In his playing the great artist rendered exquisitely that kind
  of agitated trepidation, timid or breathless, which seizes the
  heart when one believes one's self in the vicinity of
  supernatural beings, in presence of those whom one does not
  know either how to divine or to lay hold of, to embrace or to
  charm. He always made the melody undulate like a skiff borne
  on the bosom of a powerful wave; or he made it move vaguely
  like an aerial apparition suddenly sprung up in this tangible
  and palpable world. In his writings he at first indicated this
  manner which gave so individual an impress to his virtuosity
  by the term tempo rubato: stolen, broken time—a measure at
  once supple, abrupt, and languid, vacillating like the flame
  under the breath which agitates it, like the corn in a field
  swayed by the soft pressure of a warm air, like the top of
  trees bent hither and thither by a keen breeze.

  But as the term taught nothing to him who knew, said nothing
  to him who did not know, understand, and feel, Chopin
  afterwards ceased to add this explanation to his music, being
  persuaded that if one understood it, it was impossible not to
  divine this rule of irregularity. Accordingly, all his
  compositions ought to be played with that kind of accented,
  rhythmical balancement, that morbidezza, the secret of which
  it was difficult to seize if one had not often heard him play.

Let us try if it is not possible to obtain a clearer notion of this mysterious tempo rubato. Among instrumentalists the "stolen time" was brought into vogue especially by Chopin and Liszt. But it is not an invention of theirs or their time. Quanz, the great flutist (see Marpurg: "Kritische Beitrage." Vol. I.), said that he heard it for the first time from the celebrated singer Santa Stella Lotti, who was engaged in 1717 at the Dresden Opera, and died in 1759 at Venice. Above all, however, we have to keep in mind that the tempo rubato is a genus which comprehends numerous species. In short, the tempo rubato of Chopin is not that of Liszt, that of Liszt is not that of Henselt, and so on. As for the general definitions we find in dictionaries, they can afford us no particular enlightenment. But help comes to us from elsewhere. Liszt explained Chopin's tempo rubato in a very poetical and graphic manner to his pupil the Russian pianist Neilissow:—"Look at these trees!" he said, "the wind plays in the leaves, stirs up life among them, the tree remains the same, that is Chopinesque rubato." But how did the composer himself describe it? From Madame Dubois and other pupils of Chopin we learn that he was in the habit of saying to them: "Que votre main gauche soit votre maitre de chapelle et garde toujours la mesure" (Let your left hand be your conductor and always keep time). According to Lenz Chopin taught also: "Angenommen, ein Stuck dauert so und so viel Minuten, wenn das Ganze nur so lange gedauert hat, im Einzelnen kann's anders sein!" (Suppose a piece lasts so and so many minutes, if only the whole lasts so long, the differences in the details do not matter). This is somewhat ambiguous teaching, and seems to be in contradiction to the preceding precept. Mikuli, another pupil of Chopin's, explains his master's tempo rubato thus:—"While the singing hand, either irresolutely lingering or as in passionate speech eagerly anticipating with a certain impatient vehemence, freed the truth of the musical expression from all rhythmical fetters, the other, the accompanying hand, continued to play strictly in time." We get a very lucid description of Chopin's tempo rubato from the critic of the Athenaeum who after hearing the pianist-composer at a London matinee in 1848 wrote:—"He makes free use of tempo rubato; leaning about within his bars more than any player we recollect, but still subject to a presiding measure such as presently habituates the ear to the liberties taken." Often, no doubt, people mistook for tempo rubato what in reality was a suppression or displacement of accent, to which kind of playing the term is indeed sometimes applied. The reader will remember the following passage from a criticism in the "Wiener Theaterzeitung" of 1829:—"There are defects noticeable in the young man's [Chopin's] playing, among which is perhaps especially to be mentioned the non-observance of the indication by accent of the commencement of musical phrases." Mr. Halle related to me an interesting dispute bearing on this matter. The German pianist told Chopin one day that he played in his mazurkas often 4/4 instead of 3/4 time. Chopin would not admit it at first, but when Mr. Halle proved his case by counting to Chopin's playing, the latter admitted the correctness of the observation, and laughing said that this was national. Lenz reports a similar dispute between Chopin and Meyerbeer. In short, we may sum up in Moscheles' words, Chopin's playing did not degenerate into Tactlosigkeit [lit., timelessness], but it was of the most charming originality. Along with the above testimony we have, however, to take note of what Berlioz said on the subject: "Chopin supportait mal le frein de la mesure; il a pousse beaucoup trap loin, selon moi, l'independance rhythmique." Berlioz even went so far as to say that "Chopin could not play strictly in time [ne pouvait pas jouer regulierement]."

Indeed, so strange was Chopin's style that when Mr. Charles Halle first heard him play his compositions he could not imagine how what he heard was represented by musical signs. But strange as Chopin's style of playing was he thinks that its peculiarities are generally exaggerated. The Parisians said of Rubinstein's playing of compositions of Chopin: "Ce n'est pas ca!" Mr. Halle himself thinks that Rubinstein's rendering of Chopin is clever, but not Chopinesque. Nor do Von Bulow's readings come near the original. As for Chopin's pupils, they are even less successful than others in imitating their master's style. The opinion of one who is so distinguished a pianist and at the same time was so well acquainted with Chopin as Mr. Halle is worth having. Hearing Chopin often play his compositions he got so familiar with that master's music and felt so much in sympathy with it that the composer liked to have it played by him, and told him that when he was in the adjoining room he could imagine he was playing himself.

But it is time that we got off the shoals on which we have been lying so long. Well, Lenz shall set us afloat:—

  In the undulation of the motion, in that suspension and unrest
  [Hangen und Bangen], in the rubato as he understood it, Chopin
  was captivating, every note was the outcome of the best taste
  in the best sense of the word. If he introduced an
  embellishment, which happened only rarely, it was always a
  kind of miracle of good taste. Chopin was by his whole nature
  unfitted to render Beethoven or Weber, who paint on a large
  scale and with a big brush. Chopin was an artist in crayons
  [Pastellmaler], but an INCOMPARABLE one! By the side of Liszt
  he might pass with honour for that master's well-matched wife
  [ebenburtige Frau, i.e., wife of equal rank]. Beethoven's B
  flat major Sonata, Op. 106, and Chopin exclude each other.

One day Chopin took Lenz with him to the Baronne Krudner and her friend the Countess Scheremetjew to whom he had promised to play the variations of Beethoven's Sonata in A flat major (Op. 26). And how did he play them?

  Beautifully [says Lenz], but not so beautifully as his own
  things, not enthrallingly [packend], not en relief, not as a
  romance increasing in interest from variation to variation. He
  whispered it mezza voce, but it was incomparable in the
  cantilena, infinitely perfect in the phrasing of the
  structure, ideally beautiful, but FEMININE! Beethoven is a man
  and never ceases to be one!

  Chopin played on a Pleyel, he made it a point never to give
  lessons on another instrument; they were obliged to get a
  Pleyel. All were charmed, I also was charmed, but only with
  the tone of Chopin, with his touch, with his sweetness and
  grace, with the purity of his style.

Chopin's purity of style, self-command, and aristocratic reserve have to be quite especially noted by us who are accustomed to hear the master's compositions played wildly, deliriously, ostentatiously. J. B. Cramer's remarks on Chopin are significant. The master of a bygone age said of the master of the then flourishing generation:—

  I do not understand him, but he plays beautifully and
  correctly, oh! very correctly, he does not give way to his
  passion like other young men, but I do not understand him.

What one reads and hears of Chopin's playing agrees with the account of his pupil Mikuli, who remarks that, with all the warmth which Chopin possessed in so high a degree, his rendering was nevertheless temperate [massvoll], chaste, nay, aristocratic, and sometimes even severely reserved. When, on returning home from the above-mentioned visit to the Russian ladies, Lenz expressed his sincere opinion of Chopin's playing of Beethoven's variations, the master replied testily: "I indicate (j'indique); the hearer must complete (parachever) the picture." And when afterwards, while Chopin was changing his clothes in an adjoining room, Lenz committed the impertinence of playing Beethoven's theme as he understood it, the master came in in his shirt-sleeves, sat down beside him, and at the end of the theme laid his hand on Lenz's shoulder and said: "I shall tell Liszt of it; this has never happened to me before; but it is beautiful—well, BUT MUST ONE THEN ALWAYS SPEAK SO PASSIONATELY (si declamatoirement)?" The italics in the text, not those in parentheses, are mine. I marked some of Chopin's words thus that they might get the attention they deserve. "Tell me with whom you associate, and I will tell you who you are." Parodying this aphorism one might say, not without a good deal of truth: Tell me what piano you use, and I will tell you what sort of a pianist you are. Liszt gives us all the desirable information as to Chopin's predilection in this respect. But Lenz too has, as we have seen, touched on this point. Liszt writes:—

  While Chopin was strong and healthy, as during the first years
  of his residence in Paris, he used to play on an Erard piano;
  but after his friend Camille Pleyel had made him a present of
  one of his splendid instruments, remarkable for their metallic
  ring and very light touch, he would play on no other maker's.

  If he was engaged for a soiree at the house of one of his
  Polish or French friends, he would often send his own
  instrument, if there did not happen to be a Pleyel in the
  house.

  Chopin was very partial to [affectionnait] Pleyel's pianos,
  particularly on account of their silvery and somewhat veiled
  sonority, and of the easy touch which permitted him to draw
  from them sounds which one might have believed to belong to
  those harmonicas of which romantic Germany has kept the
  monopoly, and which her ancient masters constructed so
  ingeniously, marrying crystal to water.

Chopin himself said:—

  When I am indisposed, I play on one of Erard's pianos and
  there I easily find a ready-made tone. But when I feel in the
  right mood and strong enough to find my own tone for myself, I
  must have one of Pleyel's pianos.

From the fact that Chopin played during his visit to Great Britain in 1848 at public concerts as well as at private parties on instruments of Broadwood's, we may conclude that he also appreciated the pianos of this firm. In a letter dated London, 48, Dover Street, May 6, 1848, he writes to Gutmann: "Erard a ete charmant, il m'a fait poser un piano. J'ai un de Broadwood et un de Pleyel, ce qui fait 3, et je ne trouve pas encore le temps pour les jouer." And in a letter dated Edinburgh, August 6, and Calder House, August 11, he writes to Franchomme: "I have a Broadwood piano in my room, and the Pleyel of Miss Stirling in the salon."

Here, I think, will be the fittest place to record what I have learnt regarding Chopin's musical taste and opinions on music and musicians, and what will perhaps illustrate better than any other part of this book the character of the man and artist. His opinions of composers and musical works show that he had in a high degree les vices de ses qualites. The delicacy of his constitution and the super-refinement of his breeding, which put within his reach the inimitable beauties of subtlest tenderness and grace that distinguish his compositions and distinguished his playing, were disqualifications as well as qualifications. "Every kind of uncouth roughness [toutes les rudesses sauvages] inspired him with aversion," says Liszt. "In music as in literature and in every-day life everything which bordered on melodrama was torture to him." In short, Chopin was an aristocrat with all the exclusiveness of an aristocrat.

The inability of men of genius to appreciate the merit of one or the other of their great predecessors and more especially of their contemporaries has often been commented on and wondered at, but I doubt very much whether a musician could be instanced whose sympathies were narrower than those of Chopin. Besides being biographically important, the record of the master's likings and dislikings will teach a useful lesson to the critic and furnish some curious material for the psychological student.

Highest among all the composers, living and dead, Chopin esteemed Mozart. Him he regarded as "the ideal type, the poet par excellence." It is related of Chopin—with what truth I do not know—that he never travelled without having either the score of "Don Giovanni" or that of the "Requiem" in his portmanteau. Significant, although not founded on fact, is the story according to which he expressed the wish that the "Requiem" should be performed at his funeral service. Nothing, however, shows his love for the great German master more unmistakably and more touchingly than the words which on his death-bed he addressed to his dear friends the Princess Czartoryska and M. Franchomme: "You will play Mozart together, and I shall hear you." And why did Chopin regard Mozart as the ideal type, the poet par excellence? Liszt answers: "Because Mozart condescended more rarely than any other composer to cross the steps which separate refinement from vulgarity." But what no doubt more especially stirred sympathetic chords in the heart of Chopin, and inspired him with that loving admiration for the earlier master, was the sweetness, the grace, and the harmoniousness which in Mozart's works reign supreme and undisturbed—the unsurpassed and unsurpassable perfect loveliness and lovely perfection which result from a complete absence of everything that is harsh, hard, awkward, unhealthy, and eccentric. And yet, says Liszt of Chopin:—

  His sybaritism of purity, his apprehension of what was
  commonplace, were such that even in "Don Giovanni," even in
  this immortal chef-d'oeuvre, he discovered passages the
  presence of which we have heard him regret. His worship of
  Mozart was not thereby diminished, but as it were saddened.

The composer who next to Mozart stood highest in Chopin's esteem was Bach. "It was difficult to say," remarks Mikuli, "which of the two he loved most." Chopin not only, as has already been mentioned, had works of Bach on his writing-table at Valdemosa, corrected the Parisian edition for his own use, and prepared himself for his concerts by playing Bach, but also set his pupils to study the immortal cantor's suites, partitas, and preludes and fugues. Madame Dubois told me that at her last meeting with him (in 1848) he recommended her "de toujours travailler Bach," adding that that was the best means of making progress.

Hummel, Field, and Moscheles were the pianoforte composers who seem to have given Chopin most satisfaction. Mozart and Bach were his gods, but these were his friends. Gutmann informed me that Chopin was particularly fond of Hummel; Liszt writes that Hummel was one of the composers Chopin played again and again with the greatest pleasure; and from Mikuli we learn that of Hummel's compositions his master liked best the Fantasia, the Septet, and the Concertos. Liszt's statement that the Nocturnes of Field were regarded by Chopin as "insuffisants" seems to me disproved by unexceptionable evidence. Chopin schooled his pupils most assiduously and carefully in the Nocturnes as well as in the Concertos of Field, who was, to use Madame Dubois's words, "an author very sympathetic to him." Mikuli relates that Chopin had a predilection for Field's A flat Concerto and the Nocturnes, and that, when playing the latter, he used to improvise the most charming embellishments. To take liberties with another artist's works and complain when another artist takes liberties with your own works is very inconsistent, is it not? But it is also thoroughly human, and Chopin was not exempt from the common failing. One day when Liszt did with some composition of Chopin's what the latter was in the habit of doing with Field's Nocturnes, the enraged composer is said to have told his friend to play his compositions as they were written or to let them alone. M. Marmontel writes:—

  Either from a profound love of the art or from an excess of
  conscience personelle, Chopin could not bear any one to touch
  the text of his works. The slightest modification seemed to
  him a grave fault which he did not even forgive his intimate
  friends, his fervent admirers, Liszt not excepted. I have many
  a time, as well as my master, Zimmermann, caused Chopin's
  sonatas, concertos, ballades, and allegros to be played as
  examination pieces; but restricted as I was to a fragment of
  the work, I was pained by the thought of hurting the composer,
  who considered these alterations a veritable sacrilege.

This, however, is a digression. Little need be added to what has already been said in another chapter of the third composer of the group we were speaking of. Chopin, the reader will remember, told Moscheles that he loved his music, and Moscheles admitted that he who thus complimented him was intimately acquainted with it. From Mikuli we learn that Moscheles' studies were very sympathetic to his master. As to Moscheles' duets, they were played by Chopin probably more frequently than the works of any other composer, excepting of course his own works. We hear of his playing them not only with his pupils, but with Osborne, with Moscheles himself, and with Liszt, who told me that Chopin was fond of playing with him the duets of Moscheles and Hummel.

Speaking of playing duets reminds me of Schubert, who, Gutmann informed me, was a favourite of Chopin's. The Viennese master's "Divertissement hongrois" he admired without reserve. Also the marches and polonaises a quatre mains he played with his pupils. But his teaching repertoire seems to have contained, with the exception of the waltzes, none of the works a deux mains, neither the sonatas, nor the impromptus, nor the "Moments musicals." This shows that if Schubert was a favourite of Chopin's, he was so only to a certain extent. Indeed, Chopin even found fault with the master where he is universally regarded as facile princeps. Liszt remarks:—

  In spite of the charm which he recognised in some of
  Schubert's melodies, he did not care to hear those whose
  contours were too sharp for his ear, where feeling is as it
  were denuded, where one feels, so to speak, the flesh
  palpitate and the bones crack under the grasp of anguish. A
  propos of Schubert, Chopin is reported to have said: "The
  sublime is dimmed when it is followed by the common or the
  trivial."
I shall now mention some of those composers with whom Chopin was less
in sympathy. In the case of Weber his approval, however, seems to have
outweighed his censure. At least Mikuli relates that the E minor and
A flat major Sonatas and the "Concertstuck" were among those works for
which his master had a predilection, and Madame Dubois says that he made
his pupils play the Sonatas in C and in A flat major with extreme care.
Now let us hear Lenz:— He could not appreciate Weber; he spoke of
"opera,"  "unsuitable for the piano" [unklaviermassig]! On the whole,
  Chopin was little in sympathy with the GERMAN spirit in music,
  although I heard him say: "There is only ONE SCHOOL, the
  German!"

Gutmann informed me that he brought the A flat major Sonata with him from Germany in 1836 or 1837, and that Chopin did not know it then. It is hard enough to believe that Liszt asked Lenz in 1828 if the composer of the "Freischutz" had also written for the piano, but Chopin's ignorance in 1836 is much more startling. Did fame and publications travel so slowly in the earlier part of the century? Had genius to wait so long for recognition? If the statement, for the correctness of which Gutmann alone is responsible, rests on fact and not on some delusion of memory, this most characteristic work of Weber and one of the most important items of the pianoforte literature did not reach Chopin, one of the foremost European pianists, till twenty years after its publication, which took place in December, 1816.

That Chopin had a high opinion of Beethoven may be gathered from a story which Lenz relates in an article written for the "Berliner Musikzeitung" (Vol. XXVI). Little Filtsch—the talented young Hungarian who made Liszt say: "I shall shut my shop when he begins to travel"—having played to a select company invited by his master the latter's Concerto in E minor, Chopin was so pleased with his pupil's performance that he went with him to Schlesinger's music-shop, asked for the score of "Fidelio," and presented it to him with the words:—"I am in your debt, you have given me great pleasure to-day, I wrote the concerto in a happy time, accept, my dear young friend, the great master work! read in it as long as you live and remember me also sometimes." But Chopin's high opinion of Beethoven was neither unlimited nor unqualified. His attitude as regards this master, which Franchomme briefly indicated by saying that his friend loved Beethoven, but had his dislikes in connection with him, is more fully explained by Liszt.

  However great his admiration for the works of Beethoven might
  be, certain parts of them seemed to him too rudely fashioned.
  Their structure was too athletic to please him; their wraths
  seemed to him too violent [leurs courroux lui semblaient trop
  rugissants]. He held that in them passion too closely
  approaches cataclysm; the lion's marrow which is found in
  every member of his phrases was in his opinion a too
  substantial matter, and the seraphic accents, the Raphaelesque
  profiles, which appear in the midst of the powerful creations
  of this genius, became at times almost painful to him in so
  violent a contrast.

I am able to illustrate this most excellent general description by some examples. Chopin said that Beethoven raised him one moment up to the heavens and the next moment precipitated him to the earth, nay, into the very mire. Such a fall Chopin experienced always at the commencement of the last movement of the C minor Symphony. Gutmann, who informed me of this, added that pieces such as the first movement of the Moonlight Sonata (C sharp minor) were most highly appreciated by his master. One day when Mr. Halle played to Chopin one of the three Sonatas, Op. 31 (I am not sure which it was), the latter remarked that he had formerly thought the last movement VULGAR. From this Mr. Halle naturally concluded that Chopin could not have studied the works of Beethoven thoroughly. This conjecture is confirmed by what we learn from Lenz, who in 1842 saw a good deal of Chopin, and thanks to his Boswellian inquisitiveness, persistence, and forwardness, made himself acquainted with a number of interesting facts. Lenz and Chopin spoke a great deal about Beethoven after that visit to the Russian ladies mentioned in a foregoing part of this chapter. They had never spoken of the great master before. Lenz says of Chopin:—

  He did not take a very serious interest in Beethoven; he knew
  only his principal compositions, the last works not at all.
  This was in the Paris air! People knew the symphonies, the
  quartets of the middle period but little, the last ones not at
  all.

Chopin, on being told by Lenz that Beethoven had in the F minor Quartet anticipated Mendelssohn, Schumann, and him; and that the scherzo prepared the way for his mazurka-fantasias, said: "Bring me this quartet, I do not know it." According to Mikuli Chopin was a regular frequenter of the concerts of the Societe des Concerts du Conservatoire and of the Alard, Franchomme, &c., quartet party. But one of the most distinguished musicians living in Paris, who knew Chopin's opinion of Beethoven, suspects that the music was for him not the greatest attraction of the Conservatoire concerts, that in fact, like most of those who went there, he considered them a fashionable resort. True or not, the suspicion is undeniably significant. "But Mendelssohn," the reader will say, "surely Chopin must have admired and felt in sympathy with this sweet-voiced, well-mannered musician?" Nothing, however, could be farther from the truth. Chopin hated Mendelssohn's D minor Trio, and told Halle that that composer had never written anything better than the first Song without Words. Franchomme, stating the case mildly, says that Chopin did not care much for Mendelssohn's music; Gutmann, however, declared stoutly that his master positively disliked it and thought it COMMON. This word and the mention of the Trio remind me of a passage in Hiller's "Mendelssohn: Letters and Recollections," in which the author relates how, when his friend played to him the D minor Trio after its completion, he was favourably impressed by the fire, spirit, and flow, in one word, the masterly character of the work, but had some misgivings about certain pianoforte passages, especially those based on broken chords, which, accustomed as he was by his constant intercourse with Liszt and Chopin during his stay of several years in Paris to the rich passage work of the new school, appeared to him old-fashioned. Mendelssohn, who in his letters repeatedly alludes to his sterility in the matter of new pianoforte passages, allowed himself to be persuaded by Hiller to rewrite the pianoforte part, and was pleased with the result. It is clear from the above that if Mendelssohn failed to give Chopin his due, Chopin did more than apply the jus talionis.

Schumann, however, found still less favour in the eyes of Chopin than Mendelssohn; for whilst among the works which, for instance, Madame Dubois, who was Chopin's pupil for five years, studied under her master, Mendelssohn was represented at least by the Songs without Words and the G minor Concerto, Schumann was conspicuous by his total absence. And let it be remarked that this was in the last years of Chopin's life, when Schumann had composed and published almost all his important works for pianoforte alone and many of his finest works for pianoforte with other instruments. M. Mathias, Chopin's pupil during the years 1839-1844, wrote to me: "I think I recollect that he had no great opinion of Schumann. I remember seeing the "Carnaval," Op. 9, on his table; he did not speak very highly of it." In 1838, when Stephen Heller was about to leave Augsburg for Paris, Schumann sent him a copy of his "Carnaval" (published in September, 1837), to be presented to Chopin. This copy had a title-page printed in various colours and was most tastefully bound; for Schumann knew Chopin's love of elegance, and wished to please him. Soon after his arrival in Paris, Heller called on the Polish musician and found him sitting for his portrait. On receiving the copy of the "Carnaval" Chopin said: "How beautifully they get up these things in Germany!" but uttered not a word about the music. However, we shall see presently what his opinion of it was. Some time, perhaps some years, after this first meeting with Chopin, Heller was asked by Schlesinger whether he would advise him to publish Schumann's "Carnaval." Heller answered that it would be a good speculation, for although the work would probably not sell well at first, it was sure to pay in the long run. Thereupon Schlesinger confided to Heller what Chopin had told him—namely, that the "Carnaval" was not music at all. The contemplation of this indifference and more than indifference of a great artist to the creations of one of his most distinguished contemporaries is saddening, especially if we remember how devoted Schumann was to Chopin, how he admired him, loved him, upheld him, and idolised him. Had it not been for Schumann's enthusiastic praise and valiant defence Chopin's fame would have risen and spread, more slowly in Germany.

"Of virtuoso music of any kind I never saw anything on his desk, nor do I think anybody else ever did," says Mikuli.. This, although true in the main, is somewhat too strongly stated. Kalkbrenner, whose "noisy virtuosities [virtuosites tapageuses] and decorative expressivities [expressivites decoratives]" Chopin regarded with antipathy, and Thalberg, whose shallow elegancies and brilliancies he despised, were no doubt altogether banished from his desk; this, however, seems not to have been the case with Liszt, who occasionally made his appearance there. Thus Madame Dubois studied under Chopin Liszt's transcription of Rossini's "Tarantella" and of the Septet from Donizetti's "Lucia di Lammermoor." But the compositions of Liszt that had Chopin's approval were very limited in number. Chopin, who viewed making concessions to bad taste at the cost of true art and for the sake of success with the greatest indignation, found his former friend often guilty of this sin. In 1840 Liszt's transcription of Beethoven's "Adelaide" was published in a supplement to the Gazette musicale. M. Mathias happened to come to Chopin on the day when the latter had received the number of the journal which contained the piece in question, and found his master furious, outre, on account of certain cadenzas which he considered out of place and out of keeping.

We have seen in one of the earlier chapters how little Chopin approved of Berlioz's matter and manner; some of the ultra-romanticist's antipodes did not fare much better. As for Halevy, Chopin had no great opinion of him; Meyerbeer's music he heartily disliked; and, although not insensible to Auber's French esprit and liveliness, he did not prize this master's works very highly. Indeed, at the Italian opera-house he found more that was to his taste than at the French opera-houses. Bellini's music had a particular charm for Chopin, and he was also an admirer of Rossini.

The above notes exemplify and show the truth of Liszt's remark:—

  In the great models and the master-works of art Chopin sought
  only what corresponded with his nature. What resembled it
  pleased him; what differed from it hardly received justice
  from him.





CHAPTER XXVI.

1843-1847.

CHOPIN'S PECUNIARY CIRCUMSTANCES, AND BUSINESS EXPERIENCES WITH PUBLISHERS.—LETTERS TO FRANCHOMME.—PUBLICATIONS FROM 1842-7.—SOJOURNS AT NOHANT.—LISZT, MATTHEW ARNOLD, GEORGE SAND, CHARLES ROLLINAT, AND EUGENE DELACROIX ON NOHANT AND LIFE AT NOHANT.—CHOPIN'S MODE OF COMPOSITION.—CHOPIN AND GEORGE SAND TAKE UP THEIR PARIS QUARTERS IN THE CITE D'ORLEANS.—THEIR WAY OF LIFE THERE, PARTICULARLY CHOPIN'S, AS DESCRIBED BY HIS PUPILS LINDSAY SLOPER, MATHIAS, AND MADAME DUBOIS, AND MORE ESPECIALLY BY LENZ, MADAME SAND HERSELF, AND PROFESSOR ALEXANDER CHODZKO (DOMESTIC RELATIONS, APARTMENTS, MANNERS, SYMPATHIES, HIS TALENT FOR MIMICRY, GEORGE SAND'S FRIENDS, AND HER ESTIMATE OF CHOPIN'S CHARACTER).

Chopin's life from 1843 to 1847 was too little eventful to lend itself to a chronologically progressive narrative. I shall, therefore, begin this chapter with a number of letters written by the composer during this period to his friend Franchomme, and then endeavour to describe Chopin's mode of life, friends, character, &c.

The following fascicle of letters, although containing less about the writer's thoughts, feelings, and doings than we could wish, affords nevertheless matter of interest. At any rate, much additional light is thrown on Chopin's pecuniary circumstances and his dealings with his publishers.

Impecuniosity seems to have been a chronic state with the artist and sometimes to have pressed hard upon him. On one occasion it even made him write to the father of one of his pupils, and ask for the payment of the fees for five lessons (100 francs). M. Mathias tells me that the letter is still in his possession. One would hardly have expected such a proceeding from a grand seigneur like Chopin, and many will, no doubt, ask, how it was that a teacher so much sought after, who got 20 francs a lesson, and besides had an income from his compositions, was reduced to such straits. The riddle is easily solved. Chopin was open-handed and not much of an economist: he spent a good deal on pretty trifles, assisted liberally his needy countrymen, made handsome presents to his friends, and is said to have had occasionally to pay bills of his likewise often impecunious lady-love. Moreover, his total income was not so large as may be supposed, for although he could have as many pupils as he wished, he never taught more than five hours a day, and lived every year for several months in the country. And then there is one other point to be taken into consideration: he often gave his lessons gratis. From Madame Rubio I learned that on one occasion when she had placed the money for a series of lessons on the mantel-piece, the master declined to take any of it, with the exception of a 20-franc piece, for which sum he put her name down on a subscription list for poor Poles. Lindsay Sloper, too, told me that Chopin declined payment for the lessons he gave him.

Chopin's business experiences were not, for the most part, of a pleasant nature; this is shown as much by the facts he mentions in his letters as by the distrust with which he speaks of the publishers. Here are some more particulars on the same subject. Gutmann says that Chopin on his return from Majorca asked Schlesinger for better terms. But the publisher, whilst professing the highest opinion of the composer's merit, regretted that the sale of the compositions was not such as to allow him to pay more than he had hitherto done. [FOOTNOTE: Chopin's letters show that Gutmann's statement is correct. Troupenas was Chopin's publisher for some time after his return from Majorca.] Stephen Heller remembered hearing that Breitkopf and Hartel, of Leipzig, wrote to their Paris agent informing him that they would go on publishing Chopin's compositions, although, considering their by no means large sale, the terms at which they got them were too high. Ed. Wolff related to me that one day he drove with his countryman to the publisher Troupenas, to whom Chopin wished to sell his Sonata (probably the one in B flat minor). When after his negotiations with the publisher Chopin was seated again in the carriage, he said in Polish: "The pig, he offered me 200 francs for my Sonata!" Chopin's relations with England were even less satisfactory. At a concert at which Filtsch played, Chopin introduced Stephen Heller to Wessel or to a representative ofthat firm, but afterwards remarked: "You won't find them pleasant to deal with." Chopin at any rate did not find them pleasant to deal with. Hearing that Gutmann was going to London he asked his pupil to call at Wessel's and try to renew the contract which had expired. The publisher on being applied to answered that not only would he not renew the contract, but that he would not even print Chopin's compositions if he got them for nothing. Among the pieces offered was the Berceuse. With regard to this story of Gutmann's it has, however, to be stated that, though it may have some foundation of fact, it is not true as he told it; for Wessel certainly had published the Berceuse by June 26, 1845, and also published in the course of time the five following works. Then, however, the connection was broken off by Wessel. Chopin's grumblings at his English publisher brings before us only one side of the question. The other side comes in view in the following piece of information with which Wessel's successor, Mr. Edwin Ashdown, favoured me:—"In 1847 Mr. Wessel got tired of buying Chopin's works, which at that time had scarcely any sale, and discontinued the agreement, his last assignment from Chopin (of Op. 60, 61, and 62) being dated July 17, 1847." Wessel advertised these works on September 26, 1846.

Although in the first of the following letters the day, month, and year when it was written are not mentioned, and the second and third inform us only of the day and month, but not of the year, internal evidence shows that the first four letters form one group and belong to the year 1844. Chopin places the date sometimes at the head, sometimes at the foot, and sometimes in the middle of his letters; to give it prominence I shall place it always at the head, but indicate where he places it in the middle.

Chateau de Nohant, near La Chatre, Indre [August 1, 1844].

  Dearest [Cherissime],—I send you [FOOTNOTE: In addressing
  Franchomme Chopin makes use of the pronoun of the second
  person singular.] the letter from Schlesinger and another for
  him. Read them. He wishes to delay the publication, and I
  cannot do so. If he says NO, give my manuscripts to Maho
  [FOOTNOTE: See next letter.] so that he may get M. Meissonnier
  [FOOTNOTE: A Paris music-publisher. He brought out in the
  following year (1845) Chopin's Op. 57, Berceuse, and Op. 58,
  Sonate (B minor). The compositions spoken of in this and the
  next two letters are Op. 55, Deux Nocturnes, and Op. 56, Trois
  Mazurkas.] to take them for the same price, 600 francs, I
  believe that he (Schlesinger) will engrave them. They must be
  published on the 20th. But you know it is only necessary to
  register the title on that day. I ask your pardon for
  troubling you with all these things. I love you, and apply to
  you as I would to my brother. Embrace your children. My
  regards to Madame Franchomme.—Your devoted friend,

       F. Chopin.

  A thousand compliments from Madame Sand.
  Chateau de Nohant, Indre, August 2, 1844.

  Dearest,—I was in great haste yesterday when I wrote to you
  to apply at Meissonnier's through Maho IF SCHLESINGER REFUSES
  my compositions. I forgot that Henri Lemoine [FOOTNOTE: A
  Paris music-publisher.] paid Schlesinger a very high price for
  my studies, and that I had rather have Lemoine engrave my
  manuscripts than Meissonnier. I give you much trouble, dear
  friend, but here is a letter for H. Lemoine, which I send  to
  you. Read it, and arrange with him. He must either publish the
  compositions or register the titles on the 20th of this month
  (August); ask from him only 300 francs for each, which makes
  600 francs for the two. Tell him he need not pay me till my
  return to Paris if he likes. Give him even the two for 500
  francs if you think it necessary. I had rather do that than
  give them to Meissonnier for 600 francs, as I wrote to you
  yesterday without reflecting. If you have in the meantime
  already arranged something with M., it is a different matter.
  If not, do not let them go for less than 1,000 francs. For
  Maho, who is the correspondent of Haertel (who pays me well)
  might, knowing that I sell my compositions for so little in
  Paris, make me lower my price in Germany. I torment you much
  with my affairs. It is only in case Schlesinger persists in
  his intention not to publish this month. If you think Lemoine
  would give 800 francs for the two works, ask them. I do not
  mention THE PRICE to him so as to leave you complete freedom.
  I have no time to lose before the departure of the mail. I
  embrace you, dear brother—write me a line.—Yours devotedly,

       Chopin.

  My regards to Madame. A thousand kisses to your children.
  Nohant, Monday, August 4, 1844.

  Dearest,—I relied indeed on your friendship—therefore the
  celerity with which you have arranged the Schlesinger affair
  for me does not surprise me at all. I thank you from the
  bottom of my heart, and await the moment when I shall be able
  to do as much for you. I imagine all is well in your home—
  that Madame Franchomme and your dear children are well—and
  that you love me as I love you.—Yours devotedly,

       F. CH.

  Madame Sand embraces your dear big darling [fanfan], and sends
  you a hearty grasp of the hand.
  Chateau de Nohant, September 20, 1844.

  Dearest,—If I did not write you before, it was because I
  thought I should see you again this week in Paris. My
  departure being postponed, I send you a line for Schlesinger
  so that he may remit to you the price of my last manuscripts,
  that is to say, 600 francs (100 of which you will keep for
  me). I hope he will do it without making any difficulty about
  it—if not, ask him at once for a line in reply (without
  getting angry), send it to me, and I shall write immediately
  to M. Leo to have the 500 francs you had the kindness to lend
  me remitted to you before the end of the month.

  What shall I say? I often think of our last evening spent with
  my dear sister. [FOOTNOTE: His sister Louise, who had been on
  a visit to him.] How glad she was to hear you! She wrote to me
  about it since from Strasburg, and asked me to remember her to
  you and Madame Franchomme. I hope you are all well, and that I
  shall find you so. Write to me, and love me as I love you.
  Your old

       [A scrawl.]

  A thousand compliments to Madame. I embrace your dear
  children. A thousand compliments from Madame Sand.
  [Date.]

  I send you also a receipt for Schlesinger which you will give
  up to him for the money only. Once more, do not be vexed if he
  makes any difficulties. I embrace you.

       C.
  August 30, 1845.

  Very dear friend,—Here are three manuscripts for Brandus,
  [FOOTNOTE: Brandus, whose name here appears for the first time
  in Chopin's letters, was the successor of Schlesinger.] and
  three for Maho, who will remit to you Haertel's price for them
  (1,500 francs). Give the manuscripts only at the moment of
  payment. Send a note for 500 francs in your next letter, and
  keep the rest for me. I give you much trouble, I should like
  to spare you it—but—but——.

  Ask Maho not to change the manuscripts destined for Haertel,
  because, as I shall not correct the Leipzig proofs, it is
  important that my copy should be clear. Also ask Brandus to
  send me two proofs, one of which I may keep.

  Now, how are you? and Madame Franchomme and her dear children?
  I know you are in the country—(if St. Germain may be called
  country)—that ought to do you all infinite good in the fine
  weather which we continue to have. Look at my erasures! I
  should not end if I were to launch out into a chat with you,
  and I have not time to resume my letter, for Eug. Delacroix,
  who wishes much to take charge of my message for you, leaves
  immediately. He is the most admirable artist possible—I have
  spent delightful times with him. He adores Mozart—knows all
  his operas by heart.

  Decidedly I am only making blots to-day—pardon me for them.
  Au revoir, dear friend, I love you always, and I think of you
  every day.

  Give my kind regards to Madame Franchomme, and embrace the
  dear children.
  September 22, 1845.

  Very dear friend,—I thank you with all my heart for all your
  journeys after Maho, and your letter which I have just
  received with the money. The day of the publication seems to
  me good, and I have only to ask you again not to let Brandus
  fall asleep on my account or over my accounts.