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“The Great Peace-Maker”

We have dwelt in this narrative principally upon Colonel Roosevelt’s fighting qualities; perhaps because they are the most picturesque and appeal more to the imagination of author and public. Yet the story of Theodore Roosevelt’s life would be indeed lacking if it did not emphasize the fact that underneath his philosophy of conflict for that which was right there lay an abiding love of peace and a desire for world brotherhood.

Roosevelt’s experiences taught him that in the era in which he lived war at times was essential to establish justice. He did not believe in surrendering to the blusterer, or to the ruler who tried to overrun his neighbor’s boundaries by force. He trained himself to be a warrior and a hunter because he believed that a strain of the primitive man was necessary to combat the too often debilitating influences of modern life.

His sons, in their manhood, became warriors like himself, but in their youth he trained them to love animals and to deal kindly with men. His advice to them under all circumstances was “Be kind!”

The man who was sneered at by his political foes as “The Man on Horseback” became “The Great Peacemaker.”

His own words form the best illustration of his attitude toward world amity:

“Whenever on any point we come in contact with a foreign power, I hope that we shall always strive to speak courteously and respectfully of that foreign power. Let us make it evident that we intend to do justice. Then let us make it equally evident that we will not tolerate injustice being done us in return. Let us further make it evident that we use no words which we are not prepared to back up with deeds, and that while our speech is always moderate we are ready and willing to make it good. Such an attitude will be the surest possible guarantee of that self-respecting peace the attainment of which is and must ever be the prime aim of a self-governing people.”

His acts while President bore out his preaching. When The Hague Tribunal of Arbitration was established, a large part of the work, so far as this nation was concerned, fell to Roosevelt.

When the old Alaskan boundary dispute between Great Britain and the United States arose again, at Roosevelt’s suggestion the matter was settled for all time by a joint commission that met in London. This commission decided in favor of America.

Another dramatic crisis arose for Roosevelt’s solution when an American, Ion Perdicaris, and his English son-in-law were kidnapped from their home near Tangier, in Morocco, by the Moorish bandit, Raisuli, on May 18, 1904. The bandit demanded a ransom and other favors from the Sultan of Morocco before he would release his prisoners. Roosevelt ordered the U. S. S. Brooklyn, Rear-Admiral Chadwick commanding, to go to Tangier. Admiral Jewell followed with three warships. British warships joined the American fleet.

“Perdicaris alive or Raisuli dead!” was said to be the slogan that Roosevelt hurled at the Sultan. Whether or not he uttered it, the report rang like Concord’s bullet around the world. A month later the American and Englishman had been released.

Another example of Roosevelt’s desire to keep the peace of the world was illustrated when, at the Easter of 1903, there occurred a massacre of Jews in Kishinef, Russia. The Hebrews of the United States were greatly aroused at the atrocities and besought their government to protest to the Czar against these outrages. The Russian government sent word privately to the European countries and to President Roosevelt that the matter was exclusively a domestic one and that the Russian government would not entertain any representations upon the subject. The European governments took no further steps in the matter. Roosevelt, however, promised the Jews of the United States that he would bring their paper to the notice of the Czar.

Thus a crisis had arisen. Would Russia resent such a move? If she refused to accept the representations of the United States, would that be considered an affront by our government? Was war on the horizon?

No international troubles occurred. Though the Russian government refused to receive the memorial, the American representative at St. Petersburg visited the Foreign Office with a letter from Secretary of State Hay, which inquired as to whether the Russian government would accept the document. This letter to the Russian government went on to set forth the full text of the memorial. The Russian Foreign Office agreeably accepted it. Its publication in the press put before the world every word of the petition of the American Jews. Thus America, through Roosevelt, had spoken its opinion in the courts of mankind without bringing about the war which timid souls predicted.

When Roosevelt became President it was his rule of peace that dominated our country’s relations with other powers and that prevailed in the new policy of territorial annexation entered upon in President McKinley’s administration and carried forward by Roosevelt.

He decided that Cuba should not be taken over by the United States. Europe expected the United States to annex Cuba, and many leading men of his own party advised that this course be pursued, but he determined that the little island should be given every opportunity to govern itself as an independent republic. It was by his inspiration that the American officials who administered government in the Philippines, Porto Rico and, during the American occupancy, in Cuba, devoted themselves to the welfare of the people in a way that won the commendation of our sister nations. His course in this respect was governed by a belief that when it was necessary for our government to administer the affairs of the weaker nations under its control that government should be, not for the profit of the people in the United States, but for the people governed.

Always a sincere seeker of peace, he nevertheless exemplified in his statesmanship his motto: “Speak softly, but carry a big stick!”

This was illustrated when he directed his policy directly athwart that of the German Kaiser.

Those who remember the Venezuela incident of 1902 will recall that the German and British fleets thought it necessary to discipline President Castro. Germany, early in the proceedings, gave evidence that she intended to seize a point in Venezuelan territory and hold it in order to control the approach to the Isthmian Canal. The watchful Roosevelt perceived this scheme, sounded out England and found that she had no stomach for the alliance with Wilhelm’s fleet, and would refuse to help Germany to fight America if a quarrel arose over Germany’s grasping policy. Thereupon Roosevelt sent Dewey to the Caribbean Sea for fleet maneuvers and sent word to Germany through her Ambassador that if Germany did not agree to arbitrate within ten days he would instruct Dewey to resist her taking possession of a foot of Venezuelan soil. This meant war, and the President knew it, but he held resolutely to his purpose. The ten days dwindled to two days, but no agreement had come from Germany. Six more fateful hours passed. Then Germany agreed to arbitrate.

Thus ended a disagreeable diplomatic episode that foreshadowed the acts of the present Germany, but which revealed that the American spirit was more than a match for that of the Hun.

The act that won for Roosevelt the enduring title of “the Great Peacemaker” came during the Russo-Japanese War. When, in February, 1904, war was declared between Japan and Russia, Roosevelt showed his deep concern in the matter by ordering his great Secretary of State, John Hay, to send forth the famous Hay note, which asked the two combatants to respect the neutrality of China, lest there should be precipitated a still greater catastrophe. Both nations agreed to Roosevelt’s request.

Then came Roosevelt’s nomination to succeed himself as President. He was elected by the greatest popular vote ever accorded a Presidential candidate.

Grave domestic problems pressed upon him, but the Russo-Japanese War continued to occupy the uppermost place in his thoughts. The time of his entering upon a new term seemed to him the right moment to propose to Japan and Russia that they declare a truce and settle their difficulties in conference.

Japan had already suffered terribly from the drain upon her men and resources. Even if she were victorious in the conflict the chances were that she would lose more than she would gain. The same was true of Russia.

Roosevelt met with difficulty in getting the two powers to agree to a common meeting place. Each, however, finally agreed to send representatives to a conference at Portsmouth, N. H.

Roosevelt received the two delegations at Oyster Bay on the U. S. S. Mayflower, and then had them conveyed by the Mayflower and another naval vessel from Oyster Bay to Portsmouth.

The peace treaty was signed on September 5, 1905, and the world acclaimed Roosevelt the warrior for his services in behalf of peace. For bringing the two nations together he was awarded in the following year the Nobel Peace Prize. This consisted of a medal and a sum of $40,000, which, at the time, he turned over to a board of trustees as a fund to be used in establishing industrial peace. However, when the World War broke out, without this money having been expended by the trustees, Roosevelt requested that the money, now increased to $45,000, be distributed to the Red Cross and other war charities.

No greater sidelight can be thrown on Roosevelt’s influence for world peace than this tribute paid to him at his death by Baron Makino, the head of the Japanese Peace Commission, convened after the great world war:

“I embrace this opportunity to pay a tribute to the immortal Roosevelt, whose death is a sad calamity. He was a superb American, also a great world’s citizen. His services were not confined to America, but extended to the Orient. Especially are we grateful to him for the following reasons:

“First, for his noble services in bringing to a successful conclusion the Russo-Japanese war. The Japanese public and the rest of the world did not comprehend at that time how sturdy were his efforts to attain the result, but we who knew the inside facts regarding the war situation in Manchuria felt that our good friend Roosevelt secured a just peace—fair to both parties.

“Second, we are thankful for his extraordinary success in settling the friction between the United States and Japan over the San Francisco school incident in 1906.

“Most unusual was it for a President of the United States to say that he would use every power within his control to secure a right settlement. The ‘gentlemen’s agreement’ was the result.

“Third, we are deeply appreciative likewise of the fair appraisal he made of Japan’s part in the World War. Few Americans are apprised as to the extent of Japan’s participation in the war. But this remarkable man fully comprehended and in many published articles gave full credit to the stanch, honest co-operation Japan gave to her allies and to the United States.”

In 1906 Roosevelt again went contrary to the plans of the German government in the Algeciras affair. Possessing the pledge of the German Emperor to accept his decision in this international dispute, he made a decision that, while just, went against Germany.

It is an interesting commentary, however, upon his success as a diplomat that when he came to settle the war between Japan and Russia he induced the Kaiser to help him in an appeal to the rulers of the warring countries.

Later on, when he was touring Europe, Roosevelt had the unique experience of watching the maneuvers of the German troops, in company with the Kaiser, whom he had thwarted. On this occasion he heard himself thus addressed by the Hohenzollern:

“My friend Roosevelt, I am glad to welcome you, a most distinguished American. You are the first civilian who has ever reviewed German soldiers.”

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