-named collection covers the period of the royal province, and is enriched by Cumming's Historical Note and his comments on the various statutes and papers. The celebrated "Lauderdale Peerage Case," so important for understanding the marriage law of New York for the period between 1691 and 1772, may be found in the English Law Reports, X (London, 1885); and also abridged in Cook, Reports of Cases Decided by the English Courts, XXXVII (Albany, 1887). In connection with this case several members of the American bar submitted written opinions, and three of those published are in the New York State Library: see Fowler, Letter and Opinion (New York, May 11, 1885); Seward, Answers to the Interrogations of Brodie and Sons (New York, June, 1885); and Webster, Opinion on the Law of Marriage in the Colony of New York (New York, May 26, 1885). But far more conclusive than the views of the witnesses and expert advisers called at the trial is the remarkable paper of Rev. John Rodgers, found in the cabinet of President Stiles by the historian Holmes, entitled "A brief view of the state of religious liberty in New York 1773," in 2 Mass. Hist. Coll., I (Boston, 1838).
For the history of bundling, besides the mention in Valentine's Manual, should be consulted the case of Seger v. Slingerland in Caine's Reports, II (New York and Albany, 1860), where the custom was judicially considered; also Lamb, History of the City of New York (New York and Chicago, 1877); and especially Stiles, Bundling (Albany, 1871). Stiles, History of the City of Brooklyn (Brooklyn, 1867-70), gives an account of the restrictions put on the remarriage of widows in the old Dutch wills; and there are some notices of marriage law and customs in Grant, Memoirs of an American Lady (New York, 1809); Weise, History of the City of Albany (Albany, 1884); Watson, Annals and Occurrences of New York City and State (Philadelphia, 1846); Vanderbilt, Social History of Flatbush (New York, 1882; new ed., 1899); Ostrander, History of the City of Brooklyn and King's County (Brooklyn, 1894); Gerard, The Old Stadt Huys of New Amsterdam (New York, 1875); Hazard, Annals of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1850); and especially Earle's Colonial Days in Old New York (New York, 1896). In 1786 a brief account of wedding customs in New York state was given by Hannah Thompson, "Letters," in Pa. Mag. of Hist. and Biog., XIV (Philadelphia, 1890); and in 1748 the governor's lucrative monopoly of marriage-license fees is described by the Swedish botanist Kalm, Travels in North America (Warrington, 1770): see Hart, Source-Book of American History (New York, 1899), extract 50. Cook, "The Marriage Celebration in the Colonies," Atlantic, LXI (Boston, 1888), discusses the subject for the middle provinces; and for the historical background Brodhead, History of the State of New York (New York, 1853-71); O'Callaghan, History of New Netherland (2d ed., New York, 1855); Friedberg, Eheschliessung (Leipzig, 1865); and his Geschichte der Civilehe (Hamburg, 1877), have been of most service.
For New Jersey, Leaming and Spicer, Grants, Concessions, and Original Constitutions (2d ed., Philadelphia, 1881), is of first-rate importance. This collection is supplemented by the documents in New Jersey Archives (Newark, 1880-86); and Smith, History of the Colony of Nova-Caesaria or New Jersey (Burlington, 1765; reprint, 1877); while the law of 1719 may be found in Acts of the General Assembly (Woodbridge, 1752); or in Allinson, Acts of the General Assembly, 1702-1776 (Burlington, 1776).
The early legislation of Pennsylvania is contained in Linn's convenient Charter to William Penn, and Laws of the Province of Pa., 1682-1700 (Harrisburg, 1879), which is supplemented by Nead's valuable Historical Notes. Some illustrations of judicial and administrative proceedings have been gleaned from the Colonial Records of Pa. (Harrisburg, 1838-53); and the marriage laws enacted from 1700 onward are cited in Carey and Bioren, Laws (Philadelphia, 1803); the Laws of the Commonwealth of Pa., 1700-1810 (Philadelphia, 1810); and Pepper and Lewis, Digest (Philadelphia, 1896). For the doctrines of the Friends one must go to the founder. William Penn's Select Works (1 vol. fol., London, 1771; 5 vols., 8vo, London, 1782) are a mine Of information on every phase of Quaker teaching; and the same is true of William Sewel's History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress of the Christian People called Quakers (original Dutch ed., Amsterdam, 1717; first English ed., London, 1722), a work whose scrupulous accuracy has never been impeached. On the other hand, for the false charges brought against the Friends by their orthodox antagonists one should read Thomas Underhill, Hell broke loose: or an History of the Quakers Both Old and New (London, 1660), who has raked together scandals of every description; Nathaniel Smith, The Quaker's Spiritual Court (London, 1668); and Gerard Croese, Historia quakeriana (Amsterdam, 1695; English ed., London, 1696), the book whose errors called forth Sewel's History. More recently Quaker rites and wedding customs have been described by Watson, Annals of Philadelphia (last ed., Philadelphia, 1881); Hallowell, Quaker Invasion of Mass. (Boston, 1883); Applegarth, "Quakers in Pennsylvania," J. H. U. S., X (Baltimore, 1892); and in a lively sketch, drawn mainly from records of the Monthly Meeting, by Earle, "Among Friends," in New England Magazine, XIX (Boston, 1898). There is a typical Quaker marriage certificate of 1692 in Vol. XIII of the Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog. (Philadelphia, 1889). A brief summary of the matrimonial laws of the colony may be found in Gordon, History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1829).]
The history of matrimonial institutions in the middle colonies is on the whole less attractive than in New England. At any rate, it is less interesting in the sense of being less eventful. The original materials from which to construct it are less abundant. There is nothing equal to the Diary of the inimitable Sewall from which it may be filled out and embellished. It is not quickened by the struggle to maintain or to introduce diverse forms of celebration resting upon opposing theories as to the nature of the nuptial contract. There is little answering to the Puritan thoroughness in regulating the conduct of domestic life, even among the Quakers. Hence the legislative and judicial records are relatively meager. In New York, notably, between 1684 and the Revolution the law-book is a complete blank. On the other hand, in Pennsylvania, after the establishment of the proprietary government, the predominance of Quaker sentiment enables the original usages and the early statutes regarding wedlock to run their even course for generations without essential change. Still the study of marriage in the middle section of the English colonies is not devoid of social interest. There, on account of mixed population and diverse religious sects, toleration in the main prevailed. The quaint records of the Dutch and the homely ceremonial of the Friends may even prove entertaining, while in this field, as in every other, the thought and experience of New York and Pennsylvania have done much to form and fix the types of law and administration now prevailing in the United States.
a) Law and custom in New Netherland.—Long before the first plantations were established on the Hudson, as already seen, optional civil marriage had been sanctioned in several of the Dutch states, and as early as 1656 it was extended to the United Netherlands. In Holland independents of both old and New England found encouragement and also a model in the effort to realize similar ideas born of their common Protestantism.
It is therefore strange at first glance that a thorough-going civil-marriage law should not have been introduced in New Netherland from the beginning. The laws of the mother-country, even after 1656, varied considerably in details among the different provinces. In their content they generally rested on the basis of the later Roman statutes.[801] From the desire to check the evils of clandestine contracts, in many instances rigorous measures had been adopted. Usually parental consent, often publication of banns, was made essential to a valid marriage.[802] The laws of Guelderland were especially severe;[803] and these according to Fernow, "naturally prevailed" in New Netherland; for a "majority of the early settlers" came from that province. "In Guelderland," he declares, "a marriage was void, if the express consent of the father, or if dead of the mother had not been obtained for the marriage of a son. With regard to daughters the law was still more rigorous; even a marriage, entered into by a girl with parental consent, did not emancipate her from parental authority, if she was still under age at her husband's death: she had to place herself again under the guardianship of her father or mother. Neither were parents obliged to give before a Court of Justice any reasons in case they refused consent. This law had its foundation in the Codex Justinianus."[804]
In all respects except the celebration optional civil or ecclesiastical marriage was sanctioned in New Netherland. It is doubtless safe to assume that during the early years of the Dutch colony banns and parental consent, probably according to the law of Guelderland, were required; but legally, so far as the evidence at hand shows, the covenant had to be solemnized by a minister with religious rites. The first legislation by the local authorities appears to have been enacted only ten years before the first establishment of English rule. The occasion was the violation of the "custom of our Fatherland" in the publication of banns by the magistrates of Gravesend, as appears from the following letter addressed to them by Peter Stuyvesant:[805]
"Worthy and dear friends.
"I received in due time your letter of the 13th inst. sent to me by the Fiscal, which has been communicated to the High Council. We have been very much astonished that you arrogate to yourself the publication of marriage-proclamations within your village without our or the Council's knowledge, in cases where both parties live beyond the jurisdiction of your village. As to the allegation made by you, that the person is a freeman of your village, he is the same in the City of Amsterdam and here in this City and for this reason must the marriage-proclamation be reported and published here as well as there according to the customs of our Fatherland. We do not deny, that matrimony is ruled by divine and by human laws, but they who enter upon this state must do it according to these divine and human laws, with the consent or knowledge of their parents, tutors or guardians and then notify thereof the Commissary, appointed by higher authority, at the place where they reside or where they have previously been living during the last year. Your final request, that we should send you a copy of the order and power of attorney, which his [evidently Johannis van Beeck's] father has given us concerning this son, is not complied with, as we do not think ourselves bound to do it, considering yours being a subordinate jurisdiction and subject to us; besides the father would be displeased and it would be unreasonable in us, to communicate to others, what an honest and prominent man has written to us in a detailed letter.
"Thus much in answer to your open letter. This further serves as cover of the enclosed order and resolution made by us and the Council, which you must promptly obey, not because we wish to prevent the marriage, but that according to divine and human laws and ordinances they may be put in practice, proclaimed and affixed, at the proper place and without infraction of anybody's rights.
"Relying thereupon we commend you with cordial greetings to God's protection and remain
Your well-affected friend and Governor
P. Stuyvesant."
The ordinance mentioned in the letter bears date of January 19, 1654/5, and runs as follows:
Since the magistrates at Gravesend "have presumed and undertaken publickly to post notices of marriage" of persons "domiciled in and about this city of New Amsterdam," far beyond their proper district; therefore the "Director General and Council order and notify the aforesaid Magistrates of Gravesend and all others within this Province, to annul such posting of intentions of Marriage, and on sight hereof to withdraw the same, and in all cases to proceed with and confirm no such Marriage, either privately or publickly, before and until such persons, according to Netherland style, have entered and received their bans and proclamations of marriage where they are dwelling and have resided the last years."[806]
This important measure was supplemented by another four years later. The preamble recites that it had become common for betrothed persons to put off marrying for a long time after the proclamation of their banns, "which is directly in contravention of, and contrary to the excellent order and customs of our Fatherland." Therefore it is ordered that thenceforward all persons must be married within one month after publication, unless they can give a good excuse.[807] Light is thrown on the real motive for the adoption of this act by its provision that no man and woman are henceforth to live together until lawfully married. It seems to have been the custom, in too many instances, for betrothed couples whose banns had been asked the first time to begin living together as if already man and wife. They looked upon themselves as at least half married; and we are thus confronted by a state of affairs strikingly similar to that which we have found existing in New England in consequence of the laws governing pre-contract. Doubtless couples through indifference, the refusal to fulfil the contract on the part of an unscrupulous lover, or for other reasons, were now and then led to protract the irregular marital relation beyond the completion of the term prescribed for the publication of banns. Moreover, as in New England, the custom of queesting or bundling imported from the old home may have proved a snare for the unwary feet of the young men and maidens of New Netherland. Indeed, the practice of bundling has been assigned by New York writers as the proximate cause of the singular provision referred to. "It was one of the ordinances of the time," says Valentine, "that upon an agreement of marriage, the bans should be published from the pulpit three times, before the marriage could be solemnized. Impatient of the delay, however, the youthful couple were often inclined to be satisfied with their moral obligations towards each other, and to waive the immediate fulfillment of the legal ceremony; in the meantime ... the indulgence of cohabitation, then called 'bundling,' was practiced. It was for a long time winked at by the community, but its violence against the tenets of propriety was obvious, and at the time [1656] before spoken of, in which the city authorities resolved to set themselves to the reformation of abuses, this custom came under their prohibatory decrees." There were "those who still maintained its advantageous results, even though the contract of marriage were subsequently violated. The latter instances, it was contended, were comparatively few, and were set off by the increase of population which came" through this means. Yet the reformers "triumphed, and in 1658 it was ordered, that henceforth the mere publication of bans should not justify cohabitation."[808] The custom of bundling was, however, too tenacious to be stopped by a decree of the legislator. For more than a century in New York it continued to flourish, and sometimes to bear evil fruit, as is clearly revealed in the case of Seger v. Slingerland, which was decided in 1804.[809] Another action shows that forty years later the practice existed in the neighboring state of Pennsylvania. In this instance the plaintiff admits that "the custom in courtship which he has denominated bundling" prevails "very generally" in the part of the country where the interested persons reside; and in this suit, as in the New York case, the defendant won on appeal because of the connivance of the parents in the misconduct of their daughter.[810]
According to the old Dutch law, enforced in New Netherland, all persons desiring to form a valid union were required to appear before the minister or the court, as they saw fit, in the place where they had "their fixed domicil for the last year and day, and to apply there, for three Sundays or market days, when publication of the banns was to be made in the church or the court-house, or other place where the court of justice was held; and every one who had any impediment to propose, was obliged to state the same in the mean time, on pain of being otherwise deprived of that right."[811]
The following document of 1655, contained in Fernow's collection relating to the plantations on the Delaware when under the Dutch jurisdiction, may serve to illustrate the prescribed formality in applying for publication of banns:
"Appears Toms Broen, as father and guardian of his daughter, Jannetje Tomas and consents to the marriage between her and Willem Mauritz here present and requests that their legal bans might be published; the names being, of the bridegroom Willem Mauritz, bachelor, from Walle Schier, about 33 years old, of the bride Jannetje Tomas, spinster, born in New-Netherland, about 16 years old. Witness Stuyte Andries."[812]
From the same collection, two years later, we learn that "Laurens Pieters bachelor from Lier and Catlyne Jans of Gottenburch in Sweden were confirmed in marriage after proclamation of banns on the previous Sundays."[813]
The civil courts in New Netherland possessed full jurisdiction in all suits or matrimonial causes, including cases of separation and divorce.[814] For an understanding of the relation of the lower and higher courts, the procedure in such cases, and the details of the law, the often-mentioned case of Johannis van Beeck and Maria Verleth is instructive. The facts in this case appear to have been the proximate cause of the ordinance of 1654/5 and the letter of Stuyvesant already submitted. It is all the more interesting because it involves the double question of irregular banns and unlawful celebration, as shown by the final decree. On January 26, 1654, takes place the first step in the proceedings. Cornelis van Tienhoven, the schout, lodges formal complaint before the burgomasters and schepens of New Amsterdam against the court of Gravesend for illegally "granting and confirming the Banns of Matrimony betwixt Johan van Beeck and Maria Verleth, who both have their domicil in and about this city of New Amsterdam;" suggesting that such conduct tends to the infringement of the good policy of the fatherland, as also the privileges and jurisdiction of the city, and to prepare a way for sons and daughters to go secretly and get married. In reply, says the record, the "Burgomasters, and Schepens ... do hereby refer the foregoing complaint and proposition made by Cornelis van Tienhoven, in quality as Schout, to their High Mightinesses the Director-General and Councillors of New Fetherland."[815] But this did not end the matter.[816] On February 10, pending the decision of the higher court, van Beeck petitioned the burgomasters and schepens "that his bans with Maria Varleth may be entered and be properly proclaimed here" in New Amsterdam. Whereupon the court "engage to do same because it is usual and custom of Fathld to have publcts where domicil is and married where he pleases."[817] After a little delay, the court keeps its promise. On February 19 the burgomasters and schepens solemnly examined the petition, noting (1) who instituted marriage and the apostles' teaching; (2) the proper ages and the attained ages of both parties; (3) consent of parents on the girl's side; (4) distance between this and fatherland; (5) that "matters by long delay might come to be disclosed ... which would bring disgrace on both families;" therefore that "proper ecclesiastical proclamations ... ought to be made at the earliest opportunity and followed afterwards by their marriage."[818] This resolution seems a trifle indiscreet, in view of the fact that the original case had been referred to their High Mightinesses. It is therefore not strange that a communication signed by Stuyvesant himself should express surprise that van Beeck should have affixed by a poster "that his marriage, contracted not only without his father's knowledge, but contrary to his express prohibition to marry abroad has been declared lawful and proper by Resolution of the Burgomasters and Schepens ... ; of which Resolution the Director General and Council are ignorant;" at the same time requesting an "authentic copy" of the resolution, with "written reasons" for failing to submit the same for approbation of the higher court.[819] This was on March 2, 1654. Apparently, after republication of the banns, van Beeck had had the marriage ceremony performed outside of the Dutch jurisdiction, probably because of the doubtful legality of the course taken by the officials of New Amsterdam. The records are silent as to the further proceedings in the case, except as they may be inferred from the following decree of the higher court, rendered not earlier, apparently, than 1656, which leaves us in doubt as to how the original complaint against the magistrates of Gravesend was disposed of:
"Whereas, the Director-General and Council of New Netherland have heard the charge of the Fiscal against Johannis van Beecq, a free merchant and inhabitant of this City of New Amsterdam, defendant, who has been duly summoned by the Court Messenger Elslandt in the name of the Fiscal on three Court days and who has had himself married by an unauthorized countryman, named Goodman Crab, living at Greenwich, against the laudable laws and customs of the United Netherlands and, as the Fiscal further states and proves in his charge, contrary to the advice and command of his lawful guardian,[820] the Honble Director-General, also without previously publishing the bans and who has so far failed to make his appearance, of Netherland and without previous publication of the bans, is hereby declared ... unlawful and the said Jan van Beecq and Maria Verleth are commanded to live separate under penalty of being punished according to law for living in concubinage."[821]
"And whereas the Fiscal demands by his motion, exhibited on the 1st of September, 1654, that the said van Beecq be condemned in contumacy,
"Therefore, after proper invocation of the Lord, the Director-General and Council of New Netherland, in the name and behalf of their Noble High: Might: the Lords-States-General of the United Netherlands and of the Noble Lords-Directors of the Privileged West India Company administering justice at the requisition of the Fiscal, declare, that the Fiscal's charges are true and founded in law and therefore the marriage of Johannis van Beecq and Maria Verleth, solemnized at Greenwich and confirmed by an unauthorized person contrary to the laudable laws and customs
From the evidence already presented it is perhaps not rash to infer that marriage by mere private consent, in words of the present tense, was not valid in New Netherland. Publication of banns and celebration before an authorized person were essential. The principle, therefore, of the English common-law marriage did not obtain. It had been superseded by statute. These records afford other evidence to sustain this conclusion. Thus in February, 1662, William Beeckman, of "Fort Altena on the South-River," writes to Stuyvesant and the council, complaining that one Laers, a Finnish priest, who was granted a divorce from his wife two months before, has "married himself again last Sunday"—an act "which in my opinion (under currection) he has no right to do. I expect your Honors' orders, how to conduct myself in regard to it."[822] As a result the marriage was declared to be "null, void, illegal;" seemingly on the ground that self-marriage was not tolerated by the usages of the Reformed church. Clearly in the opinion of the court the performance of the ceremony by a person legally competent was necessary to a valid contract. It is possible, however, that the decree was unjust because of unfair representation of the facts by Beeckman, who is accused of being a tyrant. In a letter to Stuyvesant, remonstrating against his treatment, Laers says: "I cannot discover anything illegal in it [his conduct]. I acted just in the same manner as I had done before in respect to others; exactly as others do who are not prosecuted for it, and I can conscientiously assure you that it was done without any evil intentions. Had I known that my marrying myself in this manner should have been so unfavorably interpreted, I should have submitted to the usage of the Reformed Church. But I did not know it. Wherefore I pray once more the honorable general that he will vouchsafe me his aid."[823]
Another case, or rather pair of cases, occurring during the restoration of Dutch rule in 1674, seems conclusive as to the severity of the law. On the fifth of February of that year, as the fiscal alleges, Jacob Fabricius, a Lutheran preacher, had "contrary to the laws of this government married Ralph Doxy and Mary van Harris ... without having any lawful authority thereto and without publication of bans." For this offense it is suggested in the complaint that the culprit be severely whipped and "forever banished this government cum expensis." After hearing the fiscal's charge, the confession of Fabricius, and a "report" of the latter's previous bad behavior, the court decides not to "proceed against him in the most rigorous manner, considering his age and late position, but they condemn him and declare him incapable to perform the functions of a minister and what is connected with them within this province for the time of one year. After this time has elapsed Deft. shall be held to ask for a special 'consent' before he shall be re-admitted to the performance of the said functions."[824]
The case against Ralph Doxy is complicated by additional charges. The fiscal makes no direct reference to the unauthorized celebration or to the failure to publish the banns, though from the judgment of the court we perceive that these offenses were considered; but accuses him of entering "in an unlawful manner, into the married state with Mary van Harris, making use for that purpose, of a forged certificate," further alleging that he "hath still a wife alive who resides in New England;" for which delinquencies he ought to be severely whipped and "banished the country forever, with costs." In his reply, Doxy "denies ever having been married to a woman before," but confesses "his guilt as regards the forged certificate," saying "that through love for Mary Harris he had allowed it to be executed by a certain Englishman, now gone to the Barbadoes, and therefore prays forgiveness." The court declared the marriage unlawful on the two counts for which Fabricius was suspended; but "finding the charge against him of having a second (sic) wife in New England unfounded, he is therefore permitted to confirm himself in wedlock with the abovenamed Mary, according to the laws of the government." For the forged certificate "he is pardoned for this time on his promise of improvement, and request for forgiveness[825]."
With the exception of the restriction put upon bundling, if that were indeed the purpose of the act of 1658, the Dutch law-makers do not seem to have busied themselves with the regulation of courtship. Sexual transgressions were severely dealt with, although not with the same rigor as in New England or even in early Virginia. Neither the death penalty nor the scarlet letter appears. Fornicators, if single, were required to contract marriage or pay a heavy fine.[826] Adulterers fared worse. Some illustrations from the judicial records in such cases have been gleaned by Cowley from the Colonial Manuscripts. Among these are the sentence to whipping and banishment of Ytie [Yutie] Jansen, "for living in adultery with Jan Parcel, and also the sentence of Laurens Duyts, who, for selling his wife, Yutie Jansen, and forcing her to live in adultery with another man, and for living also himself in adultery, was 'to have a rope tied around his neck, and to be severely flogged; to have his right ear cut off, and to be banished for fifty years.' John Parcel, for living in adultery with this Yutie Jansen, whom he had thus bought from her own husband, was 'to be placed at the whipping-post, with two rods in his arm,' to be banished twenty years and pay a fine of a hundred guilders [forty dollars], with costs. The fourth party, Geesje Jansen, for living in adultery with Laurens Duyts, was 'to be conducted to the whipping-post, and fastened thereto, the upper part of her body being stripped naked, and two rods placed in her hand; to be afterwards conducted, in that wise, outside the city gates, and banished the province for the term of thirty years, with costs.' Moreover, Iva Dircksen, for adultery, was 'to be conducted to the place where justice is administered, and there to witness the punishments inflicted this day, and then to be banished for the term of fifty years.'"[827]
Breach of promise suits are not infrequent. Sometimes it is the faithless swain who is prosecuted for his broken troth; as in 1669, when Elizabeth Stedwill called Jan Hendrix van Gunst to account;[828] or when Maria Besems seeks pecuniary satisfaction for the like offense of Boudewyn van Nieuwland.[829] Sometimes it is the maid who asserts the woman's privilege, if not her legal right, to change her mind; as in the case of Pieter Koch v. Annetie Cornelissen van Vorst, which took place in New Amsterdam, 1653-54, and may serve as an example. On February 24 the defendant's stepfather delivers her "papers" to the burgomasters and schepens, who order that each party shall have a copy of the other's papers, and that the defendant shall appear in person. Then the case drags along for nearly a year, over no less than eight sessions of the court, before the pleadings and other preliminaries are finished. At last, on February 19, 1654, the papers are sent by the lower court to the director-general and council for advice. Apparently in consequence of this advice the documents are then submitted to a special committee of three men, who hand in their report on the 18th of the following May. Upon this report the decision of the burgomasters and schepens was based, though they resolved to keep the judgment in "abeyance" until "requested" by the parties to the suit. From the records it appears that there was an oral promise of marriage; that the plaintiff had given presents to his betrothed; and that she, because of his "misbehaviour," was not disposed to keep her engagement. The court, however, decided that a promise once given should remain in force. Neither person without the consent of the other and the approbation of the court should marry. The defendant was allowed to keep her presents until marriage or until, with the knowledge of the magistracy, the betrothed should set each other free. Costs were to be borne equally by the parties.[830]
It is not surprising that among a people so thrifty and sensible as the pioneers of New Netherland the remarriage of a widow or a widower should be accompanied, or anticipated, by prudential measures, designed to protect the interests of the children of the first union. For this reason the wills and marriage contracts, specimens of which have been preserved, are of peculiar interest. According to Stiles, a well-known investigator of deeds and wills in Williamsburgh[831] makes the remark "that the old Dutch wills seem not to trust the widow in a second marriage. The restraints placed upon remarriages, by wills, were generally in favor of the children of the first marriage; and the widows thus restricted generally signed consents to accept the bequests in lieu of dower, for the good reason that propriety did not allow them to refuse so soon after the death of their first husband, and because the devises and bequests in lieu of dower vested an estate for life, or three thirds of the estate subject to a contingency in their own control, instead of one third absolutely. The will of Cornelius van Catts of Bushwick, dated in 1726, and expressed in a sort of half Dutch dialect, devises to his wife Annetjie, his whole estate ... while she remains his widow—both real and personal. 'But if she happen to marry, then I geff her nothing of my estate, neither real nor personal. I geff to my well-beloved son, Cornelius, the best horse that I have, or else £7, 10s., for his good as my eldest son. And then my two children, Cornelius Catts and David Catts, all heef [half] of my whole effects, land and movables, that is to say, Cornelius Catts heef of all, and David Catts heef of all. But my wife can be master of all for bringing up to good learning my two children.... But if she comes to marry again, then her husband can take her away from the farm, and all will be left for the children, Cornelius Catts and David Catts, heef and heef.'"[832]
It was not, however, the first husband alone who took such precautions. After betrothal careful marriage contracts were often drawn up when either a widow or a widower was about to re-enter wedded life. The following is a sample of these stipulations, dated July 27, 1656:
"Appears Geertruyt Jacops, widow of the late Mr. Roeloff de Haes, now betrothed to Jacob Crabbe and declares her intention of proving and assigning their father's inheritance to the children, left by him, Mr. de Haes, and born in wedlock by her, Geertruyt Jacops, to wit Johannes de Haes, old about 10 years, Marrietje de Haes, old about 9 years, and Annitje, old about three years, and assigns herewith to each of the aforesaid children the sum of 6 carolus guilders, declaring at the same time upon her conscience, in place of an oath that she, affiant, hereby satisfies the aforesaid children out of their father's inheritance and this declaration is made in presence and with the consent of her affianced husband Jacobus Crabbe, and she Geertruyt Jacops, has nominated, constituted, and appointed ... as guardians of the aforesaid children the Worthy Oloff Stevensen and Hendrick Kip, both burghers and inhabitants of the Manhattans."[833]
b) Law and custom under the Duke of York.—In 1664 New Netherland passed into the hands of the Duke of York, whose patent from Charles II. directed him to establish authority "not contrary to but as neare as conveniently may bee agreeable to, the Lawes Statutes and Government of this our Realme of England."[834] After studying the New England laws, especially those of Connecticut and Massachusetts, Colonel Richard Nicholls, the duke's deputy governor, promulgated a code which was in force on Long Island, or Yorkshire, from March 1, 1665.[835] On August 6, 1674, Governor Andros ordered the duke's laws to be enforced throughout "New York" except "such as shall have apparent inconveniences in them,"[836] and in 1676 they were established in the Delaware region, "except the constables' courts, county rates, and some other things peculiar to Long Island."[837] It follows that for a short time after the conquest, in the province and on the Delaware, the Dutch laws were still observed; and, of course, the old usages and customs long survived.
By the duke's code optional civil marriage was established in New York. "Whereas," declares the preamble, "by the Law of England no Marriage is Lawfully Consummated without a Minister whose office it is to join the parties in Matrimony after the Banes thrice published in the Church or a Lycence first had and obtained from some person thereunto Authorized, All which formality cannot be duly practiced in these parts. Yet to the end that a decent rule therein may be preserved It is Ordained that from henceforth the names and surnames of each Party who sue for Marriage shall be Publiquely read in their Parish Church or place of usuall Meeting, where they both then Inhabit, three severall Lords days successively." An optional procedure by license or by ecclesiastical banns was thus introduced; but in one respect the liberality of the Dutch law was not imitated. Unqualified permission to publish intentions of marriage by civil notice, instead of banns in church, was not granted. Yet, in effect, such discretion is often allowed; for "where no Church or Meeting place shall happen to bee," fourteen days written notice on "three doors of each parish" where the parties respectively dwell, namely on the doors of the constable, and two of the overseers, is declared sufficient.
Optional religious or civil celebration is established. After proper notice, as already described, the ceremony may be performed by "any minister" or "any justice of the peace," but on one important condition: the parties are required to "purge themselves by oath before the minister or justice that they are not under the bonds of matrimony to any other person living;" and in case of obtaining a "double marriage" by perjury, we catch a glimpse of the influence of New England thoroughness on Colonel Nicholls, in the barbarous provision that the persons "offending shall bee boared through the tongue with a read hot Iron and moreover proceeded against as in Case of Adultery." But the party "approved innocent" and "ignorant of the other's wicked fraud" may recover damages against the "nocent," and is permitted to contract a new marriage as if nothing had happened.[838] For the marriage of any "Daughter, Maid, or Servant" the "known consent" of the parent, master, or dame is required; and for celebration without such consent, or without preceding banns or other legal notice, or the governor's license in place of notice, the minister or justice is to "forfeit twenty pounds and be put out of his office."[839]
The declaration of the preamble that "by the Law of England no Marriage is Lawfully Consummated without a Minister" may prove misleading, unless the vital distinction between "legality" and "validity," already emphasized, be kept in mind. In 1665 a marriage in England without a minister was valid, but it was not lawful and might be punished. In the present instance, however, all doubt as to the meaning of the law is set at rest by the further provision that "if any man shall hereafter presume to Marry contrary to these Lawes prescribed the Person offending shall be proceeded against as for Adultery or fornication, ... the Children so begotten shall be Reputed Bastards, And the Parents suffer such paines and penalties by fines or Punishment as they have deserved."[840] Since this provision is clearly contrary to the existing law of England, it would seem to be invalid as transcending the legislative power granted to the duke by the royal charter; and even the king could not have changed the law of England.
Later in 1665 provision is made relative to the legal age for matrimony. All persons are to be "accompted of fitt age to Marry, when the Man shall attaine to the age of twenty one, and the Women of Eighteene years."[841] In the next year the not very lucid interpretation is vouchsafed that this law is to be understood "of such persons onely as are under guardianshipp, and itt is not in any wayes to take of the naturall bounds of Duty and obligation which Children owe to their parents."[842] If this declaration has any sense, it may perhaps mean that, without consent, only orphans under guardianship, and not those whose parents are living, have full authority to marry at the ages mentioned.
A system of registration is likewise provided for. The names and surnames of all the inhabitants of every parish in the government are to be registered; and "to prevent future inconveniences which may arise about the age of Orphants, The Certaine Marriage of Men and Women or the decease of persons imported into this Country whereof no positive Certificate can be granted, as to the age of one, Marriage of another or the Death of another, The Minister or Town Clark of every parrish shall well and truly and plainly" record all births, marriages, and deaths happening within his district "in a Book to be provided by the Church-wardener for that purpose." If a master of a family or anyone concerned fail, within one month, to report the birth, marriage, or death of a person related to him, he shall pay a fine of five shillings.[843]
Another provision reveals the tender solicitude of the English common law for the wife in a way which a century later would have warmed the heart of Sir William Blackstone himself. "No man shall harbour, conceal or detain Contrary to the concent of the Husband any Married woman, upon penalty of five Shillings for every hour" that she "remains under his Roof." Still there really might be occasions when even a "married woman" could reasonably claim some share of public protection. For has not the "common law" itself, in certain emergencies, placed her on a level with the bondwoman? Therefore it is provided "always that any woman flying from the barbarous Cruelty of Her Husband to the House of the Constable or one of the Overseers of the same Parish; may be protected by them in the manner as is Directed for Servants in such Cases, and not otherwise."[844]
Again on producing a "sufficient" certificate "from any forraigne parts" under the "hand and seal of some creditable person and known magistrate," that either spouse is dead, the other is free to marry again. The same liberty is accorded the survivor when either party has been absent for five full years without knowledge on a journey by sea or land usually made in "a year or less or in a few days." But in that case a veritable trap is laid for the feet of Enoch Arden, in a provision, imitated from the laws of New England, the stupidity of which is only less surprising than the fact that in substance it has survived in statutes of far more recent times. It is "provided always that if either the man or the woman shall at any time after the Expiration of five years Returne and bring full Testimony that hee or shee have divers wayes endeavoured by writings or Messages to make known to his wife, or her Husband, that Shee or hee were then living, or that they were by Imprisonment or Bond Slavery with the Turks or other Heathen, Lawfully hendred from giving such information;" then such person may "Challenge his or her premarriage, and obtain an order for their Cohabiting as formerly." But "if neither shall sue for such an order," they "may by mutuall agreement Enter a Release to each other in the office of Records, and both remain free from their former obligations."[845]
One or two incidents gleaned from the records for the period of the duke's laws may serve to illustrate the difficulties of matrimonial administration on the Delaware. Thus in 1678, in a case similar to that of Laers above cited, the minister, reader, and churchwardens present to the local court at Newcastle Walter Wharton, justice of the peace, for marrying himself or being married "contrary to the Knowne Lawes of England & alsoe contrary to the Lawes and customes of this place and Province;" as likewise for granting certain lands without proper authority. The said "Mr. Wharton not appearing in three following Court dayes, and to the end the Reproach may bee taken away from the River and that Such notorious breatches of ye Lawes and disorders may for the future not passe unpunished, especially in prsons of Lesser qualitys whoe if this [conduct] of Mr. Whartons [whoe" being "in Commission" and bearing "the office of a Justice of ye peace ougt to give good examples to others] had not been Reguarded, migt att all tymes" hold it for a "bad president": the court do therefore submit the "prmisses to the Judgemt. of his Honor. the Governor. for to Inflict such punishment" as he "shall thinke fitt & expedient." We are only informed in the record that the accused is "to bee out of the Commission of Justices & left to the Law."[846] One regrets that we are not told whether the "law" treated his marriage as void.
The Delaware papers, for the next year, contain also a long letter to Governor Andros from Luke Watson, of "Whoorekill"—whose spelling is, if possible, more ingenious than usual even for that fertile region—complaining of the many shortcomings of Captain John Avery, magistrate and president of the court. It seems that the captain was fond of having his own way; sometimes, when his colleagues on the bench presumed to give a contrary "judgment," going out of the court "in a greate Rage and feury, ... Cursing and swaring," and even suggesting that they were "ffooles, Knaues, and Rouges." He is accused, moreover, of taking upon himself "to grant a Licence to Marry Daniel Browne to Sussan Garland, widdow, without any publiqueation, which Marrige was effected, notwithstanding it is Generally knowne or at Least the said Daniel confesses that he knows no other but that he haue a wife living in England." This was not the captain's worst indiscretion in the discharge of his official matrimonial duties. We learn that in taking "vpon himselfe to Marry the widdow Clament to one Bryant Rowles, without publiquecation notwithstanding she was out aske at Least a Month to another man, namly Edward Cocke," he prepared a sad tragedy in real life. For when the "said Cocke" heard that the widow had jilted him he said "it would be his death." So he "went home, fell sick, and in forty eight hours after dyed," declaring in his last breath "that her marrying was the cause of his dyeing."[847]
At this time Governor Andros, replying to the inquiries of the Lords of Trade, reports that because of the "scarcity of Ministers & [the] Law admitting marriages by Justices no acct cann be giuen of the number marryed." He adds that "ministers haue been so scarce" and "Religions" so many that he can give no statement of the number of births or christenings.[848] In 1695 Mr. Miller, an English clergyman, "complains that many marriages are by a justice of the peace."[849]
The duke's code makes no provision for the celebration of marriage except before a minister or a justice of the peace. The Quakers of Long Island, who earlier had suffered severely from the intolerance of the Dutch,[850] continued nevertheless to practice their own simple but solemn rites. For so doing they were harshly dealt with by the courts, as appears in a petition to Governor Andros and his council from two of their number in 1680,[851] praying for the "Remission of a Fine imposed for Contravention of the Marriage Laws." The paper is in the form of an "address from Henry Willis and John Bowne, Concerning the proceedings of a Court of Sessions against vs, who said they fined us 10 lbs a peece for suffering our daughters to marrie contrary to their law, which proceeding we are satisfied is without precedent and we can count it noe lesse but a mistake or hasty oversight and though we have endeaverd for its removall yet Execution is eished forth and Jos. Lee vndershiref hath seazed Hen: Willis barne of corn and since taken from Jo. Bowne 5 good milch cowes and drove them away by night and kept them pownded from food" more than a night and a day, so that the neighbors were "generally troubled at it." Then the petitioners proceed to reason with the enemy, using the soft word which turneth away wrath. "Now in simplisity, we doe seriously entreat all that may be conserned herein seriously to consider it and in the cooleness of your spirits without anger or hard thoughts truly to waye it in the balance of Equity where the witness of God may arise in every Contience to testifie, whether If such things should goe on ... it would not be to the rewenating of families and to the kindling of Gods anger against a place or people which we truly desire may be prevented, by takeing away ye ocation." So they make their appeal to the "cheife," knowing that a magistrate's "authority is to preserve mens persons and Estates, but ye prerogative of the contience that belongs to God and we dare not but yeald obedience thereunto;" for "we do not act—as sometimes resented (sic)—in stobourness obstainancy or contempt of authority but in simplisity."[852]