Perhaps the entire destruction of game would lead to the Indians devoting their time to agricultural pursuits. It would force them to do that or starve, but judging from their present indisposition to work, and tribal organization, great distress would follow the sudden disappearance of their game and starvation thin their ranks before they would apply themselves to hard labor. The Indians who raise corn, etc. (Mandan, Gros Ventres, and Arikara), do not do so from any scarcity of game or apprehensions on that score, but have done so beyond the recollection of any trader, or even of themselves. It appears to be a desire to possess something else to eat besides meat, and a custom handed down to them by their forefathers. Their corn is entirely different from any raised in the States, and is the real original maize discovered with the continent, the seed still kept in its original purity. The labor attendant on planting and raising these crops is performed by the women, while the men hunt like the surrounding tribes, work of this description as their present ideas exist being a disgrace to the males. Several of the other wild tribes have for years entertained a desire to cultivate, not because they apprehend any failure of game, but having become fond of corn, potatoes, etc., wish to have them, but can not exert themselves enough for the purpose.
Commerce not as yet having reached the tribes of whom we write except in the form of trade for their furs and skins, the question as to its ultimate effects, as a cause of civilization, can not by us be determined, but the effects produced by traffic have had a decided tendency toward their improvement and advancement by stimulating their exertions and increasing their knowledge. It must be obvious to every one who is acquainted with the character and history of Indians that they have an antipathy to work, that as long as they can support themselves by hunting they will do so; for through these means they are enabled to avail themselves of the labor and arts of Europeans in procuring articles necessary for their subsistence, in exchange for their furs and skins. This method being more consonant with their fixed habits, is less toilsome though more dangerous than civilized occupations. Having clothing, utensils, arms, ammunition and all kinds of provisions furnished them by the traders certainly increases their desire to obtain these things, stimulates them to greater exertions in hunting, but does not lead to a sufficient energy of mind to endeavor to produce these things by a slower though more certain employment. In the event of a sudden disappearance of game they would be driven to extreme want and thousands would perhaps perish before they would of their own accord apply themselves to agricultural pursuits.
If no human exertions be made by those in power to instruct them in the superior advantages of such labors over their present precarious life, they must by a sudden pressure of emigration, and a consequent annihilation of game, become the drudges of the whites, destroyed and degraded by their great banes, whiskey and smallpox. It is impossible to conceal the rapid strides made by emigration or its immoral tendency on the Indians, and it would be very unreasonable to conclude that its destroying effects would so revolutionize the habits of an uneducated Indian as to meet the emergency. The change from savage to civilized life and occupations must be gradual, accompanied by instruction, education, and practical experiment illustrative of its utility.
The introduction of woolen goods has been of some advantage to the Indians. It has added to their comfort, cleanliness, and pride, and has had other good effects; but these alone can not be said to have much increased their means of subsistence, though other things have. As long as an Indian is a hunter, his dress must answer that purpose. There is no fabric of European manufacture clothed in which he could crawl after game over the plains covered with cactus in summer or that would protect his body from freezing in winter. Blankets can not supply the place of buffalo robes, cloth the place of skin, boots that of moccasins, in these high latitudes and terrible snowstorms.
These things are bought for summer and fall wear in their homes or when traveling, are preferred because they are not damaged by wet, are gay, soft, and handsome, will make tolerably good undercoats in winter, will serve for traveling horseback in summer and fall. But the real hunter of the plains must have his buffalo robe coats, moccasins, mittens, and cap, skin leggings, his extra buffalo robe on his back and his snowshoes on his feet, or the cold and wind would prove more destructive to his person than he to the game. The articles introduced by commerce that have increased their means of subsistence are firearms, horses, knives, kettles, awls, fire, steel, and metallic instruments for dressing hides. Besides, the conversation and instruction received from the traders has increased their knowledge, elevated their desires, and stimulated their industry. These are some of the effects of commerce, and this subject will meet with further discussion through these pages.
We are not aware of any great moral evils consequent on the trade with Indians in this section. The variations from truth and deceptions practiced by rival companies are, however, the greatest. The introduction of ardent spirits has been demoralizing and debasing, but has in no great degree tended to the depopulation of the tribes of whom we write. From a long period of actual observation and experience we can safely say that the whole number of deaths arising from the consequences of intoxicating drink does not amount to 100 during the past 20 years, from and including the Sioux to the Blackfeet. That it is morally wrong no one will doubt, but this has been much exaggerated, and can not be reckoned among the causes of their depopulation. If that cause is sought for it is very plain in the history of the smallpox, which even while we write is sweeping off the Crow and Snake Indians, upward of 1,200 of whom have died from that disease contracted on the Platte emigrant trail last summer. The destruction of Indians from cholera, measles, and smallpox since that road has been opened has been incredible and there is no probability of its decreasing. These are the causes of their depopulation and will be of their entire extinction. The introduction of firearms has been beneficial to the trade, and in some respects to the Indians. Deer, elk, and smaller game can be killed when buffalo are not found, and in default of horses to run them the Indians can support themselves with the gun.
The gun is a useful though not an indispensable implement. The loss of an Indian horse is easier replaced than that of his gun, as he could at any time steal the former from his enemies, and to get the latter would require means to purchase, which have been destroyed by its loss. Also the accident might happen when skins were of no value or unseasonable. Another advantage in having a gun is that the means of making a fire are thereby possessed, which on the plains is a matter of great consequence, and a gun often saves the lives of several travelers. In short, an Indian with a gun has double the chances of support that one without has. Should his horse be stolen he can use his gun, and if that is broken he can use his horse. By firearms a great many smaller animals are killed, and skins traded which would not otherwise be the case, though in hunting in bodies or large camps the gun is not much used, except when there are but few horses that they can catch. The possession of firearms has unquestionably promoted war. Many arrows may be shot, perhaps all the Indian has, without doing any damage unless at very close quarters, whereas at a distance or in the night guns are effective. It also facilitates waylaying and killing their enemies, a manner of which they are remarkably fond, and could not well be accomplished with arrows, lances, etc., without nearly equal danger to both parties. Guns and ammunition are considered the soul of warfare, more so than of the chase, and a few Indians thus armed are more efficient than a crowd with bows, lances, and war clubs. So much is this the case that the want of a sufficient number of guns often delays, and sometimes entirely stops, a war party.
There is only one way we know of by which the trade could be placed on a better basis, and that being inconsistent with the principles of our Government, is scarcely worth considering. It is that it should be a monopoly. A charter granted to a body of efficient people who could give bond to a large amount for their lawful prosecution of the trade, and their operations subject to the revision and examination of a competent board of directors.
There are no serious or valid objections on the part of any Indians with whom we are acquainted to the introduction of schools, agriculture, the mechanical arts, or Christianity. We have examined the subject in all its bearings for upward of 20 years; counseled with Indians about it; and it appears to us very singular that as yet the Department or some charitable persons have done nothing in this respect for the Indians. It is the only way they can be really benefited, saved, recompensed for territory bought, or rendered useful. It is the only way by which they could eventually be brought to have some certain source or means of subsistence. They have often pressed upon us their desire that we should use our exertions to get some mission or school opened among them to instruct their children in agriculture and the mechanical arts. With this view we have for years corresponded with the Rev. G. I. De Smet of the St. Louis University (Jesuit), who intended and perhaps still intend to commence operations of the kind among them. Not being of the Catholic persuasion, it is not on that account that the Jesuits were thought by us the most competent for such a purpose, but that they have more zeal, knowledge, perseverance, and tact to manage Indians than any others we know of. Their religion is peculiarly adapted to that purpose.
The imposing rites and ceremonies of the Catholic Church would at once attract their attention and excite their interest; afterwards they could be made to comprehend. However, it is not with the grown Indians the commencement must be made. The first step to be taken is to stop, as much as possible, their internal wars, and this is rapidly being accomplished by the treaty made at Laramie in 1851, which has had the effect of making a general peace between all nations except the Blackfeet. This peace may suffer interruptions occasionally, by a few being killed, or horses stolen, but these things will be settled among themselves, and the peace continue, especially if the Indian agents are particular in enforcing the treaty stipulations. With the Blackfeet a peace must be made in some way and that at Laramie having proved successful, why not in the same way? They are very numerous and hostile, and nothing but a large appropriation judiciously distributed in merchandise could gain the point. Afterwards it might be kept up for a series of years by smaller annuities, and when the general end is gained these could be discontinued. The only way to work upon the wild Indian is through his cupidity and necessities; force is not to be thought of.
This point being gained, establishments should be formed among each tribe, at the same time receiving a number of their children and giving them a common English education and as soon as practicable bringing up these children in agricultural and pastoral pursuits.
Habits of industry should be inculcated as they grow up, and the field of their operations enlarged when they are grown, by portioning out lands and providing a market for their surplus stock and produce. Some of the useful mechanical arts could also be introduced, but only those that are useful in their present condition and growing state. A century or two may elapse before watchmakers, glass blowers, or even tailors and shoemakers would be necessary, though a few gunsmiths, blacksmiths, carpenters, and weavers would find immediate employment. The principles of the Christian religion would of course at the same time be taught, but the principal feature of these establishments, as soon as the boys and girls were able to work, should be industry, principally in agricultural and pastoral pursuits. The great errors into which missionaries have fallen are that they make the observance of religious duties the sole object and neglect the others.16 Also their zeal in this induces them to interfere with the present government, domestic arrangements, and superstitions of the grown Indians, thereby incurring their enmity, disgust, or revenge. The present grown-up generation should be left entirely alone, not interfered with, no attempt made to convert them, or even induce them to work. It is useless, inexpedient, and subverts the general ends. The first thing a missionary does is to abuse the Indian for having a plurality of wives.
Would the good missionary be so charitable as to clothe, feed, and shelter the supernumerary woman; should all the Indians follow his advice and have but one wife? Will the Indian consent to separate his children from their mothers, or to turn both adrift to please the whim of any man? This advice is uncharitable, unjust, and can only be excused on the plea of ignorance of their customs and feeling. The next difference that arises is that the priests take away all their charms, medicines, and idols, and present them their cross instead. Now as far as any of these old Indian reprobates can conceive the idea of the cross, it is nothing more than a different kind of idol in exchange for theirs. What in the name of common sense could induce old priests, in every other respect sane and well informed, to think that by administering baptism and giving an Indian the symbol of the cross they have thus converted them, we can not imagine. If the Indians believe anything thereby, it is that the image or medal possesses some intrinsic supernatural power to prevent them from personal harm or give them success in war, known to be efficacious by the whites, and is to them in fact nothing more than a different kind of medicine bird or medicine ball. Can they (the priests) suppose that an Indian, only a grade above the level of the brute in intelligence, could without education form a correct idea of the ordinance of Baptism, the Incarnation, the Trinity, the Crucifixion and Atonement and other abstruse points in which even whites, with all their education, can not agree?
These grown Indians are too ignorant and obstinate to think, too lazy to work, too proud to be instructed, and their formed habits too savage and firmly rooted to give way before the meek truths of the gospel. All such attempts must prove abortive; it is anticipating by an age what should be their present course among the children. We would say let all the grown generation die as they have lived, though before that event took place many of them would have the satisfaction of seeing their children in comparatively happy and improved conditions. This is the only right beginning. Bring them up in the proper way, impressing moral truths and industrious habits when young and fostering the same in maturity. The Government can do this, should do it, and would be extending a charity to a part of the human race but few sympathize with, and opening a way for the remnant of aborigines to become a useful and intelligent people. We repeat it, there are no objections to this among the Indians. Proffers of the kind would be readily acceded to by any tribe, even the Blackfeet, and all sensible traders would assist. It would not benefit them, might perhaps hurt their business some, and would in the end lead to its discontinuance. But this is of minor consideration. We are confident that establishments on the principles we have suggested would succeed and answer great ends. But they must begin with the children as their foundation, not merely for the observances of religious duties, without combining active agricultural and pastoral pursuits, with a judicious choice of mechanical arts.
It does not follow that the Indians should abandon their hunting altogether to accomplish these ends. Those who wished to hunt could still do so, as they now do at Red River, and when hunting failed, as it eventually must when white emigration settles the country, the Indians would find themselves in a position to live fully if not more comfortably than before. Some of the money of the United States could not be applied to a better purpose. One-half of the amount Congress expends on the repairs of some old bridge would be sufficient to rear and educate several hundred children. Indeed, after the boys and girls had attained the age of 12 to 15 years they could more than support themselves by their labor. Abstruse studies or extensive mental acquirements should not be striven for except with the view of providing teachers or physicians of their own nation, but generally the rudiments of English education, such as is taught the peasantry of England, would answer better. Too much education would produce an unwillingness if not an inability to work.
Physicians of their own people would tend more to banish their superstitions and encourage these institutions than all the preaching in the world. Correct medical knowledge would be apparent in its effects, and be the greatest acquirement in the eyes of the Indian.
With its introduction would disappear the host of jugglers, conjurers, medicine men, and humbugs that now impoverish and kill most of their patients. A distinct idea of crime and the necessity of law would follow. The democratic principles of government already implanted would assume an effective form and civilization and Christianity would be the result. To accomplish this present payments of annuities should not be curtailed, as it would hazard the ill feelings of the grown Indians who, seeing no immediate benefit arising, would become dissatisfied with the appropriation of their funds. Separate appropriations or funds could be raised for the purpose.
The usual cause of war among the prairie tribes is the stealing of horses. Indians must have horses, can not well live without them, and will risk everything to obtain them. Moreover, horses are looked upon in a measure as public property; that is, those nations who have few think they have a right to take them from those who have many. Whether it is a right or not they do it, and in these expeditions frequently men are killed on both sides. This produces an obligation on the part of the relatives of the deceased to revenge their deaths, and war continues with various successes on both sides. The occupation of war is also the most honorable an Indian can follow. The young men are not noticed, neither can they aspire to the hand of a respectable young woman, without having distinguished themselves in war excursions. They are taught this when young, and as things now stand, it is difficult to change. Nevertheless it can be done. Not immediately, but in the course of a few years. There is always an opening to the heart of the Indian through his love of gain. Most chiefs, soldiers, and heads of families are open to bribes. The object of war in the first place is gain, and the dangers attending it make it honorable.
This object (gain) must be superseded by an equivalent and the idea of honor transferred to other sources. Take, for instance, the Blackfeet, who are the most numerous and bloodthirsty nation on the upper Missouri. Assemble them in treaty and make a distribution of $25,000 or $30,000 in merchandise among them and the deputations of other nations with whom a peace is to be concluded. How would this operate? The soldiers of the camp who would be appointed to distribute this merchandise are the most powerful party, have generally the raising and leading of war parties, and would take a liberal share of the presents for themselves. The chiefs and heads of families would also receive a large amount and the rest be divided among the young men, warriors, women, etc. The peace would be made, all would be satisfied for the present; but unless these payments were continued for a number of years, or until the benefits of peace were realized and acknowledged, nothing would be gained. An Indian does not reflect upon what he has received but what is yet in store for him. The prospects of an annual repetition of these presents would induce them to keep the treaty stipulations. Why and how? The soldiers, chiefs, and heads of families, whose voices only could make war, are held in check by the prospects of gain, and should any parties be raised would be paid to stop, or if they continued and stole horses, or killed a few of the nation with whom peace had been made, the affair would be paid for and hushed up on both sides, on account of the coming presents.
The reason why persons killed in time of peace between two nations can be paid for, and privately not, is that in the former case the voices of all, except the immediate relations of the slain, are against revenge, inasmuch as it would affect their interests with regard to the presents granted by the treaty. This operation going on in both nations at the same time leaves the relatives too few to effect a revenge, and the dishonor is evaded by the compulsion. In the course of a few years all old causes for revenge would be forgotten. By visiting each other and exchanging property, horses (the usual cause of war) would become more equally divided, by being bought by those who wish them, instead of stolen. Acquaintance with each other’s language, intermarriages, and other ties would follow, and the advantage of receiving a large supply of merchandise without the labor of hunting skins for it, together with the honor and increase of power of the soldiers, by having the distribution of this merchandise, must effectually throw the popular voice against war. The voices of the women, though not consulted, would be felt. They are vain, fond of dress, and would, of course, be in favor of the treaty which enables them to gratify this passion in a greater degree by furnishing them with clothing gratis. Therefore war would be discontinued by them, and the hand of a peaceable man preferred to one whose conduct militated against their own interests and those of their parents. For we apprehend that the favor warriors find in the eyes of the women and their parents is the result of their success, not the glory in their bravery.
It is the horses stolen from their enemies that gives them wealth to purchase any woman they please, and the father-in-law is anxious to have a son-in-law who can at any time replace his loss in horses. Indians are poor; that is, they are always in need of articles they can not purchase, and getting a supply gratis is of great advantage to them. The power of these annuities is great, and could be wielded with sufficient force to bring different bands to war upon their own people, and compel them to preserve the treaty stipulations.
We do not think that the display of military force on treaty grounds is either necessary or politic. If to inspire a feeling of fear be the object, it would require the presence of three or four thousand men to effect it with the Blackfeet, and even then, there would be great danger of collision with the troops who would endeavor to enforce military regulations when they can not be understood and are not required. Neither would Indians be induced to assemble when such a body of armed men are brought without their consent, or if they did, it would be with hostile feelings, and they could give no assistance to the commissioners. A lesser force, or one inadequate to present the idea of coercion, would incur their contempt, as they would necessarily conclude that the Government had sent all the men they could raise, and the few present would be imposed upon.
Indians do not like to be forced into measures, the utility of which has yet to be made apparent. Besides, the spirit of treaty is compromise, not force, as would be implied by these proceedings. It must be a voluntary act on the part of the Indians, for and in consideration of a certain sum, to obtain the stipulations. Again it is entirely on the present state of the Indian and their government to carry out this treaty we depend after the military force be withdrawn. Their organization as pointed out in these pages shows them capable of preserving order among themselves on these occasions, and a few good, patient commissioners and sensible traders and interpreters would secure what is necessary when force or appearance of it would fail. If anything more was added it might be a few military officers in full uniform and a good band of music. After satisfaction the treaty would operate in detail as has been mentioned, and the next best thing would be to take deputations of the principal men of each nation to Washington, where they could council with their Great Father (the President), and at this time the power and disposition of the Government could be exhibited without giving offense, which in their return among their people would be made public and the proper feeling instilled. But Indians should never be treated with at the seat of Government for many reasons.
The principal is that no deputation of prairie tribes could be taken as the general voice, and even then would not think themselves treated with on fair grounds—would agree to any and everything and afterwards say they were forced to do it. Large bodies of whites in the interior and on treaty grounds would necessarily be very expensive, and are inexpedient, as pointed out, though the support of a great many Indians would be very little. They bring their supplies along, hunt their way back, and but a few groceries would be sufficient to feed them during the short stay the business required. Another thing not to be overlooked is that the assembling of different nations in a body at a certain point is a great affair to them. It forms an epoch, a date, an event, to be talked of for years. Each nation on these occasions feel themselves bound to be polite, liberal, and attentive to strangers. Hostilities for the time are laid aside or forgotten, and the whole active force of the nations on whose ground the treaty is held is put in motion to keep order. If the question of buying their lands is not introduced, all goes on well, but on this subject they are jealous and suspicious to a great degree.
In no instance should the principal of an Indian fund be placed in the hands of any member of these prairie tribes to be distributed by him to his people. They can not appreciate the use and expenditure of money; neither could they with safety be placed in charge of any large amount of goods for distribution.
If handed to the chief, they would be given by him to a few of his immediate relations and friends, and the rest of the camp would get nothing. The present way of distributing annuities is the best, if not the only one that could give general satisfaction, and is thus conducted. The whole amount of merchandise is separated into as many portions as there are bands in the nation, according to the number of lodges in each band. One of the bands is then visited by the Indian agent, who, with the advice and consent of the chief of the nation, chooses therefrom four to six soldiers and dresses them. The whole band, men, women, and children, are formed into a semicircle with these soldiers in front, and that portion of the annuities intended for the band is laid in front of the soldiers, who separate it equally among all, retaining, however, a reasonable share for themselves. This appears to give general satisfaction. We can suggest no change in the existing laws that might benefit the Indians, unless it be that Indian agents should be people who have a correct knowledge of Indian character. If it be really the object of the Government to benefit this race of people their agents should be chosen from experienced traders or others who have and still reside with them and are well acquainted with their manners and customs.
How can a stranger who perhaps never saw an Indian, merely by counseling with a few during his short annual visit, know their wants, study their welfare, or make satisfactory reports to headquarters? Besides, so much being dependent on these agents, their term of office should not be limited to a change in the administration, as at present. It is unlike other offices and requires many years’ close application and constant residence among Indians to be of any real benefit to learn in what manner they can be better regulated or to carry out any series of measures the Government may wish to introduce. The pay of these agents is also inadequate, and there are too few to be of much service. The Sioux Nation alone is numerous and widely extended enough to admit of an agency; the Mandan, Gros Ventres, and Arikara another; the Assiniboin and Crows a third, and the Blackfeet a fourth. As it at present stands, one man is appointed for all this, and the consequence is some of them are neglected, if not the greater number. It can not be otherwise. The nations are situated hundreds of miles apart and each scattered over an immense district. Even one nation can not be collected, consulted with, annuities distributed, and all business settled in a less time than six months and often more. Should the present officer do nothing but travel he could not make the round of the whole in a year.
The personal property of these tribes consists chiefly of horses. A man’s wealth is estimated by the number of these animals he owns. Besides which they have their lodges, guns, clothing, and cooking utensils. Possession of an article of small value is a right seldom disputed, if the article has been honestly obtained, as their laws of retaliation are too severe to admit of constant quarrels. But horses being their principal aim, possessing them is nothing without force to defend. To explain this fully it will be necessary to give a few examples of the different kinds of rights and their tenure. Rights to property are of the following description: Articles found, articles made by themselves, stolen from enemies, given them, and bought. Two Indians traveling together, one discovers a lost horse and points it out to the other, who pursues and succeeds in catching it. Now the one who made the discovery claims a portion of the horse on the ground that had he not seen it or not shown it to the other most likely it would not be in his possession. The other, therefore, to extinguish this claim, would be obliged to pay some article equivalent to half the value of the horse, which in case he refused to do would end in the horse being killed on the spot, and the dispute terminated. The same rule would apply to finding a gun, but smaller articles would not attract attention enough to produce a quarrel. An article is considered lost when the owner has abandoned the search.
All clothing, skins, arms, etc., made by themselves are the sole property of those who made them, and this is the only general right among them that admits of no dispute. To take away such things by force would be reckoned a mean action; would be discountenanced individually by all; and the perpetrator would fall into general disgrace, among both men and women. When horses are stolen from enemies the case is different. Suppose seven Indians conjointly steal 45 horses in the night from their enemies. They would drive them off in a body until beyond reach of pursuit and then each would lay claim, catch, and keep as many as he could manage and defend. No equal division or anything like it would take place. Men of desperate character would take the greater part and leave milder or less strongly supported Indians with one or two and some would get none. To do this sometimes two to four will combine against the others and take the largest share, but one or two men seldom carry this so far as to incur the resentment of the rest of the party. It generally depends upon the number of relatives each has with him, or his force in camp, before either of which those not so strongly supported must give way. Quarrels often occur about these divisions, and horses in dispute are killed or stolen in the night by those who have few from those who have many before their return home.
An Indian never gives away anything without some expectation of a return or some other interested motive. If one observes another in possession of a fine horse he would like to have he will take the occasion of some feast or dance and publicly present him with a gun or something of value, flattering his bravery, praising his liberality, and throwing out general hints as to his object, though not directly mentioning it. He will let the matter rest thus for some days, and if the other does not present him with the horse will demand his gift returned, which is done.
One will sometimes give a horse to another for some purpose or equivalent and allow him to keep it; but should the receiver give the horse to a third person the original owner will often claim him and take him back, giving for his reason that he did not bestow him on that person, and although he had presented him to the first, he should have kept him and not given him away to another. Smaller gifts are regarded in the light of loans and generally paid for in some way. They may be considered as exchanges of necessities which they take this way to effect.
One would think that an article bought by them or of them should be the property of the purchaser, but this is not always the case. If an Indian buys a horse from another and it is stolen the first night or two afterwards, or lamed the first race, part, and sometimes the whole, of the payment must be returned to pacify the loser.
If a gun is bought and it bursts or is broken shortly afterwards, in like manner a refund of a portion of the purchase money would be required. And worse still if the gun in the act of bursting had crippled the man’s hands, which is often the case, the accident would also be paid for by him who sold the gun. These things are so well known and anticipated among them that the vendor immediately after the accident or loss invites the loser to a feast and by the payment of something settles the matter. This has the effect of their having but few bargains or dealings with each other, so much so that a horse bought and paid for by us from them can not be resold to one of their own people if they know it, because the original owner will take it if he sees it in the hands of one of his own people and that person is in a situation to be thus imposed upon. Most of their horses having had several owners, they are always a precarious gift or purchase. Property obtained by gambling is also held by a very slight tenure, so much so that the loser has many chances in his favor and these operations are much fairer among them than among whites.
Robberies of each other on any large scale are seldom attempted.
They would attract the notice and induce the interference of the camp soldiers and relations of the robbed, and bloodshed would be the consequence. Infractions of smaller rights are left to individual settlement and are paid for. What prevents impositions in smaller matters is the disgrace and disgust that would fall upon any man guilty of petty infringements of personal rights.
With regard to the Indian of the British dominions applying to an agent of the United States for the payment of a private debt contracted by a north Briton, a resident of Hudson Bay, the probable operation of his mind was as follows: “All whites are very particular in endeavoring to collect their debts from Indians, and the richer are less generous. White traders are interlopers. The country, game, and all else in the territory belong to the Indians. The whites have no claims upon our generosity; are entitled to nothing without paying for it. Now a white man owes me, and from him I can get nothing. Indian agents are sent expressly to see justice done the Indians, are responsible and sensible, besides being rich and powerful. He will perhaps allow me my claim, or interpose his authority with the Hudson Bay people to make them pay. It is at least worthy of a trial, for if I gain nothing I lose nothing.”
Most Indians of the British possessions in America, at least the Cree and Chippewa, are a great deal farther advanced in knowledge of every kind than those of whom we write. They have tolerably correct ideas of right and wrong and are famed for the shrewdness they exhibit in all kinds of dealings, to their own advantage. It is not even likely that if this Indian claim was not settled by the agent spoken to, he therefore abandoned it, but it is more probable that he dunned every one of the Hudson Bay traders for years until he got some remuneration. We have known an Indian at Fort Union to claim payment for carrying out three bundles belonging to one of our people when the fort was on fire. This demand was made 12 years after the circumstance happened. They never forget a claim on whites, but never recollect one upon themselves.
How right to territory originally accrued can perhaps be learned by the way in which it is here discussed. None of these prairie tribes claim a special right to any circumscribed or limited territory. Their arguments are these, and have been before mentioned. All the prairie or territory in the West (known to them) and now occupied by all the Indians was created by Wakoñda for their sole use and habitation. To maintain this they state the entire fitness of the Indian for the life of a hunter; his good legs, eyes, and other qualifications which they do not allow to any other persons. The suitableness of the prairie for the support of great numbers of buffalo, and the wooded streams for smaller game, together with the adaptness of the game to their wants in meat, clothing, lodges, etc. All this is to prove their general right to the whole of the hunting grounds, where buffalo are to be found and Indians stationed. Now each nation finds themselves in possession of a portion of these lands, necessary for their preservation. They are therefore determined to keep them from aggression by every means in their power. Should the game fail, they have a right to hunt it in any of their enemies’ country, in which they are able to protect themselves.
It is not land or territory they seek in this but the means of subsistence, which every Indian deems himself entitled to, even should he be compelled to destroy his enemies or risk his own life to obtain it. Moreover, they are well aware that the surrounding nations would do the same and sweep them off entirely if they could with impunity, and each claims the same right. Possession is nothing without power to retain, and force to repel, and to defend with success they must limit themselves to a certain extent of territory, for by separating their force too widely they would be cut off in detail. By these different necessary locations the country has been parceled out, each holding what they can with safety occupy, and making any encroachments they are able. They claim the land as theirs because that portion affords the means of subsistence with more security than by moving elsewhere they could procure. To sell their lands, they say, would be the same as to sell their means of living, for by moving elsewhere large bodies of enemies would require to be displaced, which could not be effected without great loss and perhaps failure. Indians who cultivate, such as the Mandan, Gros Ventres, and Arikara, only claim as their own the small patches that they till, and their right even to these (individually) only exists as long as they are occupied by the crops of the cultivator.
Should he fence it in and work it every year no one would dispute his right to do so, but if the land be left idle some other would plant upon it. It is in fact merely loaned from the general district for the purpose of him who wishes to cultivate. There being no scarcity of land, however, no difficulties occur on this point. From this view it would appear that their right to territory is nothing more than defending that portion on which they are located as necessary for their support. Invasion of a neighboring tribe’s country would only be the consequence of famine or scarcity of game in their own and would be looked upon by them in the light of extending their hunting after the buffalo (which is the property of all Indians) into another part of the great plains intended by Wakoñda for their support, being aware at the same time that they risk their lives by so doing. The foregoing are the outlines of the arguments they use. It is because they are at war that their lands appear to be distinct portions assigned to each nation, although between each there are several hundred miles of neutral ground, the nature of their forces not admitting of closer approximation. Were all at peace it would present the feature of one great estate on which each would rove and hunt when and where he pleased, and what is now neutral would become hunting grounds. But as long as hunting was their sole occupation no claims would be set up by any man to a certain portion of land.
They must become stationary, acquire property, real estate, before land becomes of any value in their estimation, further than the space it affords to game of all kinds to live and increase for their benefit.
There is no general or fixed law of primogeniture. The eldest son is, however, mostly a favorite, and although the custom is not universal we have known instances of legacies left. If the parent be a chief he will, if time permits, present his eldest son with his medal when he anticipates death, if his son is of sufficient age to wear it. They are anxious to be succeeded in their office by some of their children, and the eldest would soonest be of sufficient age to take upon himself the responsibility. But unfortunately for the wishes of the parent the office or station of chief does not depend upon the law of primogeniture, or any other, but upon the will of the greater part to be ruled by him who is thus designated, and the capacities and standing of the applicant. The chief whose speech is recorded on page 598 presented his medal to his eldest son when on his death bed in the presence of 20 or 30 persons of his band, intimating his desire that his son should take his place and “follow in the footsteps of his father.” The son not being the popular choice, another was appointed and the medal was left in our possession, where it yet remains, though his son was of age at his father’s (la-Chef-qui-parle) death six years ago, and is living yet, and has progressed no further than becoming a camp soldier.
Most of these Indians die violent deaths, either by war, accidents of the chase, or rapid diseases, and thus have no opportunity to dispose of their property, yet even when they have time do not often do it, owing to the difficulty of having these requests fulfilled after their demise. The dying request of a chief or warrior, if he makes any, is that his favorite horse, or sometimes two or three horses, shall be killed at his grave. Other horses, his gun, etc., are sometimes given to his relatives as bequests, and this gift contains an intimation to go to war after his death. The death of a warrior entails revenge, from, whatever cause his death arises—sickness or accident. The horses, therefore, there bequeathed are put in mourning by having their mane, tail, and ears cut off and their body smeared over with white clay. These, with the guns and other weapons bequeathed, are taken on the first war expedition by the persons who received them. We have been appointed executor of the will of an Indian who died at Fort Union some years since from a wound through the bowels. A short time before his death (about three hours) he called us to his bedside and made a distribution of some horses and other property to be kept for his children’s use, and desired his best running horse to be shot on the spot where he was to be buried, while he was yet living, which with the other requests were attended to.
There can be no doubt that if they were certain their dying requests would be fulfilled the custom of bequeathing their property when the circumstances of their death admitted it would be more general; but they know that the customs are such that after death all property must pass into the hands of strangers, as will be stated under the head of Death and Its Consequences. Even when dying bequests are made they are not always carried out. The horses and other property thus given to their families are given to others who cut their legs and bodies and cry a great deal at the interment, or rather on the occasion of their placing the body in a tree, as they usually do. When the great chief of the Crows, Long Hair, died no less than four hands were held out by four different Crow Indians, each offering to cut off two fingers to obtain the chief’s war horse that he ordered to be killed upon his grave, but their offers were rejected and the horse was killed.
Crime of any and all kinds among them is considered an offense to the individual and as such liable to punishment by the person offended. But no idea of a moral offense toward the Great Spirit is exhibited or consequent future punishment feared. All our endeavors to extract from them even an acknowledgment of the greatest crimes being morally wrong have been unavailing. They can not see that any act of theirs should meet with punishment after death because they think they have just cause for these acts, and also they do not believe in future punishments at all. To illustrate the first position, we will present their arguments on the greatest of crimes, murder. An Indian never commits what in his mind would be equal to murder in our estimation. There is no inducement in any case for them to murder a man for his horses, wife, or any other property they possess, for this step, instead of securing these advantages, would operate in quite an opposite direction, making it necessary for the murderer to relinquish his own property and that of his nearest relatives to pay the damage; also forfeiting his own life and becoming an outcast. And this is the reason why their disputes so seldom terminate in bloodshed, as the prospect of loss is far greater than that of gain. When they do kill among themselves it is in consequence of some quarrel about property, or about something, and this they are then in a manner obliged to do, to save their own life. It then becomes self-defense or a necessary action induced by the principle of fear and their constant habit of carrying and raising arms. In no instance does an Indian take life, except that of his enemies, without provocation.
A horse, a woman, a gun, or any other article may be the cause of a quarrel, and threats and menaces pass which place each under the necessity of destroying the other to save himself. They say they can not do otherwise, and often regret the necessity. To kill an enemy, instead of being reckoned an act ungrateful to Wakoñda, is thought by them to be highly pleasing, therefore his aid to accomplish this and even private revenge is sought in prayers, fasts, sacrifices, etc. All mankind have, they think, an equal right to live, and an equal right to preserve that right, and it is the sense of this self-preservation that compels them to remove any danger in their way, such as wild beasts, enemies, or any of their own people whom they are aware are only waiting an opportunity against themselves; and it is also this right to life and fear of being assassinated that compels them to take every advantage to accomplish the destruction of the danger pending. We have questioned several Indians on this subject who have killed their own people and all have led to the same subject, viz., the necessity imposed upon them by quarrels to kill or be killed. To act otherwise when all peaceful means have failed would be considered as the height of foolishness and cowardice. An Indian does not take life from mere thirst for blood, nor, as has been stated, to acquire property, as in either case no advantage would be gained. When they waylay and murder whites they believe they are doing right; that whites have no business in their country, and are therefore looked upon in the light of enemies.
They do not kill the white traders among each nation, or in the few instances they have done so it was from some motive of revenge, right in their estimation and in conformity to their law of retaliation. When the Blackfeet kill the whites at the Crow Fort it is from no enmity to the whites as a people, for they could if they wished kill plenty in their own country; it is that they do not wish the Crows, their enemies, to have traders who supply them with the means of killing them, by trading guns, ammunition, etc. The same reasoning on their own side is the cause of their friendship toward their own traders. Revenge, the great principle of destroying life, is strongly contended for by the Indians as necessary to their existence, both individually and as a body. The fear of the consequences of dispute prevents it, or generally is settled amicably by payment. There being no competent judiciary to try and punish crime renders it necessary for each one to retaliate, or they would be liable to constant imposition. That revenge among them supplies the want of courts of justice, prisons, and public executions. If the revenge is disproportionate to the offense, it can not be helped; their habits, customs, and organization all have that tendency. In all this they see no offense to Wakoñda nor any idea of moral wrong, even if they did believe in future punishment, which they do not, yet they know it is an offense to the individual and all his relatives, incurring their retaliation, which is the only punishment they expect.
Inasmuch as the warrior believes that by prayers, fasts, personal inflictions of pain and sacrifices they can secure the aid of Wakoñda to effect the death of their enemies or for the gratification of private revenge, by the same train of reasoning it must be manifest that the soul of a warrior must occupy a high degree of happiness in Indian paradise for accomplishing these acts through his instrumentality.
The death of a man who killed another would suffice if it were possible to stop there, but we have said enough on this subject to show they have no power to stop. The taking of the second life produces an obligation on the part of the kindred of the deceased to revenge, and retaliation is continued. The original cause of quarrel is lost in the greater necessity of defending life on either side. Therefore in their yet deplorable state of ignorance the crime of murder as an act of the same nature in our ideas can have no existence among them, neither can anything be morally wrong in which the aid of Wakoñda is invoked and if successful obtained. Robbery or theft is also an individual offense though not by them considered as such to Wakoñda. An Indian gives for his reason for stealing an article that his necessities required it and he could not get it any other way. He will not steal an article he does not want or can not use and run useless risk of detection, but a horse, gun, knife, of other things will sometimes be taken and the act excused on the plea of his necessities.
The risk attending the extraction of large articles or the disgrace incurred by pilfering is, they grant, all the punishment necessary, and these seldom are attended with any serious consequences. All must live some way and the right to property not being well defined—besides each being accustomed to frequent reverses—stealing is looked upon more as a means of subsistence necessitated by the state of their peculiar wants, and does not present the idea of theft to them as an immoral act or one tending to aggravate Wakoñda. Robberies to the extent of depriving another of his means of living are seldom if ever attempted, though retaliation would of course be severe in proportion, and in the progress of this retaliation the property thus acquired, be it horses or women, would be destroyed, besides the risk attending the robber personally.
Fornication and adultery are not considered offenses to Wakoñda. If the consent of the woman has been obtained, punishment is seldom inflicted on the man unless caught in the act. The woman, however, is punished in various ways, sometimes, though not usually, by death. The property of the offender is taken or destroyed for his trespass on the property of the offended. The chastity of any woman not the property of another man may be violated without any moral sense of wrong presenting itself, though the seducer would be liable to be made to pay or in default of doing so his horses would be killed by the relatives of the woman. Moreover, they look upon women as intended for this purpose, and only take into consideration the different claims upon them as an article of property.
Rapes on virgins are nearly unknown. Were such a crime accomplished the law would be death to the perpetrator, not because it is morally wrong, but because it depreciates the price of the woman and lessens her chance of marriage. It is also considered as an insult to her relatives, intimating a contempt of their feelings and power of protection.
The evils arising from falsehood or lying are with them of small importance. Any lies an Indian could invent would not be productive of any great evil, and owing to their associations the falsehood would soon appear. This being the case it is not regarded as a great offense even to the individual, much less Wakoñda. They all lie occasionally, and the custom is so common as scarcely to attract any further notice than their ridicule. Therefore there is no punishment attending on it further than the person famed for lying would be neglected and despised by the others. To call an Indian a liar would be insult certainly, but not in the same degree as the same epithet among whites. It would not be aggravation enough alone to merit a blow or any revenge. There is no such thing as profane swearing among any of these prairie tribes, nor is there a word in their language equivalent to even the smallest profane oaths in such general use among whites. The name of Wakoñda is never mentioned without manifestations of awe and reverence. In this respect at least they are far superior to their Christian brethren. In conclusion of this answer we come again to the starting point.
What in their estimation is crime, is wrong, is an offense to Wakoñda? Crime and wrong can be nothing more than offenses to persons subject to their law of retaliation, the punishment being greater or less according to the object which entails it. Although they do not believe in future punishments, yet they think that Wakoñda can be offended and does punish in this life; not for crimes, as they have no existence, but for neglect of proper fasts, sacrifices, and personal privations and inflictions necessary to propitiate his anger. They believe that they are under obligations to worship Wakoñda, not from the fact of their creation or even as to the author of all good, but through fear of his power. In almost every emergency an Indian can be placed, the cause of which is not visible or the result doubtful, that is, where his own powers fail, he applies to Wakoñda. These applications are made by presenting to the Sun, Thunder, and other supernatural agencies offerings of considerable value, by fasting, by lacerating their bodies, prayers, and incantations, with the view of avoiding sickness in their families, personal harm of every description, attacks of enemies, to obtain success in war, to collect the buffalo near their camp, to avoid the attacks of bears, strokes of lightning, or even the appearance of ghosts. Where success has not followed these rites and ceremonies they believe it is caused by the offerings not being of sufficient value, or not of long duration, or their having been too seldom performed. Therefore the neglect or incompetency of these sacrifices constitutes the crime and the punishment is visible in the misfortune that occurs. This part of the subject will meet with further consideration under the head of religion.
Prayer of a Warrior.17—“O Wakoñda, you see me a poor man; have pity upon me. I go to war to revenge the death of my brother; have pity upon me. I smoke this tobacco taken from my medicine sack, where it has been enveloped with the remains of my dead brother.18 I smoke it to my Tutelary, to you; aid me in revenge. On my path preserve me from mad wolves. Let no enemies surprise me. I have sacrificed, I have smoked, my heart is low, have pity upon me. Give me the bows and arrows of my enemies. Give me their guns. Give me their horses. Give me their bodies. Let me have my face blackened on my return. Let good weather come that I can see. Good dreams give that I can judge where they are. I have suffered. I wish to live. I wish to be revenged. I am poor. I want horses. I will sacrifice. I will smoke. I will remember; have pity upon me.”
Prayer to Ghosts.—“Spirits of our dead relatives, I make this feast for you to call you all around me. I smoke this tobacco which has been inclosed with your hair; be near us and hear. My friends are around me, and you are called to the feast. Call on all the spirits of our dead friends to aid in giving us what we ask. Make the buffalo come near and the clouds and wind fair to approach them, that we may always have meat in camp to feed us and you. Help us in every way; let our children live. Let us live. Call on all these spirits and ask them to assist you in helping us.
“If we hunt, be with us. If we go to war, be with us. Enable us to revenge some of your deaths upon our enemies. They have killed you; they have brought our hearts low. Bring their hearts low also. Let us blacken our faces. Keep us from harm, rest quiet, we will not cease to cry for and remember you. You are remembered in this feast, eat some of it [here small bits are scattered around]. This to you, my father. This for you, my grandfather, my uncle, my brother, the relations of all present eat, rest in quiet, do not let disease trouble us. We eat for you, we cry for you, we cut ourselves for you.”
In conclusion, if the spirit addressed be recently dead they will all cry, and some of the immediate relatives cut their legs and arms, but if it is a feast to the memory of those long since dead some of the concluding words are left out. There is a good deal of repetition and often a long prayer is said, but the above is in amount what they ask. For the previous ceremony before the prayer is said, see the article where feasts to the dead are described.
They say the moon is a hot body and derives its light from its own nature, not as a reflection of the sun’s rays; that it is eaten up monthly or during a given period by a great number of moles, which they call we-as-poo-gah (moon nibblers). These moles are numerous all over the prairies, have pointed noses, no teeth, and burrow in the ground. They (the Indians) believe that in eating up the moon their noses are burned off, their teeth worn out, and for their damage have been cast down from above, where they are doomed to burrow in the earth and get nothing to eat. The same operation is going on all the time by other moles, who in their turn will be thrown down. They think Wakoñda causes a new moon to grow when the old one has been destroyed. The moon is not supposed to be an abiding place for beings, but is worshipped and sacrificed to on account of its affording light by which to travel at night. They take the dark part of the face of the moon to be a large light Man holding kettle in each hand. Stars are other bodies of fire far off, which they admit may be the residences of spirits or beings, though no great stress is laid on the idea. They are not regarded as parts of a system. Except the Polar Star and the Ursa Major, but few of the planets, if any, are known.
The Indians show great veneration for their parents and affection among brothers and sisters; more, perhaps, to their parents than the others; but this only continues as long as they are vigorous enough to hunt, travel, and follow the camp. When old age and helplessness come on they are neglected. In proportion as age advances, veneration diminishes, and when parents become a burden they are left in some encampment with a small supply of provisions, which being exhausted, they perish. Age is under no circumstances the object of veneration; the fate of very old brothers and sisters is the same. They excuse themselves from this unnatural act by saying they are unable to transport them and that they are of no more use; also that it is the request of the old persons. This may be true, and it is likely that the life they lead in camp or in traveling, exposed to all weather and hardship, renders death desirable. There are very few very old Indians. They are not a long-lived people, and this is the reason these acts are not of more frequent occurrence. We do not know that the striking of a parent would be deemed a crime; at least no punishment would follow from others, but it is not customary and would be considered disgraceful. Eight years since this period we were present when an Indian shot his father dead for striking his mother, but this is the only instance of the kind we ever saw or heard of, and the person is despised by all, besides being since that afflicted by an incurable disease resembling scrofula. Indian priests, doctors, or conjurors are not more venerated on account of their supposed supernatural powers, but are somewhat feared, and sometimes persecuted or killed for supposed inflictions of diseases by sorcery. This fear is general but secret, and these men are neither venerated nor associated with as much as ordinary persons. If their services be required they are paid, and afterwards let alone, at least not trifled with nor loved. We can not by close inquiry find that any of these Indians ever killed by stoning a person, though enemies are tortured in almost every other way, if taken alive.
All these Indians believe in a Great Power, the First Cause of Creation, though they do not attempt to embody this idea, and call it by name Wah-con-tun´-ga or Great Medicine.19 The word “medicine” in this case has no reference to the use of drugs, but the sense of it is all that is incomprehensible, supernatural, all-powerful, etc. Everything that can not be explained, accounted for by ordinary means, or all that is above the comprehension and power of man (Indians) is called Wah-con or medicine. Thus their own priests or jugglers are named Wah-con. A steamboat, clock, machine, or even toys, of the movements of which or the principle of motion they could not account for, would likewise be termed Wah-con. Now, Wa-coñda refers to something greater than is within the power of man to accomplish, and its effects are manifested in the elements, natural phenomena, sickness, death, great distress, or loss from enemies, famine, lightning, and any other thing to them unaccountable by any visible means. They think Wakoñda pervades all air, earth, and sky; that it is in fact omnipresent and omnipotent, though subject to be changed and enlisted on their part in any undertaking if the proper ceremonies, sacrifices, and fasts are resorted to. They consider its power to be made applicable to either good or evil according to their observance of these ceremonies. They admit the existence of its good in years of great abundance of game, seasons of general health, triumphs over enemies, etc.; and its evil or danger is felt in every loss, infectious disease, or distress, the cause of which they are ignorant. These are the attributes of Wakoñda, and his residence is supposed by some to be in the sun, but his power everywhere.
They do not acknowledge any separate existing evil spirit or influence, though they have a name for this in their language, but the idea has been implanted by whites in later years, and can not by them be realized. All unaccountable evil is a dispensation of the anger of Wakoñda, which it is in their power to avoid by the proper fasts, sacrifices, etc., and which they all do.
Now this Supernatural Unknown Cause or Mystery created all things in the beginning. After the earth a few men and women of different colors were made, from whom descended all people. Different races were created for different pursuits. They say that to the whites was allotted education, knowledge of the mechanical arts, of machinery, etc., and therefore the whites in many things are Wah-con. They were also made rich and clothed, or have the means of getting clothing, and everything they want without hardship or exposure. The Indians, they say, were made naked and with such qualifications as to suit a hunter, knowledge enough to make his arms and use them at war or in the chase, a constitution to stand severe cold, long fasting, excessive fatigue, and watchfulness, and this was their portion. The position and pursuits of people were not defined by any laws, oral or otherwise delivered, but each with the powers granted him was enabled to live. The hunter soon found out that he could make traps and weapons, and felt his superiority over the animal creation.
They believe all animals are made for the use of man and more especially for the Indians, their meat being for food and their skin for clothing, “for” say they, “if not for that use for what other purpose?” Indians must have meat, and they eat all animals and birds, even to the crow and rattlesnake.20 The prairie (the earth) was made for grazing the buffalo, and rivers to produce fuel, etc. The whites from their superior knowledge soon found out their destiny—to make everything, subdue everything, and make even the Indians work for their benefit. People were left in this state and each pursued their different occupations.
We can not trace in any of their conversations or religion any appearance of a moral code nor any offenses they can be guilty of toward Wakoñda except the omission of worship. If they had an idea of the kind they would undoubtedly do penance and offer sacrifices for these acts, but this is not the case. There is no repentance for past deeds; all ceremonies and worship is to avoid present or future evil. What we term crime can not be an offense to Wakoñda, as its aid is invoked to commit the greatest of them. Their idea of Wakoñda or Great Unknown Power is, we believe, nothing more than the fear of evil befalling them, the averting of which is beyond the power of man. Therefore they make sacrifices, fasts, prayers, etc., to this Unknown Power which they know from actual phenomena has an existence, and think His aid can thus be secured.
But they can go no further. They have no idea of a Being whose attributes are mercy, forgiveness, benevolence, truth, justice, etc., nor will they have until these words have a signification and appreciation among themselves. This view is the correct and general one among all the prairie tribes, though it is often clothed in superstitious narrative of fable not necessary to be inserted here. War and peace would not be recognized as His special acts, as they know these things depend upon themselves, but success or defeat would be, as that is beyond their power or knowledge when they start to war. Consequently, a successful warrior or leader is always said to be Wah-con or divine—that is, one who has by some means secured the aid of Wakoñda. Natural phenomena unattended by either good or evil results would pass by unnoticed, but destructive tornadoes, deaths by lightning, by diseases such as apoplexy or unaccountable accidents would be regarded as His special acts. Eclipses, thunder, and lightning are warnings, and to these sacrifices are made with the view of averting the danger intimated, yet unknown. From this dread of unaccountable evil arises their repugnance to talk on the subject. To do so would lay open their secrets of apprehensions, of sacrifices, and might, they think, by levity produce the evil they wish to avoid or a counterpoise of sacrifice on the part of some one else render theirs unavailing.
For the further explanation of this subject it will be proper to state some of thier sacrifices and ceremonies so that a minute survey of the operations of their minds can be realized. The greatest public or national ceremony of the Assiniboin is the Sacred Lodge. The time for this is appointed by some divining man of known repute and invitations are sent to the different camps to attend. Lodges are placed in the form of a long tent by posts planted a few yards apart and others transversely, over which are stretched many lodge skins to form one building about 100 yards long and 5 or 6 yards wide. To these transverse poles are tied all offerings to Wakoñda, though principally to the Sun and Thunder. These offerings consist of skins of value, different kinds of cloth, beads, kettles, and any new articles the donator can afford and is willing to sacrifice, in proportionate value as their wishes to effect some object or to avoid some danger they apprehend exists. A mast about 40 feet high is raised in front of the building and the raising of this requires the presence of all the men and women, who all the time sing a kind of hymn or tune, though no words are used in it. This, mast is painted and decked out very gaily. All are dressed in their very best raiment and the whole presents a lively and interesting appearance. The divining man who called the meeting on the first day goes through many prayers and ceremonies with the pipe, the tenor of which are invocations for general health and success both in war and the chase, and for the avoiding of any and all unknown evil or accidents.
The second day is devoted to dancing and feasting on the very best they can produce, and this is the only dance among them except the scalp dance where men and women dance together. On the third day is exhibited feats of sleight of hand and tricks, some of which are very well done and serve to increase their belief in the supernatural powers of the divining men who perform them. On the fourth day these sacrifices are taken down, destroyed in such manner as to be of no use to anyone who finds them, and hung on different trees or bushes in the neighborhood. The divining man who called the meeting receives presents from a good many who attend, of horses and other property, and it generally proves a good speculation on his part. This is done but once a year and is their only form of national worship.
The common way in which sacrifices are made by individuals is thus: The Indian takes some article of value alone into the hills or woods, lights the pipe, and invokes the aid of Wakoñda in whatever he desires to succeed, promising a repetition on a certain time.21 This article is then damaged or destroyed and left there. After this he returns to his lodge, kills a dog, makes a feast, and invites his neighbors, by whom the flesh is eaten and small portions thrown on the ground as a respect to Wakoñda. It does not appear, however, that the killing and eating of the animal is considered as part of the sacrifice further than to add to the importance of the ceremony.
A feast of corn, flour, or berries is as often used on these occasions as animal flesh. The article sacrificed must be something of value, must have caused the Indian some trouble or expense to procure; otherwise it is of no avail. On one occasion an Indian bought at this place the following three articles at the price of six buffalo robes, viz., two kettle covers, a ball that had been shot out of a gun, and a chew of tobacco that had been thrown away. Now, although he could have procured any of these articles for nothing in his own camp, yet according to his promise to Wakoñda he was obliged to pay a high price and to travel a long distance to procure them.
Every warrior or man of family among them makes these sacrifices whenever he feels disposed, or their promises to Wakoñda become due, and if they do not fulfill these promises or neglect these ceremonies they are punished, or at least any accident, loss, or failure would be attributed to this cause, that could not be accounted for by any other. Another mode resorted to of propitiating the anger of Wakoñda or securing his aid is fasting and cutting their bodies. This is not much practiced by the Assiniboin except for success in war.
Several principal warriors will lie out in the cold, rain, or snow for three or four days and nights, without eating, drinking, smoking, or speaking, making internal prayers to Wakoñda to aid them in accomplishing their objects and the dreams that present themselves under these circumstances are received as favorable or unfavorable omens according to the nature of the visions presented. This is done by those who are desirous of leading a war party or becoming capable to lead by some great exploit, and the leader chosen is he whose dream appears to present the greatest appearance of success. These fasts are sometimes accompanied by cutting the breast with a knife horizontally or the arms transversely above the elbow, making incisions about 3 or 4 inches long and half an inch deep, which are not bound up. Among the Mandan and Gros Ventres these ceremonies are still more severe. Incisions are made on each side of the shoulder blade on the back and a stout stick is thrust through. A cord is then attached to the stick and they are drawn up off their feet to a post planted for the purpose. By an impetus given with their feet they throw themselves out from the post and swing themselves around violently until the cord winds and unwinds successively, for one or two days, when the hold breaks and they fall to the ground.
If not already too much weakened, new incisions are made and cords 10 or 12 feet long are tied therein. To the ends of these cords are attached three or four buffalo bulls’ heads and horns, each weighing from 15 to 20 pounds, and they drag this weight over the ground, the horns plowing it up until the holds break, or fainting from exhaustion they are carried away by their relatives. Nothing is eaten or drunk during all this time.22