565-602. [Accompanied by Sagandíka, she wanders over the field of battle by night in quest of his corpse, looking for it among the number of prostrate slain. Appearance of the different dead bodies and carcasses of horses, elephants, &c. described. She often thinks that she has found it: her repeated mistakes and disappointments.]

(Measure Basánta tiláka.)

(Tembang Basanta tilaksa).

621-624. [The Pandáwa hear that Suyudána is in the middle of the river: delighted, they repair to the spot. Bíma calls him a dastardly coward afraid to die, and assures him that his arm will reach him, whithersoever he may betake himself, to the lowest depth of the earth or the highest region of heaven.]

625-628. [Suyudána comes out of the water and assures Bíma that he betook himself to the river, not out of fear, but for the purpose of making adoration to the gods, challenging Bíma, or any other of the Pandáwa, to combat. Krésna represents that Dérma-Wángsna is too peaceable and benevolent to fight against Suyudána; that Arjúna's forte consists in using the bow mounted in a chariot; that Nakúla and Sedéwa are too young and inexperienced, and that Bíma is therefore the fittest of all the Pandáwa to oppose Suyudána.]

629-631. [Kakrasána is informed by Naráda of the Pandáwa and Kuráwa forces being engaged, and withdraws to see the issue of the contest. Bíma and Suyudána go and make their respects to him, and each receives from him a charm.]

632-639. [Bíma and Suyudána fight. Missing each other, they strike and cut the earth, trees, and every thing about them, without being able to hurt each other. They then throw away their weapons, and closing, wrestle. So closely are they united, that they seem to be one person and to have one voice.]

640-656. [Arjúna repeatedly striking his hand on his left thigh, reminds Bíma of Suyudána's being vulnerable in that particular place only. Bíma recollecting the circumstance, seizes his club and strikes Suyudána with it in his vulnerable part. Suyudána falls, and expiring under the blow is trampled upon by Bíma, who continues to insult and triumph over him, till out of all patience with his relentless and ungenerous conduct, Kakrasána seizes his spear and is going to slay Bíma, but is withheld by Krésna, who says that Bíma is not to be blamed for such just retaliation.]

(Here end the Javan copies of this work; the following abstract is from a copy of the Bráta Yúdha Káwi presented to me by the Rája of Báli Balílíng in Báli.)

657-667. [Suyudána dead, and night coming on, the Pandáwa retire from the scene of battle to the city of Astína, and there feast and rejoice, on account of their victory. Satiated and fatigued with their revelling, all except Krésna go to sleep. He alone remains awake, pitying in his own mind the fate of Suyudána, and recollecting with feelings of regret the indignant and unkind manner in which he was treated by Bíma. Withdrawing by stealth, he goes to the mountains, and wanders about oppressed with grief and much agitated.]

668. [Next morning the Pandáwa missing Krésna, go in search of him, and find him among the images on the hills. Portentous signs take place. A raven croaks till blood issues from its beak, it rains blood, and all the wild animals fight with each other.]

669. [Next morning all these omens are gone.]

670-693. [News arrives from Astína of Aswatáma's having entered the city by night, and assassinated Drésta-dríumna, Sérikándi, and Pánchakumára, and of all the mántris having fled for fear. Half are inclined to give credit to the report, and half believe that it must have been the spirit of Sália. The Pandáwa return to Astína, and find the women there all in tears, and bewailing the loss of those who had been murdered during the night. Krésna consoles them, and reconciles them to what has happened.]

694-696. [Krésna makes the Pandáwa accompany him in search of Aswatáma, whom they find among the hills.]

697-699. [Bíma is going to strike Aswatáma, when the latter discharges an arrow at Bíma, and at the same time tells him he is not a fit opponent, inviting Arjúna to contend with him. Arjúna and Aswatáma fight, causing the earth and mountains to shake, &c.]

700-705. [Sáng yáng Naráda descends from above, and tells Arjúna that they will cause the destruction of the world if they continue the dreadful conflict. Sáng yáng Naráda at the same time goes up to Aswatáma, and advises him to desist from opposing the Pandáwa, as he will certainly be beaten, and recommends his surrender and resignation to the Pandáwa of his pusáka of Chúda-manik, also called Chúpu-mánik Estígéna, a charm which gives its possessor the power of getting eight different things.]

706-707. [Aswatáma refuses to give it to the Pandáwa, but is willing to part with it to the unborn grandson of Arjúna, of whom Utári was then pregnant, and whom he directed should be called Parikísit.]

708-709. [Krésna offers to bear witness to the promise; after which Aswatáma gives the pusáka to Bíma, to deliver to the grandson of Arjúna.]

710-714. [Krésna and the Pandáwa again return to Astína, and inform Arjúna's wife of what has happened. Aswatáma remains aloof from the Pandáwa, wandering about in the woods and among the mountains. Yuyútsuh, the only surviving Kuráwa chief, joins and lives with the Pandáwa. All the sons of the Pandáwa having been killed in the battle, without a single descendant being left to be made a king of Astína, excepting the yet unborn son of Abimányu, whom Utári was about to bring forth, Dérma Wangsa, the eldest of the Pandáwa (although all of them had arrived at an age when they should withdraw from the world) is appointed sovereign, until such time as he can be relieved and succeeded by the yet unborn Parikísit. Description of Dérma Wángsa; the beauty of his person; his many good qualities and accomplishments, for which and for his character for justice, wisdom, prudence, &c. he is universally beloved, and his praises celebrated in song.]

715-719. [Dérma Wángsa receives the name and title of Batára Jáya Báya. Under his wise and excellent administration the kingdom of Astína flourishes, crimes are unknown, and the inhabitants are happy. The neighbouring princes of Java, who had survived the war, all acknowledge the authority of the king of Astína, and pay homage to him.]

The musical instruments of the Javans are peculiar. Several of them are necessary to compose a gámelan, set, or band: of these there are several varieties. The gámelan salíndro, which is the most perfect, consists of the several instruments represented in the plate. In the gámelan pélog, the instruments are much larger and louder; the bónang or krómo, has sometimes only ten, and sometimes as many as fourteen notes. Both of these gámelans are employed as accompaniments to the wáyangs. The gámelan míring partakes of the two former, and is employed to accompany the wáyang klítik. In the gámelan múng'gang, called also kódok ng'órek, from its resembling the croaking of frogs, the bónang has fifteen notes, and the kécher resembles the triangle: neither the génder, salentam, sarón, nor chalémpung are included in this set; this gámelan is considered the most ancient, and is played at tournaments, in processions, &c. In the chára báli, or chára wángsul, the rebáb, or viol, is not used: in other respects the instruments are the same as in the salíndro, except that they are as large as in the pélog. The gámelan sekáten, which resembles the pélog, except that the instruments are still larger and louder, is restricted to the use of the sovereign, and seldom played, except on great occasions, as during eight days of the festival of Múlut. The gámelan srúnen is used in processions of state and in war, being properly the martial music of the country, in which, besides the ordinary instruments, a particular gong and trumpets are introduced.

The plate will afford a better idea of the form of these instruments than any verbal description. Most of them resemble the staccáto or harmonica, and the sound is produced by the stroke of a hammer. The gámbang káyu has wooden plates, sixteen or seventeen in number: the gámbang gángsa, of which there are several in each band, has metal plates.

In the génder the metal plates are thin, of a different form, and suspended by strings. The gong, represented (No. 9) in the plate, is usually three feet in diameter. The bónang, kénong, and ketók, are of metal, and are suspended by tightened cords to favour the vibration. The kécher, shewn in the plate, corresponds with the cymbal. The hammers with which the larger instruments are struck are either wound round at the end with cloth, or the elastic gum, in order to soften the sound. The drum is struck with the open hand and fingers only. The chalémpung is a stringed instrument, with from ten to fifteen wires, which are sounded with the finger, after the manner of the harp.

The person who leads the band performs upon the rebáb (No. 17), an instrument which, having a neck, and two strings pitched by pegs, is capable of producing perfect intonation and a variety of sounds, by shortening the strings with the pressure of the finger.

The gámbang káyu (No. 2) is a kind of staccáto, consisting of wooden bars of graduated lengths, placed across a kind of boat, which, when skilfully struck with a sort of mallet, produce pleasing tones, either grave or acute. The lowest and highest sounds of the instrument differ from each other by the interval of three octaves and a major third: the intermediate sounds of each octave from the lowest note are a second, third, fifth, and sixth. This instrument is general throughout the Archipelago, and is frequently played alone, or accompanied only by the drum and a small gong. Ráden Rána Dipúra, a native of Java, who accompanied me to England, played on this instrument several of his national melodies before an eminent composer, all of which were found to bear a strong resemblance to the oldest music of Scotland, the distinctive character of both, as well as of Indian music in general, being determined by the want of the fourth and seventh of the key, and of all the semitones[195]. By reiteration several of the sounds are artfully prolonged much beyond their noted length, which produces an irregularity of measure that might both perplex and offend the educated ear of an accompanying timeist. The rhythm of the sections (from extention and contraction) appears very imperfect.

The bónang or krómo (No. 3) the sáron (No. 5) the démong, (No. 6) and selántam (No. 7) are staccátos of metallic bars, and a sort of bells placed on a frame. They contain a regular dianotic scale, and nearly two octaves. These, however, are never played singly, but harmonize with the instrument on which the air is played.

The gongs (No. 9) are perhaps the noblest instruments of the kind that have been brought to Europe: I am assured that they are very superior to that which was admitted in the terrific scenes of the serious ballet representing the death of Captain Cooke. Suspended in frames, and struck by a mallet covered with cloth or elastic gum, they sustain the harmonious triad in a very perfect manner, and are probably the most powerful and musical of all monotonous instruments. They might be introduced with advantage in lieu of large drums. They have the advantage of being mellifluous, and capable of accompanying pathetic strains. The two gongs differ from each other by one note.

The above observations apply particularly to the gámelan pélog, which usually accompanies the recitation of the popular poems of the country. The gámbang káyu of the salíndru appears only to differ in being in another key, which is considered better suited to the occasions in which that kind of gámelan is used.

The airs which are exhibited in the plate are selected from several written down by a gentleman at Semárang, as they were played on the rebáb of the gámelan pélog, and may afford a further illustration of the nature of their music.

But it is the harmony and pleasing sound of all the instruments united, which gives the music of Java its peculiar character among Asiatics. The sounds produced on several of the instruments are peculiarly rich, and when heard at a distance have been frequently compared to those produced on the harmonic glasses. The airs, however simple and monotonous they may appear of themselves, when played on the gámbang káyu, or accompanied by the other instruments, never tire on the ear, and it is not unusual for the gámelan to play for many days and nights in succession.

The Javans do not note down or commit their music to writing; the national airs, of which I have myself counted above a hundred, are preserved by the ear alone. Those which are exhibited in the plate are among the most popular: but there are a variety which are played on occasions of rejoicing and festivity, which it would be difficult to note down; if, indeed, they can be called airs at all, the sounds produced rather resembling the chiming of bells than a melody. Thus, when a great man arrives at the native seat of government, the tune of kébu gíru, "buffaloes frisking," is played, and a variety of others of the same nature, which diffuse the same kind of joy and gaiety among all assembled, as the quick ringing of bells in the churches of England.

A complete set of the gámelan pélog costs from a thousand to six hundred dollars (£250 to £400,) but second-hand sets are frequently disposed of. The principal manufacture is at Grésik, and the gongs in particular furnish a valuable article of export. Every native chief in authority has one or more gámelans, and there are more or less perfect sets in all the populous towns of the eastern provinces.

In some of the interior, and in particular in the Súnda districts, the inhabitants still perform on a rude instrument of bámbu, called the ángklung, of which a representation is given in one of the plates. This instrument is formed of five or more tubes of bámbu, cut at the end after the manner of the barrels of an organ. These, which are of graduated lengths, from about twenty to eight inches, are placed in a frame, in such a manner as to move to a certain extent from their position, and to vibrate on the frame being shaken. A troop of from ten to fifty mountaineers, each with an ángklung, and accompanied by one or two others with a small drum played with the open hand, always perform upon this instrument on occasions of festivity in the Súnda districts. The upper part of the instrument, and the parties themselves, are generally decorated with common feathers, and the performers, in their appearance and action, are frequently as grotesque and wild as can be imagined. There is something, however, so extremely simple, and at the same time gay, in the sound produced by the rattling of these bámbu tubes, that I confess I have never heard the ángklung without pleasure. The Javans say the first music of which they have an idea was produced by the accidental admission of the air into a bámbu tube, which was left hanging on a tree, and that the ángklung was the first improvement upon this Æolian music. With regard to the music of the gámelan, "that," they say, "was procured from heaven, and we have a long story about it."

A wind instrument, of the nature of a flute, but in length some feet, with a proportionate diameter, is sometimes introduced in the gámelans; but this is not usual in Java, though, in Báli it is general.

The trawángsa is a stringed instrument, not very unlike a guitar[196], which is occasionally found in the Súnda districts: it is by no means general. I recollect to have once heard an old blind bard at Chiánjur play upon this instrument, reciting at the same time traditions respecting Pajajáran, and the ancient history of the country, which had probably never been committed to writing.

The Javans have made no progress in drawing or painting; nor are there any traces to be found of their having, at any former period of their history, attained any proficiency in this art. They are not, however, ignorant of proportions or perspective, nor are they insensible to the beauty and effect of the productions of other nations[197]. Their eye is correct and their hand steady, and if required to sketch any particular object, they produce a very fair resemblance of the original. They are imitative, and though genius in this art may not have yet appeared among them, there is reason to believe that, with due encouragement, they would not be found less ingenious than other nations in a similar stage of civilization. They have a tradition, that the art of painting was once successfully cultivated among them, and a period is even assigned to the loss of it; but the tradition does not seem entitled to much credit.

The Javans do not appear to possess any peculiar method or system in their arithmetical calculations. They generally compute without putting down the figures in writing. In this process they are slow, but generally correct. The common people, from an entire ignorance of arithmetic, or to assist their memory, sometimes use grains of pári or small stones on these occasions.

The many vast and magnificent remains of edifices found at this day in different parts of Java, bear witness to the high degree of perfection in which architecture and sculpture were at one period practised in that island. But whether the natives themselves designed these edifices and their ornaments, or only worked under the direction of ingenious artists from other countries, is a question connected with their history, which we shall at present forbear to inquire into.

The art of sculpture is entirely lost to the natives. The only modern buildings they possess, of any architectural importance, are the krátons, or palaces of the chiefs, which have already been described.

The Javans of the present day have no pretensions to astronomy as a science. The seasons are determined by reference to a system no longer perfectly understood, either in its principle or application; but from the Hindu terms still in use for the days of the week, &c. and from the similarity of many of their superstitions to those of continental India, it seems probable that if they ever possessed an astronomical system, it was derived from that quarter. Thus when an eclipse takes place, the people shout and make all the noise they can, to prevent the sun or moon from being devoured by the great nága, or dragon, which they suppose to be invading it. Some of the better informed have derived a few notions of astronomy from the Arabs; but their knowledge, in this respect, is at best extremely imperfect, and it is rather to the traces which are to be found in the ancient manuscripts, and to the remains of what they knew in former days, that it is interesting to refer.

The Javans, in common with other Mahomedans, have, for upwards of two centuries, if not for a longer period, adopted the lunar year of the Arabs; but they still retain their own era, and seldom adopt that of the Hejira. The Javan era is called that of Aji Sáka, on whose arrival in Java it is supposed to have commenced; but as sáka is a Sanscrit term, variously applied, as connected with the establishment of an era, it was probably adopted by the Javans at the period of the introduction of the era itself[198], which corresponds almost exactly with the Hindu era of Salavaharna, being seventy-four years short of the Christian era. The present is accordingly the year 1744 of the Javan era, or era of Aji Sáka. On Báli, where the same era is likewise adopted, there is a difference of about seven years, the Báli year being 1737. This difference is supposed to have arisen from the people of Báli, who are still unconverted to the Mahomedan faith, continuing to use the solar year.

The Javans usually divide the day and night each into five portions, as follows:

The twenty-four hours of the day and night are also occasionally divided into what is called the líma wáktu, or five periods of time, namely: from sunset until eight o'clock in the morning; from that hour till twelve; from twelve till three; from three till four; from four till sunset.

Each of these divisions is considered sacred to one of the five deities, Sri, Kála, Wísnu, Maheswára, and Bráma, supposed to preside over these divisions of the day and night in rotation, the order being changed every day, until at the commencement of every fifth day and night it returns to the same again. The division which thus becomes sacred to Sri is considered fortunate; that to Kála unfortunate; that to Wísnu neither good nor bad; that to Maheswára as still more fortunate than that to Sri; that to Bráma as peculiarly unfortunate.

The terms páhing, pon, wági, kalíwon, and mánis or légi, are applied to the days of the panchawára, or week of five days, which is common throughout the country, and by which the markets are universally regulated[199].

Besides this week of five days, which seems to be by far the most ancient as well as the most generally adopted among them, the Javans have a week of seven days as follows.

The Arabic terms are usually employed to express the months.

The weeks of seven days, considered with reference to the seasons, are termed wúku. Thirty of these are said to have been established in commemoration of the victory obtained over Wátu Gúnung[200]. These thirty have again six principal divisions, each consisting of thirty-five days, and commencing on the day when díti and páhing fall together.

Each wúku, is dedicated to its particular deity, and has its appropriate emblems in the Javan system of judicial astrology. The names of the wúku and of the deities to which each is considered sacred are as follow:

The twelve seasons, Mángsa, of which an account has been given, when treating of the agriculture of the Javans, are said to be determined by reference to the sun's course at the commencement of each of these divisions.

When a want of rain is experienced, it is a custom for the people of the village or town to assemble, and for a wáyang to be performed upon the story of Wátu Gúnung and Déwi Sínta. On these occasions two sticks of the dark coloured sugar-cane, two young and two old cocoa-nuts, two bundles of different coloured pári, two bundles of the flowers of the areca-nut, a piece of white cloth, sweet scented oils, two fowls and two ducks, are placed by the side of the dálang during the performance, and are afterwards considered his property.

The term wíndu is used to express a revolution or cycle of years. The Javans refer to wíndu of eight years, a wíndu of twelve years, a wíndu of twenty years, and a wíndu of thirty-two years. The wíndu of eight years, now in use, seems to have been borrowed from the Arabs; but this is more frequently considered of seven years, each year taking its name from one of the following animals, according to the day of the week on which it begins.