Rev. Sir,—I duly received yours of the 17th inst.; and as I look upon you to be misrepresented to the public, relative to the sermon you preached at Brighton, and consequently loaded with no small degree of unmerited opprobrium, I shall willingly contribute my mite to exonerate you.  You have, therefore, my permission to publish my letter to you of the 12th of September last, in your intended vindication; provided your publication contain no invectives against the present existing government, nor any sentiments which might be improper for one zealously attached to our most excellent constitution to countenance.

I must conclude, by saying, that if every clergyman is to be exposed to insult, for doing what he conceives to be his duty, in exposing the reigning vices of the age, we shall soon find that the feeble rays of religion, which yet remain, to enlighten the christian world, will soon become totally eclipsed.

I am, Rev. Sir,

Your obedient humble servant,
J. Mossop.

Brighthelmston, 19th Nov. 1793.
         To the Rev. Dr. Knox.

As a refutation that the appellation “‘Democrat,” could with any degree of truth be attached to Dr. Knox, the following extract from his published remarks cannot fail to suffice:—

I honour the King and the Prince; and I firmly believe that they would scorn to persecute or to oppress, at the instigation of the most opulent peer in the realm, the most defenceless individual, the most abject outcast, the most forlorn beggar in the British empire.  I may be abused, reviled, forced out of theatres, but no man shall rob me of my loyalty.  The father of his people shall ever find me a dutiful son; and the Prince himself shall not excel me as a peaceable subject, and a friend to law and order.  Though he is certainly in all other qualities as much above me, as he is in birth, rank, and the glorious prospect of one day ruling over a great, enlightened, and a free people, he shall not excel me in a zeal for the interests of my country and of the human race.

Many persons endeavoured to induce Dr. Knox to take legal proceedings against his cowardly assailants; but he contented himself by sparing his pocket, publishing a narrative of the transaction,—now a rare work, although it went through three editions,—and lampooning, in a pamphlet called Prolegomena, those “Gentlemen of the Brighton Theatre,” who, to be revenged on him, magnanimously insulted and assaulted his wife and his children.

Chapter XVI.
THE OLD CHURCHYARDS.

Many persons have a natural predilection for wandering amongst the tombs.  Whether in a town or village, their first impulse on arriving at a strange place, is to visit its common burial place, to ruminate amongst the tombs.  A vastness, a solemnity, and a hallowedness seem to prevade the spot; and the mind in quietude has an indulgence there, a moralizing never exceeded even within the precincts of a sacred edifice.

The Poet has said,

            The grave can teach
In silence, louder than divines can preach.

A celebrated moralist thus expresses himself on Epitaphs:—

When I look upon the tombs of the great, every emotion of envy dies in me; when I read the epitaphs of the beautiful, every inordinate desire goes out; when I meet with the grief of parents upon a tombstone, my heart melts with compassion; when I see the tombs of parents themselves, I see the vanity of grieving for those whom they must quickly follow; when I see kings lying by those that deposed them—when I see rival wits placed side by side, or the holy men that divided the world with their contests and disputes, I reflect with sorrow and astonishment on the little competitions, factions, and debates of mankind; when I read the several dates of the tombs of some that died yesterday, and some six hundred years ago, I consider that Great Day, when we shall all of us be contemporaries, and make our appearance together.

In Brighton old churchyard there is vast material for thought, as great a diversity “In Memoriam” existing as in any burial place in the kingdom; the space being extensive and the monumental inscriptions numerous.  Time has obliterated many epitaphs, and destroyed numerous tombstones, few records of the departed being discernible of dates previous to the 18th century.  Thirty years since there were several wooden erections to record the memory of the dead; the memorial example of a catachresis, which

Words abused implies;
As, over his head a wooden tombstone lies.

According to the minutes of a Vestry Meeting held March 16th, 1791, it was: “Ordered that the Clerk of the Vestry do make enquiry whether the minister of the parish has a right to demand a fee for breaking the ground on the burial of a parishioner.”  This order was made in consequence of a dispute upon the point, between the inhabitants and the Vicar, the Rev. Thomas Hudson.

The oldest tablet in Brighton churchyard is that at the north of the church, placed—it being a flat stone,—to the memory of Alice, the wife of Richard Masters, who died May, 25th, 1696.  It is contiguous to headstones that bear the most quaint epitaphs in the whole ground.  Immediately near it is that of Mary Sanders, April, 1753, and bears this injunction to her surviving family:—

My loving children, all agree;
Pray live in Love and Unity.

The tomb next to it is thus inscribed:—

Here lyeth Anne ye wife of Richard Halsted, aged 23, and Elizabeth aged 22 years, both daughters of Henry and Mary Stanbridge, who dyed in May, 1728.

They were two louing sisters,
   Who in this dust now ly, that
Uery day Anne was buryd
   Elizabeth did dy.

Just at this spot, also, a stone points out the last resting place of the celebrated Sake Deen Mahomed, the introducer of shampooing into England, in 1784.  He died on the 24th of February, 1851, at the advanced age of 102 years.  By the pathway at the south-east of the chancel are deposited the remains of Martha Gunn, the royal bather of Brighton, who died May 2nd, 1815, at the age of 88 years.  Her companion of the bath, Smoaker Miles, is buried near the west boundary wall of the church-yard, immediately opposite Upper North Street.  The spot is marked by a tombstone, but the inscription has been wholly obliterated by time.  To the east of the stone which marks Martha Gunn’s grave, is the tomb of Swan Downer, Esq., who endowed the school for girls, known as Swan Downer’s School, and immediately to the west is a large headstone thus inscribed:—

Phœbe Hessel,
Who was born at Stepney, in the Year, 1713.

She served for many years as a Private Soldier in the
Fifth Regiment of Foot in different parts of Europe,
and in the year 1745 fought under the command of the
Duke of Cumberland, at the battle of Fontenoy,
Where she received a Bayonet Wound in her Arm.

Her long life, which commenced in the Reign of
Queen ANNE, extended to that of King GEORGE IV.,
By whose munificence she received comfort and support
in her latter days.  She died at Brighton,
where she had long resided,
December 12th, 1821, aged 108.

The remains of Corporal Staines, a marine who fought under Nelson, at Copenhagen, lie at the foot of old Phœbe’s grave.

The following punning epitaph on the headstone, which marks the spot where rest the remains of a Mr. Law, to the south-west of the church, has excited particular notice:—

Stop, Reader! and reflect with awe,
For sin and death have conquered law;
Who, in full hope, resign’d his breath,
That grace had conquered sin and death.

Mr. Law, who was an inhabitant, lost his life by accidentally walking over the cliff, between the New Steine and the Royal Crescent.

To the east of the Chancel door a massive stone points out where are deposited the mortal remains of a great Brighton celebrity, Captain Tettersell.  It is thus inscribed:—

P. M. S.

Captain Nicholas Tettersel, through whose prudenee, ualour, and loyalty, Charles II., King of England, after he had escaped the sword of his merciless rebels, and his forces receiued a fatal ouerthrowe at Worcester, September 3rd, 1651, was faithfully preserued, and conueyed to France, departed this life the 26th of July, 1674.

Within this marble monument doth lie
Approved faith, honour, and loyalty;
In this cold clay he has now ta’en up his station;
Who once preserued the Church, the Crowne, and Nation;
When Charles the Greate was nothing but a breath,
This ualiant soule stept tweene him and Death:
Usurpers’ threats, nor tyrant rebels’ frowne,
Could not affright his duty to the crowne;
Which glorious act of his, for church and state,
Eight princes, in one day did gratulate—
Professing all to him in debt to bee,
As all the world are to his memory.
Since Earth could not reward the worth him given,
He now receives it from the King of Heaven.
In the same chest one iewel more you have,
The partner of his uirtues, bed, and grave.

The special incident referred to in Tettersell’s life is recorded in another part of this book.  One of the most remarkable tombs was that of the Rev. John Bolt, the vicar of Brighton, who died on the 2nd of November, 1669.  It stood at the north-east corner of the Chancel.  Not a vestige of the tomb now remains.  The main structure of it was brick, and the covering stone was a slab of perriwinkle or Sussex marble: and so great a curiosity was it that it was in no way deemed a sacrilege by the casual passer-by, to knock off a piece with a flint, or even a hammer, for its novelty’s sake.  Its final demolition took place in 1853, when that and other sacred depositories of the dead—and the remains of the dead too,—were ruthlessly removed to enlarge the church, upon its then restoration.  The slab bore the following inscription:—

Here lies interred the body of Mr. John Bolt, Master of Arts of Christ College, in Cambridge, aged seventy-eight years, who was a faithful and laborious preacher of the Gospel for the space of fifty-six years; whom God had blessed with twenty-nine children by two wives.  He died in full assurance of a glorious resurrection, on the 2nd day of November, 1669, and was buried the 7th, likewise of the same month; in the pious memory of whom, his sorrowful son, Daniel Bolt, hath erected this monument.

Stay, passenger, and lett thoughts awhile;
Contemplate Death; Sin curse, which doth beguile
Us of our best enjoyments, and impair
Whatever unto most men pleasant are.
’Tis not thy learning nor thy piety
That can secure thee from Death’s tyranny.
Witness this learned, pious man of God,
Who fell a victim to his conquering rod.
Nothing but Virtue can outlive our date
That gives a being beyond mortal fate.

Vivit post funera virtus.

The most quaint epitaph was on a slab in the floor just within the Chancel door.  It was nearly obliterated some years since; but shortly after the present Vicar came to the living, he had it fresh cut.  It, however, with many other relics, was destroyed during the restoration before mentioned.  It was:—

Oh! dear mother, you are gone before,
And I, a wratch, wait at the door:
Sin doth not only keep me thence,
But makes me loath to go from hence.
When Christ hath healed me of my sin,
He’ll make me fit and let me in.

Perhaps the most affecting record of the uncertainty of life, is that on the tomb of Robert Augustus Bedford.  It is in what is termed the old ground, not far from the poplar tree which marks the spot where once was a well.  This well and a wall which went direct north to Church Street, formed the west boundary of a garden that was consecrated as an additional piece of ground for burial, in January, 1818, by the Bishop of Exeter, and about that spot was appropriated for the burial of paupers, and likewise for soldiers; as at that time the Hospital of the Infantry Barracks occupied the site of the present Hanover Chapel burial ground.  The inscription—now mostly obliterated,—is as follows:—

This youth, while viewing amidst a large concourse of persons assembled on the Pier Head of this town, on the 17th day of July, 1826, some trials designed to show the practibility of conveying the means of escape to ship-wrecked persons by means of a chain attached to a ball; from which, on one of the experiments, it separated on the discharge of the cannon, and instantaneously deprived him of his life, in the 10th year of his age.

The experiment which was being made was that known as Captain Manby’s apparatus for rescuing persons from shipwreck.

On the 20th November, 1819, the funeral of a Sergeant of the 90th foot took place.  He was shot on the 17th of the same month, at the barracks, in Church street, by a private of the regiment, who, for the offence, was executed at Horsham.

The well here just alluded to, north of the wall which forms the northern boundary of Queen Square, was, on the restoration of the church, in 1853, filled up with decayed coffins and the mortal remains of those whose bodies were disinterred immediately to the north of the sacred edifice, to afford space and improve the effect of the building.  Amongst those whose narrow cell was less violated, was that of Sir Richard Phillips, the natural philosopher, and author of “A Million of Facts.”  His vault and tomb were reconstructed just within the south entrance to the cemetery ground, in front of Clifton Terrace, whither his remains were removed, and where they now rest.  Not far from this tomb lie the remains of Mrs. Pickstock, the headstone to whose grave is thus inscribed:—

In testimony of the
Faithful and zealous
Services of Alice Pickstock.
Matron of the Brighton
Workhouse, and to
perpetuate the recollection of her
many benevolent and pious
offices to the sick and poor of this
Parish,

This stone is erected by the Directors
and Guardians and others, in the year of
Our Lord MDCCCXLIII.

“I bowed down heavily as one that
mourneth for his mother.”—Psalm xxxv., 14 v.

To the extreme east of the old ground is the tomb of the real moderniser of Brighton,—whose death took place nine and twenty years ago,—and is thus inscribed:—

Mr. Amon Wilds,
Died Sept. 12th 1833, aged 71 years

A remarkable incident accompanies the period at which this gentleman came to settle in Brighton.  Through his abilities and taste, the order of the ancient architecture of buildings in Brighton may be dated to have changed from its antiquated simplicity and rusticity; and its improvements have since progressively increased.  He was a man of extensive genius, and talent, and in his reputation for uprightness of conduct could only meet its parallel.

Contiguous to this tomb, a stone marks the resting-place of a highly respected inhabitant, for many years the landlord of the Old Ship Hotel:—

Leonard Shuckard,
Died 17th January, 1837, aged 70.

Immediately west is the grave of a Brighton celebrity, whose memory is thus recorded:—

John Jordan,
Many years a respectable hair-dresser of this town.
Died November 13th, 1810.

Originally the stone was further inscribed:

Say what you will, say what you can,
John Jordan was an honest man.

But there appearing a species of levity about these two lines unbefitting a place of Christian sepulture, they were removed after the stone had been up but a few days.

To the west of the main entrance from North Street, opposite Wykeham Terrace, is the vault of Mr. Weiss, formerly a surgical instrument maker, Charing-cross, London.  His remains are deposited in this vault, his body prior to being screwed down in the coffin, having, by express desire in his will, been pierced at the heart by an instrument which he made expressly for the purpose.  His funeral took place with the weapon in him, a special legacy being left to the surgeon, Mr. Benjamin Vallance, who complied with the request, for performing the duty, Mr. Weiss having a dread of being buried alive.

The handsomest monument in the churchyard is that at the north-east entrance, to the memory of Anna Maria Crouch, formerly a performer at Drury Lane Theatre.  She died Oct. 2nd, 1805.  It was erected by Mr. Kelly.

A large stone cross or crucifix formerly stood immediately in front of the church.  The stone steps to it and the lower fragment of the pillar alone remain.  A legend in connexion with this cross has been preserved, of which the following is a copy:—

ST. NICHOLAS GALLEY.

“Long had raged the bloody feud between the Lords of Pevensey Castle and the Earls de Warrene, Lords of Lewes; when, early one bright May morning, the warder of Lewes Castle, from the northern turret blew loud his horn.  The lady of Earl de Warrene hastened to the turret’s height, her infant first-born son kerchiefed on her arm.  From thence she viewed the dread conflict which was raging with all the fury of inveterate foes, on Mount Caburn’s shelving sides.  Lord Pevensey, on his white steed, was seen leading his followers down the hill; Earl de Warrene was urging his men to withstand the charge.  In an instant both parties commingled; the strife was desperate, but of short duration.  Lord Pevensey, having the vantage ground, drove Earl de Warrene’s troops pell-mell down the hill; but the Earl scorned to turn his back upon his foe, and for some time he singly maintained the conflict against a host; until Lord Pevensey came up, flushed with success, and raised his battle-axe to cleave the Earl in twain.  It was at this moment that the noble lady of Earl de Warrene, seeing her lord in such imminent hazard, held up her infant son and vowed to Saint Nicholas (the protector of the faithful in dangers) that if her lord’s life was spared his son should never wed till he had placed the belt worn by the Holy St. Nicholas, on the Blessed Virgin’s tomb, at Byzantium.  The saint heard her vow; for the Earl dexterously avoided the blow, and Lord Pevensey, having lost his balance by the exertion, nearly fell from his horse.  In the next moment the Earl’s sword appeared through his cuirass behind; Lord Pevensey fell dead; his terrified retainers fled in dismay; and Earl de Warrene returned in triumph to the Castle.  Full twenty summers had now passed over, and Manfred, Lord of Lewes, the Earl’s eldest son, had not yet fulfilled his mother’s vow, to visit the Blessed Virgin’s tomb.  He was betrothed to Lord Bramber’s daughter, the gentle Edona—beauteous as the jessamine’s bloom—kind as the Zephyr—good and pure as the saints.  Full twenty times had the anniversary of Earl de Warrene’s victory been celebrated most gallantly in the Castle’s kingly hall.  Again the guests had assembled there; the wassail bowl went merrily round; the bards sung in highest strains; Lord Manfred led his betrothed to join in the mazy dance; when—whilst all was merriment and joy,—suddenly a wintry dismal blast passed through the hall.  The lights were quickly extinguished, the din and clamour of war seemed to assail the castle walls on every side; and whilst the guests stood in darkness and in stupid wonder, in a moment vivid flashes of lightning shot across the richly tapestried walls, and displayed the fight renewed on Mount Caburn’s side.  The hill and dale were seen distinctly, as if broad day were shining, and the combatants eagerly engaged.  But when Lord Pevensey again lifted his battle-axe to strike Earl de Warrene, all disappeared and total darkness ensued; the clamour ceased against the castle walls; lights were brought, but the guests, terrified, gloomily withdrew.  On the morrow, Earl de Warrene hither to Brighthelmston, to St. Bartholomew’s Chapel came, and by the counsel of the holy fathers, built a ship, gaily trimmed, and named ‘St. Nicholas’ Galley,’ to bear his son to the blessed Virgin’s tomb.  It was fixed that when he should return from performing his noble mother’s vow, then should he wed the fair Edona.  The vessel gallantly dashed from Mecheem [109] harbour, and bounded over the yielding wave, making his way for brighter—not happier climes.  Lord Manfred safely arrived at Byzantium, and performed his sacred duty.  It was noon on the 17th of happy May—another year had rolled its wain—when a sail, bearing the well known pennant of St. Nicholas, was descried off Wordinges (Worthing) point by one of the Fathers of this Chantry.  Instantly a messenger was sent to carry the welcome tidings to Earl de Warrene, who, with all his retinue, a train of gallant bearing, his noble lady, the Lord of Bramber with the Lady Edona, and the holy Abbot of the priory, with all his brotherhood, had, in a few hours, assembled beneath the Earl’s banner, on the hill where now stands St. Nicholas’ Church.  The day was fair, the wind was favourable, and the ‘St. Nicholas’ glided swiftly on her way; the holy fathers sang with cheerful voices.  The Earl watched, with beaming eyes, for the signal agreed upon.  It was made; shouts rent the air; every face shone with joy, every heart beat with gratitude; when, in a moment, the progress of the vessel was checked; she reeled on her side, and sank before their eyes.  She had ran full on the hidden rock off Shore-ham [110a] harbour.  The Earl and every soul around him stood motionless; not a word broke the silence of that sad scene.  To move was useless.  One sad, last, long-drawn sigh burst from Edona, and she fell never more to rise.  The Earl passed his hands over his eyes; dropped his head on his bosom; no smile ever rested on that face again.  One foreign sailor alone of the hapless crew survived to describe (feebly indeed) the ecstacy of Lord Manfred when he beheld his native shores and discerned his father’s banner waving on St. Nicholas’ hill.  Slowly as the cavalcade descended, each cast a look of despair on that sea which had swallowed all their hopes.  Earl de Warrene survived a few years only; but before he died he built the church to St. Nicholas on the hill, to be an everlasting remembrance to all who go upon the mighty deep not to neglect their vows.  Lady Edona lies under the cross at the entrance to the church, being the spot where she fell and died; but still, on the anniversary of that day, ‘St. Nicholas’ Galley’ glides at midnight past the town of Brighthelmston, and is seen from the cliff by hundreds of the inhabitants, to sink. [110b]  The Earl leaving no children, his family became extinct, and the estates passed to the heir, Lord Arundel, to whom they still belong.”

A very quaint epitaph was (it is now obliterated by age) on the late sexton of the period:—

Richard Jeffery.
Died 10th July, 1806, aged 64.

When Barb’ra died, O Lord, prayed I,
Let me die too, and near her lie—
The Lord was good, and heard my pray’r,
And here we lie a faithful pair.

Preceding it, on the same stone, was the following:—

Sacred to the memory of
Barbara wife of Richard Jeffery;
Who having for upwards of 50 years diligently performed
the office of Sexton in this Parish, died
30th September, 1805, aged 63.

Look, mingled lie, the aged and the young,
The rich and poor,—an undistinguish’d throng;
Death conquers all, and Time’s subduing hand
No tomb, no marble statue can withstand;
Mark well thy latter end,—in Bab’ra see,
What, reader, thou, and all mankind must be.
The Grave for thousands though she toilsome made,
Yet here at last her lifeless body’s laid,
In joyful hope, as Christian hope will be,
To rise to life and immorality.

On the tombstone of a Captain Cook was formerly:—

Many a hard tempestuous gale he’s known,
But on his native shore at last he’s thrown;
No rocks or quicksands has he now to fear;
Safe from all storms he rides at anchor here.
Go, and be wise then, ’ere it is too late,
With firm resolve to meet the arm of fate.
A few short years, Alas! how quick they pass;
To this complexion must you come at last.
Death conquers all, and drags them to the grave,
The rich, the poor, the coward and the brave.
Think then, ye youth in time, and dying say,
Come when thou wilt, O Lord!  I ready am to-day.

From their exposed position, the inscriptions on many of the tombstones have been erased by the hand of time; nor can one be found of the many recorded in a Diary, kept in 1778 and 1779, of the character alluded to.—“Monday, September 7th, 1778.  My landlord is persuading his eldest son, and of course heir apparent, a young prince Crispin, to go to sea.  I desire the father to visit the churchyard, and upon various monuments of youth he may observe the following inscription:—

Parents and Friends, weep not for me,
Tho’ I was drownded in the sea!—

and then, after due deliberation, if he chose to renew his persuasions he must use his pleasure.  The poor man seemed overwhelmed in thought, and much struck.  Perhaps the lad may suffer no further solicitation on this account, unless his father should turn out to be a staunch predestinarian.”

To the north of the church is a dwarf head-stone, thus inscribed:—

Sacred to the memory of Edmund Borman, who was accidently killed,
February 11th, 1796—aged 49 years.

His death was caused thus:—He was superintending the erection of a new flag-staff, for the vane, mentioned in page 84, for Mr. Stephen Poune, the Churchwarden; and having gone aloft, within the tower, to make everything safe in lowering the remains of the old flag-staff, he hastened down, to receive it below, when, just as he emerged from the belfry door, the mass, which was being lowered, having descended much quicker than he expected, came down upon him, crushing him fearfully, so that he died within an hour of the accident.  Deceased was bowler to the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York, leader of the ringers and conductor of the choir at the Church, and, being a person of good education, a generally useful man.

On the west portion of the ground, the record of the death of Miss Coupland, who was killed by the fall of a wall, in Church Street, where the Royal Stables now are, whilst walking to the Parish Church, to act as bridesmaid at the wedding of a young friend, cannot fail to be read with interest.  The shoes which she wore on the occasion are still preserved by a member of her family named Hibben, who worked for her father, the owner of the premises and smithy, which for so many years formed the obstruction to the Royal Entrance at the bottom of Church Street.  The epitaph runs:

Sacred to the memory of Mary Coupland, died 9th November, 1800—aged 19.

Underneath this turf, in dust is laid,
A blooming and a virtuous maid;
In virtue’s path she always trod,
And trusted in Almighty God.
For virtue, modesty, and truth,
A perfect patron was for youth;
She lived in love, and feared the Lord,
We hope her soul has met reward;
Lamented was, by great and small,
Was crushed underneath a blown down wall—
Going to church on the Lord’s day;
This maid’s sweet life was snatched away.
A tender mother left to mourn,
Enough to wound a heart of stone;
God grant his blessing to be given,
For them to meet again in Heaven.
Short was thy life, fair flower, how soon removed,
Sudden thy summons to the realms above.
Vain man, as well on sands may structors raise,
As build on early youth or length of days;
A thousand accidents frail life attend,
And none can tell how soon this life may end.
’Tis not for age that here she lie,
Therefore, in time, prepare to die;
Death does not always warning give,
Therefore be careful how you live.

A headstone that stands about the centre of the ground to the east of the church, and yet bears the name of Lucy Fermor, formerly had on it the following acrostic, now wholly effaced by age:—

L ook here, ye gay and giddy throng,
U nmindfnl as ye go;
C all’d you may be as soon as I,
Y oung, strong, and healthy too.

F or eighteen years I had not seen
E ’er death did cut me down,
R eturned to dust as now you see;
M ore quick may be your doom.
O h do not then forget, your souls
R equired may be soon.

Perhaps no inscription throughout the whole of the hallowed grounds, affords a theme for deeper meditation than that which here follows, associated as it is with marriages, births, and deaths, through a period of half a century: the plighting of solemn vows, vows how often broken; the promise of suretiship to renounce all evil works, a promise how seldom kept; we may rest in Him, as our hope is this our brother doth, a hope how soon forgotten!  It is upon a head-stone, on the left, just within the southern entrance to the Old Ground, and is as follows:—

Here lies all that is mortal of
John Pocock,

Who was, during 13 years, Clerk of the Chapel Royal, and 38 years Clerk of this Parish.

In the discharge of his duty how simple, upright, and affectionate he was, will alone be known at the last day.

He came to his grave on the 13th of June, 1846, like a shock of corn cometh in his season, aged 81.

The following, which is on a stone by the footway, just south of the tower, has a melancholy history attached to it:—

Sacred to the Memory of John Rowles, who, in discharging his duties as a Peace Officer of this Town, was unfortunately killed by a Wound from a Bayonet, on the 5th Nov., 1817, Aged 40 years.

The circumstances were: On Tuesday, the 4th of November, 1817, a public notice was issued, warning the inhabitants against illuminating their houses, or celebrating the anniversary of the Gunpowder Plot, by means of fireworks.  Notwithstanding this prohibition, a number of persons, chiefly boys, assembled on the Old Steine, at twilight, in the evening of Wednesday, the 5th, and let off squibs, serpents, crackers, &c.  The civil power, in number 16,—headboroughs and patrol,—at the head of which was Mr. John Williams, the High Constable, immediately interfered, and took into custody the offenders against the edict.  This sort of warfare lasted until nine o’clock, when a lighted tar-barrel made its appearance.  The authorities espied it, and, after a stout resistance by the populace, it was captured and extinguished.  Much irritation was engendered in consequence, and the mob, deprived of their fun, seemed inclined to mischief, and, the principal object of their displeasure being the High Constable, they attacked his house, the Baths, which stood on the site now occupied by the Lion Mansion.  Mr. White, also, in Castle Square, who had made himself very prominent in the affair, came in for his share of the spleen of the rioters.  Stones were hurled with great violence, and the windows of their houses were soon smashed in.  Greatly alarmed, Williams sent a message to Mr. Serjeant Runnington, the resident magistrate, and also to the guard-house at the Infantry barracks, Church Street, demanding the aid of the military.  Several companies of the 21st regiment of Fusileers, who had but that day arrived in Brighton, marched with fixed bayonets to the Steine, the avenues to which they quickly occupied.

The Riot Act was read by Serjeant Runnington, and the utmost dismay prevailed.  About this time several squibs being let off near the soldiery, an attempt was made to capture the offenders.  Dreadful to relate, however, while charging, one of the military accidentally thrust his bayonet into the body of Mr. Rowles, a headborough.  The steel entered just above the hip, and, passing through, appeared three inches on the other side,—the wound proved to be mortal,—and the ill fated man lingered, in the utmost agony, until half-past seven on Thursday evening, when he died, leaving a pregnant wife and three infant children to lament his untimely end.  Two of the patrol, Slaughter and Burt, were also so wounded with the stones, cast by the mob, that they were obliged to be carried home, where they remained for some time in a very dangerous state.  A woman, also, was wounded in the head with slugs, fired from a pistol.  The disturbance lasted until a late hour of the night, and the military did not repair to their barracks until two or three o’clock the next morning.

On the following morning, the persons who had been apprehended for creating the disturbance, were brought before the sitting magistrates, Mr. Serjeant Runnington and Mr. Hopkins, at the Town Hall.

The civil power was blamed for calling in the military.  The coroner’s inquest on the body of Mr. Rowles, after having sat eight days, returned a verdict of “Wilful Murder” against James Day, the principal, and John Williams, High Constable, and James White, stationer, general collector of rates, as accessories before the act.  They surrendered to their bail at the Horsham Assizes, on the 25th March, and were found “Not Guilty,” and the judge said, that, so far from any blame being attached to Williams and White, he was fully persuaded that they had acted throughout with the greatest prudence, coolness, and discretion. [115]

The base of the stone cross, to which is attached the legend of St. Nicholas Galley, is a remnant of the superstition that prevailed prior to the Reformation.  In primitive times, the south side of every churchyard contained a column placed on a pedestal, having on its summit a cross; and the nearer to this a corpse was interred, so much the sooner—it was believed—would the soul be relieved from purgatory.  Hence the reason why the south side of a churchyard most frequently contains the greatest number of interments, individuals having a solemn dread of being buried in the north, where there was no cross.  So far, indeed, did primitive Christians carry their devotion for this figure, that they have been accused of worshipping the cross itself.  Such was their blind zeal for the sign of the cross, that they violated all bounds of prudence, and Flecknoe quaintly observes:—“That had they their will, a bird should not fly in the air with its wings a-cross, a ship with its cross-yard sail upon the sea, nor profane tailor sit cross-legged upon his shop-board, or have cross-bottoms to wind his thread upon.”

With reference to the particular pillar in question, no records, beyond the legend, exist which might contribute to the solution of its origin, but the probability is that it was erected about the seventh century, when the mania for columns and crosses prevailed.

The New Burial Ground, as it is termed, was added in 1824; and the Cemetery Ground was opened in what was known as Butcher Russell’s field, in 1841, the first burial in it being that of Mary Wheeler, the wife of a labourer, who was employed in laying out and levelling the ground.  She died June 27th, 1841, and an obelisk marks her grave.

At the time when grave-yard robbers, termed Resurrectionists, were the dread of surviving relatives, in 1820–21, these desecrators of the silent tomb paid the Old Churchyard a visit, in the autumn of the former year, and conveyed away at least one body, the chief of the sacrilegious wretches being Williams, who, in 1831, was executed at Newgate, with Bishop, for “Burking” an Italian boy.  The circumstance of the body being stolen greatly alarmed the inhabitants, and for many years afterwards it was the constant practice to have watchers, under a species of impromptu tent, night after night, for months together, upon the death of a person, to prevent the body from being conveyed away.  At one period the system of watching had become such a nuisance that persons were afraid to venture through the burial ground after dusk—the time when the watchers went on duty—as the parties were not satisfied with being there to scare off the expected marauders, but they took with them creature comforts in the form of beer, spirits, and tobacco, and armed themselves with pistols, guns, and swords, so that, when the alcoholic spirits began to rise, there was a great lack of discretion, and frequent broils in consequence ensued.  The churchwardens, therefore, interfered and prevented their having any other arms than stout sticks.  This reckless and indecent profanation of the sacred dormitory lamentably recalls to one’s mind the vitiated taste and customs of the early ages, when churchyards were no sooner enclosed than they were appropriated as places of public amusement.  According to Aubrey, “in every parish was a church-house, to which belonged spits, crocks, and other utensils, for dressing provisions.  Here the housekeepers met, the young people were there, too, and had dancing, bowling, shooting at butts, &c., the ancients gravely sitting by and looking on.”  Fosbrook further informs us, that “Whitsun ales were brewed by the churchwardens, and sold in the church; and the profits—there being no rates for the relief of the poor—were distributed amongst them.”  It was, also, customary for barbers to come and shave the parishioners in the churchyard on Sundays and high festivals, before matins.  This liberty continued till 1422, when it was restrained by a particular prohibition of Richard Flemyng, Bishop of Lincoln.

For more than ten years the custom of watching prevailed; but legislation at length suggested a means of supplying subjects for dissection, without despoiling the graves; and, since then, in 1851, intra-mural burials being prohibited, the Brighton Churchyards have been respected, and on the 17th of November, 1859, the first tree was planted in the oldest ground, near Wykeham Terrace, by Mr. Churchwarden Marchant, who had suggested the plantation of the grounds.  Other of the authorities and the inhabitants in general, followed his example, and very soon the planting of some hundreds of trees and shrubs was effected; but as yet the vegetation of them has progressed but slowly. [118a]

Brighton Vicarage, with West Blatchington, Rectory, is one united benefice, in the sole gift of the Bishop of the Diocese.  The present Vicar was appointed by the Crown; his predecessor, the late Dr. Carr, who died Bishop of Worcester, having been made Bishop of Chichester.  The Sovereign always takes the appointment to any Ecclesiastical preferment that is vacated by one who is raised to the Episcopate.

Chapter XVII.
MARTYRDOM OF DERYK [118b] CARVER.

Deryk Carver, a brewer, the proprietor of what is now known as the Black-Lion Street Brewery, the oldest building in the town, a Fleming by birth, who had been resident in Brighton about eight or nine years, was the first who suffered martyrdom in Sussex, under the persecution of Mary.  About the end of October, 1554, Carver, who had adopted the doctrines of the Reformation, and had been in the habit, as opportunity offered, of collecting a few people of his own persuasion in his house, for the purpose of religious worship, was, together with John Launder, of Godstone, apprehended, as they were at prayer, by Edward Gage, of Firle, a gentleman and county Magistrate, and sent up to the Queen’s Council.  After examination, he and his friend were sent prisoners to Newgate, to await the leisure of Bishop Bonner for his further examination into their heretical practices.  The Bishop interrogated them on matters of faith, on the 8th of June following, so that they must have lain in prison for more than seven months, upon a mere suspicion.  They made certain confessions, which they duly signed, and then the Bishop, who had no legal right whatever to meddle with their creed, as they were not of his diocese, objected against them certain articles, in the ordinary course of ecclesiastical law, as it existed in those days.  Various means were resorted to to induce Carver and Launder to recant, but these they stedfastly resisted.  “I will never go from these answers,” said the latter, “so long as I live,” and so said Carver.  Wherefore, on the 10th of June, two days afterwards, they were cited to the Consistory Court of St. Paul’s.  The “confession” of Carver, as preserved in Fox’s Acts and Monuments, was in substance this: “I. That the bread and wine used in the Holy Communion, or as it was then called, the ‘Sacrament of the Altar,’ is simply bread and wine, and not the material body and blood of Christ.  II. That the mass is not a sacrifice; that it does not conduce to salvation; and that it is not profitable to a Christian man, because it is said in Latin, a tongue which he, with the majority of the people, does not understand.  III. That although it is requisite to go to a good priest for counsel in matters of religion, yet that priest’s absolution is not profitable for a man’s salvation.  IV. That the faith and religion now set forth in the Church of England is not agreeable to God’s Word.  That Bishops Hooper, Cardmaker, Rogers, and others of their opinion were good Christian men, and did preach the true doctrine of Christ, and that they did shed their blood in the same doctrine, by the power of God.  V. That since the Queen’s coronation he hath had the bible and psalter in English read in his house at Brighthampsted divers times, and likewise, since his coming into Newgate, but the keeper thereof did take them away; and also that about a twelvemonth now past he had the English procession said in his house with other English prayers.  And further, that Thomas Iveson, John Launder, and William Veisie, prisoners within Newgate, were taken with this examinate in his house at Brighthampsted, as they were hearing of the Gospel, then read in English.”  The “confession” of John Launder states, among other things, that he was a husbandman, twenty-five years of age, and an inhabitant of Godstone, and that himself, with Carver, Iveson, Veisie, and other persons, to the number of twelve, had been apprehended by Mr. Gage, in Carver’s house, as they were saying the service in English, as set forth in the days of King Edward the Sixth.  It appears that Launder, having come down to Brighton to transact business for his father, had heard of Carver’s zeal for the Gospel, and had been to his house for religious worship, at the time of Mr. Gage’s unfriendly visit.  The confession winds up with a statement of his religious views, which, in the main, are identical with Carver’s own, as stated.  The Bishop’s Articles, twelve in number, reiterated the charges already adduced against the prisoners, who, being asked if they still adhered to their opinions, replied affirmatively.  Carver added “your doctrine is poison and sorcery.  If Christ were here you would put Him to a worse death than He was put to before.  You say that you can make a God: ye can make a pudding as well.  Your ceremonies in the Church be beggary and poison.”  The Bishop, seeing their constancy, pronounced judgment upon them both, whereupon they were delivered to the Sheriffs, who were then present, in order that they might be burnt in due course of law.  “This Dirricke” records Fox, “was a man, whom the Lorde had blessed as well with temporall ryches, as with his spirituall treasures, which ryches yet were no clogge or let unto his true professing of Christ, the Lord, by His grace, so working in him; of the which, there was such havock, by the gready raveners of that time, that his poore wyfe and children had little or none thereof.  During his imprisonment, although he was well stricken in yeares (and, as it were, past the tyme of learning), yet he so spent his tyme, that being, at hys first apprehension, utterly ignoraunt of anye letter of the booke, hee coulde, before his death, read perfectly any printed English.  Whose diligence and zeale is worthy no small commendation, and therefore I thought it good not to let passe over in silence, for the good encouragement and example of others.  Moreover, at his comming into the town of Lewes to be burned, the people called upon him, beseechying God to strengthen hym in the faith of Jesus Christ.  He thanked them, and prayed unto God, that of Hys mercy he would strengthen them in the lyke faith.  And when hee came to the signe of the Starre, the people drew near unto him, where the Sheriffe sayd that he had found him a faithfull man in al his aunswers.  And as he came to the stake, he kneeled downe and made his prayers, and the Sheriffe made hast.  Then hys booke was throwen into the barrel, and when he had strypt him sclfe (as a joyfull member of God) he went into the (pitch) barrel him selfc.  And as soone as ever he came in, he tooke up the booke and threw it among the people, and then the Sheriffe commaunded in the Kyng and Queen’s name, on paine of death, to throw in the booke againe.  And immediately, that faithfull member spake with a joyfull voyce, saying:—‘Deare brethren and sistern, wytness to you all that I am come to seale with my blood Christes Gospell, for because I know that it is true; it is not unknowen unto al you, but that it hath bene truly preached here in Lewes, and in all places in England, and now it is not.  And for because that I wyll not denye here God’s Gospell, and be obedient to man’s lawes, I am condemned to dye.  Dere brethren and sistern, as many of you as do beleve upon the Father, the Soune, and the Holye Ghost, unto everlasting lyfe, see you doe the workes appertaining to the same.  And as many of you as do beleve upon the Pope of Rome, or any of hys lawes, which he sets forth in these daies, you do beleve to your utter condemnation, and except the great mercy of God, you shall burne in hell perpetually.’  Immediately the Sheriffe spake unto him, and sayd: ‘if thou docst not beleve on the Pope, thou art damned body and soule!’  And farther the Sheriffe sayd unto him, ‘speake to thy God, that He may deliver thee now, or els to strike me down to the example of this people;’ but this faithfull member said, ‘the Lord forgive you your sayings.’  And then spake hee againe to all the people there present, with a loude voice, saying: ‘deare brethren, and all you whom I have offended in wordes or in dede, I aske you for the Lorde’s sake to forgeve me, and I hartly forgeve all you, which have offended me in thought, word, or dede.’  And he sayd further in his prayer, ‘Oh Lorde my God, thou hast written: He that will not forsake wife, children, house, and all that he hath, and take up Thy cross and follow Thee, is not worthy of Thee.  But thou Lorde knowest that I have forsaken all to come unto Thee; Lorde have mercy upon me, for unto Thee I commend my spirit, and my soule doth rejoyce in thee.’  These were the last wordes of that faithfull member of Christ before the fire was put to him.  And afterward that the fire came to him he cried, ‘Oh Lord have mercy upon me,’ and sprong up in the fire, calling upon the name of Jesus, and so ended.”

The order of the Sheriff, that the people should throw Carver’s bible into the fire, does not appear to have been complied with, as the book is still preserved, and is in the possession of Mr. Ade, Colonnade, North Street.  It is what is termed, a “breeches” bible, from the circumstance that in Genesis iii., 7, the words are: “They”—meaning Adam and Eve—“sewed figge leaves together, and made themselves ‘breeches,’” other translations being “aprons.”  It is in a state of good preservation, but the title page is gone, hence its date cannot be correctly known; but on comparing it with others of apparently the like edition,—an imperial octavo,—it was published in 1550.  It received but little injury from the action of the fire upon it; merely a slight discolouration on some of the pages, from the smoke; but the following engrossed memorandum on a blank half-page, between Malachi and the Apocrypha, proves that it is not in the same binding now as it was when Carver had it:

By me, Edward Harffye.
Anno Dom.
1650.

This Bible was Dirriek Carver’s; belonging unto his family: of Brighthelmstone: who suffered martiredom ffor Conscience’ sake in Queene Mary’s Dayes, And bought by Sibbell Clarke, Widdow, of Brighthelmstone; And Given to mee, Edward Harffye of Brighthelmston, Clarke and Writinge Master: And I have now bound him, 1660 [122] 1650.  And I doe will him to my Youngest Child.  And Soe the Youngest of my Stock.  To hand him nor ever ffrom one to an other; And now ffirst I give him to Mary Harffye, my daughter, 1664.  Wryten by my owne hand.  By me Edward: Harffye.

This Carver was Burnt to death, in the Castell of Lewes, Sussex.

On the back of the same half-page, is written, in a good round-hand: “Sarah Clark—1778.”

On the inside of the cover, at the commencement, is written, “Wililam Clarke, his book, Septem Ber the 20, 1744.”  This name also, with the same date, appears on the fly page between the Old and the New Testament.  Where, also, previous to the “Holie Gospel according to S. Matthevve,” are the annexed entries:—

William Clarke the son of iohn and mary his wife, was Born the 4 of September, near 4 in the morning in the year of our lord 17.11.

the Son of william and Sarah his wife was Born ivne (June) the 13 at a C wor ter past 4 in the after noon on a Sather day, 1747.

William Clark Dyed December the 5, 1747.

In the margin of the 11th chapter of Daniel, is written in good Old English:—

edward Carffre

1653.  his Booke.

January the first.

The blood of the martyr is visible on Chapters 19 and 20 of Judges, and also on Chapters 1 and 3 of Zephania, where the leaves have closed on each other.  But the greatest quantity is on the Book of Ruth, which is very much splashed with the vital fluid.  Altogether, the Bible is a very precious relic, and its present possessor attaches to it great value, he having refused large sums of money that have been offered him for it.

Stephen Gratwicke, a Brighton man of respectable family, and of liberal education, was put to death in St. George’s Fields, Southwark, about the end of May, 1557.  At his trial, before the Bishops of Winchester and Rochester, and a priest suborned to personate the Bishop of Chichester, he expostulated with his judges for keeping men a year or two in prison, “permittyng them not so much as a Testament to look upon, for their soules comfort.”  To this the Bishop of Winchester replied:—“No, syr, we will use you as we will use the child, for if the child will hurt himself with a knife we will keepe the knife from him.  So, because you will damme your soule with the Word, therefore you shall not have it!”

Chapter XVIII.
THE ESCAPE OF CHARLES II.

After the defeat at Worcester, on the 3rd of September, 1651, Charles II., on his arrival at Kidderminster, by the advice of the Earl of Derby, and under the guidance of Francis Yates, brother-in-law of Penderell, retired to “Boscobel,” a lone house on the borders of Staffordshire, where lived one Richard Penderell, a farmer, and his four brothers.  By the aid of the Penderells, Charles clothed himself in the garb of a peasant, and carried a bill-hook with him into the woods, where daily he pretended to be employed cutting faggots.  His only attendant at that time was Colonel Careless, a Roman Catholic.  The suspicion of the Parliamentary army was, however, aroused by two strangers staying at such a lone place as Boscobel, and detachments of troops were, in consequence, sent in search of them, and it was then that Charles and Colonel Careless hid themselves in the branches of an oak tree.  By the assistance of a Benedictine monk, named Hudleston, Lord Wilmot then joined the King, and by his proposition, they, with Penderell, repaired, at night, to the house of a Mr. Whitegrave, a Catholic gentleman residing some distance from Boscobel.  The King, in relating his escape, used to say that the rustling of Richard’s calf-skin breeches was the best guide for him during the dark night’s walk.  Here they were pursued by the parliamentarian army; and Colonel Lane, at whose house Lord Wilmot had been concealed, being made acquainted with the critical position of Charles, offered to conceal him in his house at Bentley.  From there he retired to Bristol, at the house of Mr. Norton, a kinsman of Colonel Lane, in the hope of being able to obtain a passage to the continent, as “William,” the servant to Miss Jane Lane (sister of Colonel Lane), but no vessel would leave there for a month.  Charles, being thus frustrated in his object, placed himself under the guardianship of Colonel Windham, of Dorsetshire, in whose charge he continued nine days, and then went to Heale, within three miles of Salisbury, where he remained until the necessary arrangements had been made by Lord Wilmot, for his passage from Brighthelmston to France.

Lord Wilmot, after receiving counsel from Dr. Hinchman, afterwards Bishop of Salisbury, tried at Lawrence Hyde’s Esq., living at Hinton Dambray, in Hampshire, near the sea, what could be done for a passage.  Being unsuccessful there, he repaired to Colonel George Gounter, at Rackton, four miles from Chichester, who promised him every assistance in his power.  On Wednesday, the 8th of October, the Colonel rode to Elmsworth (Emsworth), a fishing station two miles from Rackton; but as the boats were all away, the Colonel could do no good there.  Colonel Gounter then, accompanied by Lord Wilmot, rode to Langstone, a place by the sea, and attempted in vain to arrange for a passage.  Colonel Gounter and Lord Wilmot then received the co-operation of Captain Thomas Gounter, who went to Chichester, but was unsuccessful in his object.  The Colonel upon this, conceived the next and best expedient, namely, of treating with a French merchant, a Mr. Francis Mancell, at Ovingdean Grange, whither he hastened, pretending to pay him a visit, and to become well acquainted with him.  He was there courteously received, and entertained; and, after a while, he broke the business to Mancell, saying, “I do not only come to visit you; but to request one favour of you.  I have two special friends who have been engaged in a duel, and there is mischief done, and I am obliged to get them off if I can.  Can you fraught (freight) a bark?”  Mr. Mancell said he doubted not he could at Brighthelmston.  The Colonel pressed him to go immediately, promising, if the business was effected he would give him £50 for his pains; but it being Stock fair-day there, and his partner out of the way, he could not possibly until the next day.  On the 10th October, the merchant went to Brighthelmston to enquire, but the seaman upon whom he could with the greatest certainty have depended, was gone to Chichester, he having bargained for a cargo there; fortunately, however, it touched at Shoreham, about four miles from Brighthelmston.  Mr. Mancell, therefore, sent immediately to Shoreham, for the man, and on Saturday the 11th October, an agreement was made that he (the seaman), should have £60 paid him, before he took the parties into the boat.  And it was arranged that he was to be in readiness at an hour’s warning.  In the meantime, Mancell was to stay there, under pretence of freighting his bark, so as to see all things in readiness against the arrival of the Colonel and his two friends.  The Colonel then returned to the house of Mr. Hyde, afterwards Chief Justice of the King’s Bench, with whom Lord Wilmot was staying, and broke the joyful intelligence to him, that all was in readiness; and it was arranged that Colonel Phillips should go for the King on the following day.  This was effected, and the King, on horseback, escorted by Colonel Phillips, rode from Heale to Winchester, where they were met by Lord Wilmot, Colonel Gounter, and Captain Gounter, who accompanied them to Brawde Halfe-penny, a little above Hambledon, where Charles expressed a wish that lodgings should be procured in the neighbourhood, and he was consequently conducted to the house of Colonel Phillips’s sister, at the rear of Hambledon; where, after partaking of a hearty supper, Charles retired to rest, being much fatigued by his long ride of 40 miles that day.  At the break of day the following morning, the party took their leave of Hambledon, and on coming to Arundel, rode close by the castle, where they were met full butt by Captain Morley, the Governor, but whom they happily escaped, and then passed on by Howton to Bramber.  The remaining portion of the journey is found thus fully detailed in a very curious and recherche article which, about forty years since came into the possession of the British Museum, and is entitled “The last Act, in the miraculous storie of his Mties. escape; being a true and perfect revelation of his conveyance, through many dangers, to a safe harbour; out of the reach of his tyranical enemies; by Colonel Gunter; of Racton in Sussex; who had the happiness to be instrumental in the business, (as it was taken from his mouth by a person of worth a little before his death.)”—“Being come to Bramber, we found the streets full of soldiers, on both sides the houses; whoe unluckily and unknowne to me were come thither the night before, to guard; but luckily (or rather by a speciall Providence) were just then come from their guard at Bramber bridge, unto the towne [126] for refreshment.  We came upon them unawares, and were seen, before we suspected anything.  My Lord Wilmot was ready to turne back, when I stept in and said: ‘If we do, wee are undone.’  ‘He saith well,’ saith the King.  I went before, hee followed, and soe passed through, without any hinderance.  It was then betweene three and fower of the clock in the afternoone.  We went on; but had not gone farre, but a new terror pursued us; the same soldiers riding after us as fast as they could.  Whereupon the King gave me a hem!  I slacked my pase, till they were come upp to me and by that tyme, the soldiers were come, whoe rudely passed by us (beeing in a narrow lane) soe that we could hardly keepe our saddles for them; but passed by without any further hurt; being some 30 or 40 in number.  When we were come to Beeding, a little village where I had provided a treatment for the King (one Mr. Bagshall’s house) I was earnest that his Matie. should stay there a whyle, till he had viewed the coast: But my Lord Wilmot would by noe meanes, for feare of those soldiers, but carried the King out of the road, I knew not whither, soe we parted; they were they thought safest, I to Brightemston; being agreed they should send to me, when fixed any where, and ready.  Being come to the said Brightemston, I found all clear there, and the Inne (the George) free from all strangers att that tyme.  Having taken the best roome in the house and bespoken my supper; as I was entertaining myselfe with a glass of wine; the King, not finding accommodation elsewhere to his mind was come to the Inne; then upp comes mine hoast (one Smith by name).  ‘More guests,’ saith he; he brought them into another room, I taking noe notice.  It was not long, but drawing towards the King’s roome, I heard the King’s voice, saying aloud to Lord Wilmot, ‘Here, Mr. Barlow, I drinck to you.’  ‘I know that name’ said I to my hoast, there by me; ‘I pray enquire, and whether he were not a Major in the King’s Army.’  Which done, he was found to bee the man, whome I expected; and presently invited, as was likely, to the fellowship of a glass of wine.  From that I proceeded and made a motion to join companie, and because my chamber was largest that they might make use of it.  Which was accepted, and soe we became one companie againe.  At supper the King was cheereful, not showing the least signe of fear or apprehension of danger; neyther then nor att any tyme during the whole course of this busines.  Which is no small wonder, considering that the very thought of his ennemies soe great, and soe many; soe diligent, and soe much interested in his ruine; was enough, as long as he was within their reach, and as it were, in the very middest of them, to have daunted the stoutest courage in the world.  As if God had opened his eyes, as he did Elisha’s servant, at his master’s request, and he had seene a heavenly hoast round about him to guard him: which to us was visible, who therefore, though much encouraged by his undauntedness, and the assurance of soe good and glorious a cause; yet were not without secret terrors within ourselves, and thought every minute a day, a month, till they should see his sacred person out of their reach.  Supper ended, the King stood his back against the fyer, leaning over a chaire.  Up comes mine host (upon some jealousie, I guess not any certain knowledge;) but up comes him who called himself Gaius, runs to the King, catcheth his hand and kissing it, said: ‘It shall not be said but I have kissed the best man’s hand in England.’  He had waited at table at supper, where the boateman also sate with us and were then present.  Whether he had feare, or heard any thing that could give him any occasion of suspicion, I knowe not.  In very decde, the King had a hard taske, soe to carry himself in all things, that he might be in nothing like himselfe: Majesty being so naturall upon him, that even when hee said nothing, did nothing, his very lookes (if a man observed) were enough to betray him.  It was admirable to see the King (as though he had not been concerned in these words, which might have soumded in the ears of another man as the sentence of death) turned about in silence, without any alteration of countenance or taking notice of what had been said.  About a quarter of an hour after, the King went to his chamber, where I followed him and craved his pardon with earnest protestation that I was innocent, soe altogether ignorant of the cause how this had hapened.  ‘Peace, peace, Colonel,’ said the King, ‘the fellow knowes mee, and I him.  He was one (whether or not, I know not; soe the King thought att the tyme) that belonged to the back stairs of my father; I hope he is an honest fellow.’  After this I began to treat with the boatman (Tettersfield by name) asking him in what readiness he was.  He answered, he could not of that night, because for more security he had brought his vessel into a breake and the tyde had forsaken it: so that it was on ground.  It is observable that all the whyle this business had been in agitation to this very time, the wind had been contrarie.  The king then opening the wenddowe, tooke notice that the wind was turned, and told the master of the shipp.  Whereupon, because of the wind, and a cleere night, I offered £10 more to the man to gett off that night.  But that could not be.  However, we agreed that he should take in his company that night.  But it was a great business that we had in hand; and God would have us to knowe soe, both by the difficulties that offered themselves, and by his helpe he afforded to remove them.  When we thought we had agreed, the boatman starts back and saith, ‘noe, except I would ensure the barke.’  Argue it we did with him, how unresoanable it was, beeing soe well paid, &c., but to no purpose, soe that I yielded att last, and £200 was his valuation, which was agreed upon.  But then, as though he had been resolved to frustrate all by unreasonable demands, he required my bond.  At which, moved with much indignation, I began to be as resolut as he; saying, among other things, ‘there were more boates to bee had, besydes his; if he would not another should,’ and made as though I would go to another.  In this contest the king happily interposed.  ‘He saith right,’ saith his Matie., ‘a gentleman’s word, especially before witnesses, is as good as his bond.’  At last the man’s stomach came downe, and carrie them he would, whatever became of it; and before he would be taken he would run his boate under the water.  Soe it was agreed that about tooe in the morning they should be aboard.  The boateman in the meanetyme went to provide for necessaries, and I persuaded the king to take some rest.  He did, in his cloaths, and my Lord Wilmot with him, till towards tooe in the morning.  Then I called them up, showing them how the tyme went by my watch.  Horses being ledd by the back way towards the beache, we came to the boat, and found all readie.  Soe I took my leave, craving his Maties. pardon if anthing had happened through error, not want of will or loyalty.  How willingly I would have waited further, but for my family (being many) which would want mee, and I hoped his Matie. would not, not doubting but in a very little tyme he should be where he would.  My only request to his Mtie. was that he would conceal his instruments, wherein their preservation was so much concerned.  His Matie. promised noebody should know.  I abided there keeping the horses in readiness in case anything unexpected had happened.  At 8 o’clock I saw them on sayle, and it was the afternoon before they were out of sight.  The wind (O Providence) held very good till the next morning, to ten of the clock brought them to a place of Normandie called Fackham, some three miles from Havre de Grace, 15 Oct.  Wenseday.  They were no sooner landed but the wind turned, and a violent storme did arise, in soe much that the boateman was forced to cut his cable, lost his anchor to save his boate, for which he required of me £8, and had it.  The boate was back againe at Chichester, by Friday, to take his fraught.  I was not gone out of the town of Brighthelmston twoe houres, but soldiers came thither to search for a tall man 6 foot and 4 inches high.”

By the foregoing it will be seen that Charles never visited, much less slept at Ovingdean Grange, as has been stated by some historical writers, playwrights, and writers of romance. [130]

The vessel in which Charles escaped, was the “Surprise,” the property of Captain Nicholas Tettersell, whose virtues are engraved upon his tomb in the Old Church-yard,—vide Chapter XVI.  The vessel was a brig which had been detained a few years previously, in the Downs, by a royal squadron, on her way from Newcastle, with a cargo of coals, but was released by a personal order of Charles, then Prince of Wales, whose features were consequently known to Tettersell, notwithstanding the king’s attempt to disguise himself.  The brig at the time of the engagement with Tettersell, was half laden with coals, and the sailors were in a great measure disengaged from duty.  In order, therefore, to collect them without exciting suspicion, he announced that she had broken from her moorings.  By this means, having got his crew on board, he signified to them his engagement in a secret expedition, in which their service should not go unrewarded.  Matters being thus prudently adjusted, Tettersell went ashore by himself, in order to get a bottle of spirits, and to inform his wife that he should be absent for a few days.  Curiosity urging the good woman to dive into the mystery of so sudden and unreasonable a departure, he was at last constrained by her importunity to reveal to her the nature of the service he had undertaken; and she, with a fortitude and fidelity which reflect a lustre on her memory, earnestly exhorted him to an honourable performance of his engagement with the illustrious fugitive.  It is recorded by Baker, in his Chronicles, that in the course of the day, as the king, who still retained his disguise, that of a Puritan, was sitting on the deck, one of the sailors stood close to windward of him smoking his pipe, and on being rebuked by the captain for making so free, retired, muttering, “truly a cat may look at a king,” but without being aware how personally apposite the adage was.

After the Restoration, Tettersell, in 1671, in consideration of his loyal services, was appointed by James, Duke of York, (then Lord High Admiral of England,) Captain of the “Royal Escape,” as a fifth-rate; and the year ensuing, the king granted the reversion of that sinecure to his son.

The following is the patent for the reversion of the appointment:—

Charles R.

Whereas our dear brother, James, Duke of York, Lord High Admiral of England, hath by his orders, dated the 4th of September last past, directed you to cause Captain Nicholas Tetershall to be borne in pay, together with one servant, as captain of our vessel called the Royal Escape; and that he should be allowed pay as captain of a fifth-rate ship, and he and his servant paid with the yard at Deptford; and whereas the said Nicholas Tetershall hath humbly besought us to continue the said allowance unto his son, Nicholas Tetershall, after his decease, in consideration of his faithful and fortunate service performed unto us, we have thought fit to condescend unto that his request, and it is accordingly our will and pleasure that after the decease of the said Nicholas Tetershall, the father, he, the said Nicholas Tetershall, the son, be borne in pay, together with one servant, as captain of our said vessel, the Royal Escape, and that he be allowed pay as captain of a fifth-rate ship, and he and his servant paid with the yard at Deptford, in the same manner as his father now is.  Given at our Court at Whitehall, the 29th day of August, 1672, in the four-and-twentieth year of our reign.

By His Majesty’s command,
Henry Coventry.

To the Principal Officers and Commissioners
      of our Navy now and the time being.

By the following minute in the record book of the House of Commons, Wednesday, 19th of December, 1660, it will be seen that His Majesty was not unmindful of the services in effecting his escape, that were rendered by Mr. Lane and his family:—

Resolved.—“That as a mark of respect to Mrs. Lane, and in testimony of her services, in being instrumental to the preservation and security of the person of his royal Majesty, there be conferred on the said Mrs. Lane the sum of £1,000, to buy her a jewel, and that the same be, and hereby stands charged on the arrears of the grand excise, and paid to her assigns, in course, after the other sums are satisfied which are charged on the grand excise, by former orders of this Parliament.  And the commissioners of excise, for the time being, are hereby impowered and required to satisfy and pay the same accordingly.  And this order, together with the acquitance of the said Mrs. Lane, or her assigns, testifying the receipt thereof, shall be to the commissioners of excise a sufficient warrant and discharge.”