Those early plates of Pesaro were very rarely signed by their artists; but one in the Hague Museum bears a cipher resembling C.H.O.N., whilst another, quoted by Pungileoni, has a mark composed of G.A.T. interlaced. In 1478, Sixtus IV. wrote his acknowledgments to Costanzo Sforza for a present of "Vasa fictilia, most elegantly wrought, which, for the donor's sake, are prized as if of gold or silver rather than of earthenware."[243] In a similar letter, Lorenzo the Magnificent thanked [Roberto] Malatesta, observing that "they please me entirely by their perfections and rarity, being quite novelties in these parts, and are valued more than if of silver," the donor's arms serving daily to recall their origin.[244] Passeri gives a curious proclamation by the Lord of Pesaro, in 1486, narrating that, for good favour to the citizens, and considering a fabric of earthen vases to have been of old practised in that city, superior, by general admission, to all others produced in Italy, and that there were now more workshops than ever,—importation of any species thereof from foreign parts was prohibited, on pain of confiscation and fine, half to the informer, oil and water jars only excepted; and further that, within eight days, all foreign vases should be sent out of the state. In 1510, majolica was numbered among the trades of Pesaro, and in 1532, Duke Francesco Maria confirmed the protection for it which we have just cited. I have not met with the patent for "application of gold to Italian faience," quoted by Mr. H. Rogers as granted, in 1509, to Giacomo Lanfranco of Pesaro, by Duke Guidobaldo, who, by the way, was then dead.

It may have been soon after this date that "fine" superseded "half" ware in the potteries of Pesaro, where the art obtained a new stimulus on transference hither of the court by Duke Guidobaldo II. Thereafter it is impossible to distinguish earthenware issuing from these establishments from that of Urbino, their quality being similar, and the artists in many cases identical; but by that Prince's patronage it unquestionably attained its greatest perfection. A petition by certain makers of Pesaro for protection, is given in X. of the Appendix, as illustrating then received principles of trade, as well as of this fabric. It bears date in 1552; and in 1569, the Duke granted to Giacomo Lanfranco, of that city, a patent for twenty-five years, guarded by 500 scudi of penalty, for his inventions in applying gold to vases, and in constructing them of great size (exceeding the capacity of two some), of antique forms, and wrought in relievo. As a further encouragement, he and his father Girolamo were exempted from every impost or tax, and from mill-dues on grinding ten some of grain annually. Proud of the reputation of his native pottery, Guidobaldo was in the habit of presenting services of majolica to foreign princes and personages, who again often sent commissions to be executed in the duchy, bearing their arms. A double service was, according to Vasari, given by him to Charles V.; and another to Philip II., painted by Orazio Fontana from Taddeo Zuccaro's designs; while Passeri mentions a set presented to Fra Andrea of Volterra, each piece inscribed G.V.V.D. [Guid Vbaldonis Urbini Ducis] Munus, F. Andreæ Volaterano. I found in the Oliveriana MSS. a letter addressed to his brother the Cardinal of Urbino, describing a buffet for Monsignor Farnese, with its inventory, which will be found at XI. of the Appendix. The most important, however, of the ducal commissions was a very numerous set of jars, of many sizes and shapes, for the use of his laboratory [spezeria], a fashion imitated by other dilettanti. Blue, yellow, and green are their prevailing hues; they are always labelled with the name of some drug or mixture, and occasionally have a portrait or other subject. The original set was gifted by Francesco Maria II. to the treasury of Loreto, where about three hundred and eighty of them still serve their original purpose, many duplicates being met with in collections. Specimens will be found engraved by Bartoli, and in Mr. Marryat's beautiful volume; the offers of various crowned heads to replace them by others of gold and silver, are well-known travellers' tales, but in truth they are far from choice specimens.

Like other branches of fine art, majolica-painting showed an early preference for sacred themes; but the primitive plates of Pesaro bear effigies of saints much more frequently than scripture histories, or doctrinal representations. Then came in a fashion for portraits of living or historical persons, including warriors, high-born dames, and classical heroes, inscribed with their names. These paintings are all flat and lifeless, with scarcely an attempt at relief, or graduated tints; the ornaments are rude, inclining to Moorish, and totally different from what is called arabesque. From the della Robbian influence were probably borrowed plates brimming with coloured fruits in relievo, a variety of little interest, but reminding us of similar French productions in a later period. In the sixteenth century, the mania of classicism, elsewhere discussed,[245] much affected majolica; and in its designs, although events of the Old Testament were not abandoned, saintly legends gave place to scenes from Ovid and Virgil. For behoof of the unlettered curious, the incident was shortly, often clumsily, described in blue letters on the back, with a reference to the text. In a few cases (perhaps of amatorii or nuptial gifts), I have found the very finest productions degraded by grossly indecent designs; in more numerous ones groups of nude figures disport themselves in the manner of Giulio Romano. Those in which Raffaelesque arabesques prevail, belong chiefly to the latter portion of Guidobaldo's reign. From that time the fabric decayed rapidly, owing partly to a general decline of æsthetic taste, partly to the impaired state of that Duke's finances, and the indifference of his successor. Even after historical compositions were neglected, considerable dexterity was displayed in painting trophies, arms, musical instruments, utensils, marine monsters, children, grotesques, birds, trees, flowers, fruits, and landscapes, designs of that class being easily repeated and their inaccuracies passing for studied extravagance. But the drawing got worse, the colouring more feeble, as good artists dropped off, carrying with them their sketches, and superseded by engravings from Sadeler and other Flemings, whose vile taste contributed to lower the standard of better times.[246] Public favour, ever capricious, was successfully wooed by the oriental porcelain, which now found its way among the higher ranks, while the augmented supply of silver encouraged a more extended use of plate. Thus discredited, the manufacture progressively deteriorated, until, in 1722, the stoneware of Urbania was of the most ordinary description, the efforts of Cardinal Legate Stoppani to reinstate a better fabric having totally failed; and thus neglected, the most beautiful productions of its happier time were dispersed, or passed to the meanest uses, from which another whim of fashion, as much as the revival of a better taste, has suddenly rescued them.

Much of what has been said of the fine majolica of Pesaro is applicable to that ascribed to Urbino, most of which appears to have been made in the neighbouring towns of Fermignano, Gaifa, and Castel Durante (now Urbania), the alluvial washings of the Metauro being peculiarly adapted for the purest white glaze. Yet Pungileoni has wormed out of some old notarial protocols the names of Mo. Giovanni di Donnino in 1477, and of Mo. Francesco in 1501, both designed of Gardutia, potters (figuli) at Urbino. He also establishes that coloured figures were executed there in vases in 1521. Passeri denies that those ruby and gold colours for which we shall find Gubbio celebrated, and which certainly were known in the workshops of Pesaro, ever came into use at Urbino,—a conclusion which we shall have occasion to correct. Indeed, this secret of metallic iridescence is said to have been known at Florence, and I have seen a plate of golden lustre bearing the emblem of the woolstaplers' guild [arte della lana]; but if such manufactory existed, I have found no notice of it, and the still flourishing one of Ginori in the Val d'Arno pretends to no such antiquity. I was shown at Florence a tile, on which Annibale Caracci's Galatea was represented with great accuracy of design, but poor and hard in colour, signed "Ferdinand Campani, Siena, 1736." In the latter town there is said to have been a fabric known by the name of Terchi; the analogous one, near Fermo, in the Abruzzi, called Grue, sent forth, I believe, most of those tiles, small plates, or cups and saucers,—ornamented with landscapes of tolerable design, but tinted in sickly yellow or blue, and totally devoid of style,—which abound in Lower Italy.

The prismatic glaze, especially of gold and ruby colour, was unequalled in those plates painted at Gubbio by Maestro Giorgio Andreoli, who appears to have come hither from Pavia with his brothers Salimbeni and Giovanni. His name was there enrolled among the nobility in 1498, but the dates affixed to his plates extend from 1518 to about 1537. He had previously executed several plastic works of the nature of della Robbia's figures, the principal of which was a Madonna del Rosario altar-piece for the Domenican church, which has been enthusiastically described in No. 928 of the London Athenæum. It was torn down by the French in their wonted course of rapine, and, to the disgrace of the local authorities of Gubbio, lay neglected for several years after the peace, until purchased for the Steidl Institut at Frankfort. The only other of his productions remaining at Gubbio is a life-sized statue of St. Anthony in the same church, quite inferior as regards design and religious feeling to those of the Tuscan sculptors, and which, though coloured, has no metallic lustre. He is said by Passeri to have lived until 1552; and of his family, who long occupied an honourable station in their native city, only a son, Cencio, followed his father's profession. I have seen a plate of this school at Mr. Forrest's, 54 Strand [1850], rudely signed with G; others have R, perhaps il Rovigese, whom I shall presently mention. Mo. Prestino da Gubbio wrought about 1557, but the latest date I have seen with metallic lustre and the Gubbian mark is 1549, on which the iridescence was extremely feeble.

Passeri's assertion, that the Gubbian glaze was borrowed from the half-majolica of Pesaro, may be correct; but we might, perhaps, maintain for it a date as early as 1474, on the authority of a beautiful small plate possessing its peculiarities, and exhibiting Duke Federigo's name and profile in relief, within a coloured border of oak-leaves also in relief, made, possibly, on occasion of his alliance with the della Rovere, by marriage of the Lord Prefect with his daughter in that year. This interesting memorial is No. 2286 of the Mediæval Gallery at the Louvre. In Mr. Marryat's choice cabinet is a half-ware plate, bearing on the back a monogram, which that gentleman supposes of Maestro Giorgio's early period, before he had discovered the mode of obtaining iridescent varnishes. It displays a group of nude figures in pale greyish tints, without any approach to brilliant colouring. His usual signature was dashed off with a metalliferous brush on the back, Mo. Go. da Vgubio, with the date, as at No. 11 of the same facsimiles, from a plate in my possession. Such pieces are rare, and highly prized; their subjects are usually saints, classical groups, or grotesques, vases being very seldom met with. A branch of this fabric is said to have been seated at Nocera; and several, with bright red and blue tracery on a gold metallic ground, dated 1537-8, in the choice cabinet of Signor Serafino Tordelli at Spoleto [1845], are supposed by him of that fabric. Among other exquisite specimens, he has one by Maestro Giorgio, 1529, rivalling the finest miniature, and representing Archimedes measuring a globe, in front of the Communal Palace at Gubbio.

Thus much regarding the various manufactories of majolica connected with Urbino. The forms and purposes to which it was turned were very various. The first plates of Pesaro, chiefly of great size [bacili], were probably for table use, but a variety of them, called amatorii, were either tender souvenirs or marriage gifts. These usually had the lady's portrait, with the complimentary epithet of Bella, as in this example now in my possession; at other times united hands and a transfixed heart, with a motto of affection, moralising, or banter. Several such have been described by Passeri, Marryat, and others, but I shall add a few which have come under my observation. 1. At Florence: Francesca bella a paragon di tutti, "Frances, of beauty comparable to any one." 2. At Rome: Nemo sua sorte contentus erat, "Each has something to grumble about." 3. Sir Thomas B. Hepburn; a lady holding a gigantic pink: Non è sì vago el fiore che non imbiacca o casca, "There is no flower so lovely but fades or droops." 4. Rome; a dame of rueful countenance: Sola miseria caret invidia, "Only the miserable escape envy." 5. Pesaro, Massa collection: Per dormire non si acquista, "The indolent get nothing." 6. Florence: Chi bien guida sua barcha sempre emporto, "Who steers well his bark, always makes the harbour." 7. Pesaro:—

8, 9. Florence, and evidently nuptial presents: Per fin che vivo, io sempre t'amerò, "While I live, you I love"; the other, a bridegroom and bride exchanging a hearty kiss. Most of these portrait-plates were deep, and are said not to have been delivered empty. Brides received them brimming with jewels; for dancing partners they were filled with fruits and confections; to a lady in childbed was presented a salver containing the sort of chamber service called in French a déjeûner de marié, appropriately decorated with infant legends of gods and heroes; at children's balls, were given tiny plates of sugar-plums, whereon a dancing Cupid sounding his cymbal was often painted. 10. Massa collection,—this has a sadder import: Un bel morire tutta la vita onora, "A beautiful death confers illustration on a lifetime," was, no doubt, in memory of some venerated friend, and might have been used to serve her funeral meats.[248]

But to return to the uses of this pottery. Those who have observed the rich effect of the majolica sparingly displayed in the late Mediæval Exhibition at the Adelphi [1850] may readily admit that, on a buffet lit up by Italian suns, its glowing tints and attractive forms were no mean substitute for the as yet scarce precious metals. Ingenuity was taxed to invent designs and adaptations of an art in which fashion ran riot:—Tiles for floors or panelling; vases of mere ornament; beakers; epergnes; wine-coolers; perfume-sprinklers; fountains, whence there flowed alternately, as if by magic, water or wine of nine varieties at the bidding of the bewildered guests; wine-cups clustered with grapes, through an orifice in which the liquor was sucked, anticipating the American device for discussing sherry-cobbler. Of drug-bottles and pots we have spoken. Sauce-boats, salt-cellars, and inkstands gave rise to endless caprices, in the guise "of beasts, and of fowl and fishes"; and to these may be added figure-groups of saints, grotesque characters and animals, fruits, trees, and pilgrims' bottles.

In the decorations there was generally a consistency, too often lost sight of by modern artificers. Thus, toilet-basins were painted with marine deities, water-nymphs, or aquatic allegories; fruit-stands with fruit and vintages; wine-cups with vine-festoons. Among the oddities may be mentioned tiny tea-cups, into the paste for which was mingled a portion of dust carefully gathered in sweeping out the holy house at Loreto, their sanctity being vouched by the inscription, Con pol. di S.C., "With dust from the Santa Casa." The effigy of the Madonna of Loreto is often affixed, in colour and design on a par with the superstition. A pair of these was shown at the Mediæval Exhibition of 1850, No. 562 of the catalogue, belonging to a Mrs. Palliser.

Having thus considered the various sites and sorts of Urbino majolica, its processes and purposes, we shall mention some of the artists employed upon it. Of these there were two classes, the potter who mixed and manipulated, modelled and moulded clay-clod into an article of convenience or luxury, and the painter whose pencil rendered it an object of the fine arts; latterly, however, these branches were combined, and were carried on by a class of artificers called vasaii or vasari, and boccalini, according as vases or bottles prevailed in their workshops. The little that has come to our knowledge regarding those by whom the early Pesarese and Gubbian ware was fashioned and decorated will be found in a former page. The latter makers of Pesaro and Urbino have more frequently left us the means of identifying their performances in monograms or signatures, usually inscribed in blue characters on the back of plates. But before considering these, we may dispose of the vulgar error which has given Raffaele's name to Italian porcelain. Superficial or romancing writers have often seriously repeated, with purely fictitious additions, Malvasia's petulant sneer, which he was fain quickly to retract, that the great Sanzio was a painter of plates; others have, without better grounds, made him assistant to his father, a potter. There is however nothing connecting him with the ceramic art beyond a loose notice by Don V. Vittorio, in his Osservazioni Sopra Felsina Pittrice (pp. 44, 112-14), of a letter from Raffaele referring to designs supplied by him to the Duchess for majolica. That he did supply such drawings is possible, though discredited by Pungileoni, and, if true, it in no way compromises his status, at a period when high art lent a willing hand to decorate and elevate the adjuncts and appliances of domestic life. This much is certain, that compositions emanating from Sanzio and his school were employed in ornamenting porcelain during the sixteenth century, but they were doubtless obtained from his pupils, or from the engravings of Marc Antonio. Such is the title here introduced from the original in my possession (8½ inches by 7), which is one of the most Raffaelesque I have met with, and which, though not signed, displays the colouring practised by Fra Xanto, the blue and green being deep and well marked, the orange and yellow of the clouds and curtain in metallic iridescence.

In this, as in most instances, the design is somewhat marred by the colours having run when laid on, or during vitrification. The mistake as to Sanzio has been partly occasioned by confusion with Raffaele del Colle, who painted at the Imperiale, and is said by tradition to have contributed sketches for the Pesarese workshops, and also with another Raffaele Ciarla, who seems to have been a potter, about 1530-60. Battles, sieges, and mythological figures resembling the vigorous inventions of Giulio Romano, are not unfrequent; and in the Kestner Museum, I have observed several plates of choice design and Raffaelesque character, especially the Fall and Expulsion of our first Parents, and the Gathering of Manna. But these are satisfactorily accounted for by Passeri's statement, that, with a view to improve a native manufacture which brought to his state both estimation and wealth, Duke Guidobaldo II. took infinite pains in collecting a better class of drawings and prints from celebrated masters, on the dispersion of which, in consequence of their being sought for by collectors, the pictorial excellence of majolica rapidly declined. The first symptom of decay was the substitution of monotonous arabesques, weak in colour and repeated from the type introduced by Raffaele, in place and figure groups and other subjects requiring composition and design.

Premising that we cannot now distinguish exactly between potters and the painters, where these cognate occupations chanced to be divided, and that the same persons occasionally wrought at various places in the duchy, we shall supply a notice of the names we have met with in connection with the workshops of Pesaro, Urbino, and Castel Durante, during the sixteenth century.

Terenzio Terenzi painted vases and plates at Pesaro, one of which he signed "Terenzio fecit, 1550," but his usual mark was T. Another is inscribed, "Questo piatto fu fatto in la Bottega de Mastro Baldassare, Vasaro da Pesaro e fatto per mano de Ferenzio fiolo di Mastro Matteo Boccalaro." He was doubtless the person who, under the surname of Rondolino, became notorious at Rome for his clever pictorial forgeries of the great master's works, although said by Ticozzi to have been born at Pesaro in 1570. The signature "Mastro Gironimo, Vasaro in Pesaro, J.P." occurs from 1542 to 1560, and to him Mr. Marryat ascribes, on what authority I know not, the mark A.O. connected by a cross, which Passeri quotes as of another artist in 1582; the letters I.P. that gentleman reads in Pesaro. This Girolamo Lanfranco was a native of Gabicce, near Pesaro, and died in 1599, leaving sons Girolamo and Ludovico. In his favour, and that of his son, were granted the privileges already referred to, as dated 1552 and 1569.

O F V F

In connection with the workshops of Urbino, we have these names. Giovanni and Francesco di Donnino had a commission for a set of vases for Cardinal Capaccio. Fra Xanto. a. da Rovigo in Urbino signed platters of great size and beautiful design, about 1532-4, some of which show a very fine metallic and prismatic lustre. The mark X, occurring on pieces of that quality, does not, however, always refer to him. A splendid plate in Mr. Marryat's rich collection, commemorative of the taking of Goletta, in Africa, by Charles V., is inscribed In Urbino nella botteg di Francesco de Silvano, X. MDXXXXI.; and a Judith of great beauty, in the Tordelli cabinet, signed F.X. 1535, is, no doubt of that master. Contemporary and very analogous are plates with an iridescence rivalling that of Maestro Giorgio, signed Mastro Rovigo di Urbino, or Da Rovigiese: of this artist, probably the countryman of Xanto, we know nothing, but he may be the same who signs Gubbian plates with R. Equally little can we say as to Giulio of Urbino, who is mentioned as working for the Duke of Ferrara, about 1530; or of Cesare da Faenza, then employed in the shop of Guido Merlini, of Urbino. Much more noted are the Fontana family, originally of Castel Durante. From thence Guido, son of Nicolò, emigrated to the capital, where his son Orazio painted many of the finest productions of the reign of Guidobaldo II., including the best vases of his laboratory, his usual mark being this, meaning Orazio Fontana Urbinate fece. Among the treasures and trash of Strawberry Hill was a very large vase, with serpent handles, and designs ascribed to Giulio Romano, inscribed Fate in botega di Orazio Fontana.[249] A plate described by Passeri, has the story of Horatius Cocles, with the motto Orazio solo contra Toscana tutta, fatto in Pesaro 1541, which appears to be a jeu de mots intended by Fontana as a challenge to the rival fabrics of Tuscany.[250] For him has been claimed the invention of Gubbian glaze; while others say his discovery was a mode of preventing the mixture of colours during vitrification. He died in 1571, his labours having been shared by a brother Camillo, who carried the art to Ferrara, and a nephew Flaminio, who settled in Florence.

Among the pupils of Orazio was Raffaele Ciarla, whose name we have noticed as confused with that of Raffaele Sanzio, and who painted a buffet of porcelain, after designs by Taddeo Zuccaro, which his sovereign presented to Philip II. of Spain. He wrought between 1530 and 1560. Gianbattista Franco, a Venetian painter of whom we have lately spoken, was invited by Duke Guidobaldo II., about 1540, to supply designs for majolica, in consequence of his reputation for clever drawings in the dangerous style of Michael Angelo. The loss of his cupola for the cathedral at Urbino is not to be regretted; but in a humbler sphere he acquitted himself better, and some of the vases in the laboratory bear his signature, B.F.V.F., Battista Franco Urbinas fecit. Among the latest artists was Alfonso Patanazzi, who was born at Urbino of a noble family, and died in 1694; but his productions (signed in full, or with his initials) have no artistic merit whatever.

It remains to mention those who wrought chiefly at Castel Durante, or, as it was named after the Devolution to the Holy See, Urbania. The Chevalier Cipriano Picolpasso, from being a professor of the healing art, took to pottery about 1550, and left a MS. account of some of the secrets of that fabric and of its glazes, which was used by Passeri for his work. Mr. Marryat considers that he was peculiarly successful in painting trophies. Guido di Savino is said to have carried the art from Castel Durante to Antwerp; and he or Guido Fontana may be author of a plate, in the Soane Museum, of the Fates, signed In botega di Mo. Guido Durantino in Urbino. To either of them I am disposed to assign the monogram, No. 12, of our 18th plate of facsimiles, which Mr. Marryat reads as Castel Durante, but which seems to me a G.D., for Guido Durantino. Alessandro Gatti, of that place, had three brothers, Giovanni, Tiseo, and Luzio, whom Picolpasso mentions as having emigrated to Corfu, and there established the same fabric. Cardinal Stoppani, Legate of Pesaro, in last century, made some ineffectual attempts to restore the manufacture at Urbania, and the only pottery now produced in the duchy is of the most ordinary white stoneware. It would be interesting to know the scale of remuneration for mere artistic varieties of majolica, but the prices given by Passeri, from Picolpasso's MS., refer only to the more ordinary and mechanical designs, such as grotesques with monsters, arabesques, trophies with armour, fruit, flowers, and foliage; of these the first was the most costly, the last the cheapest, varying from two Roman scudi to about two and a half pauls per hundred. Supposing money in 1560 to have been six times its present value in Italy, these sums may be considered equal to fifty shillings and six shillings respectively.[251]

In Italy, the collection of majolica made by the Chevalier Massa, at Pesaro, is specially worthy of notice, and contains specimens of most varieties made in the duchy. It was chiefly got together between 1825 and 1835 when these were still abundant and little sought after; but the district was nearly cleared of them about twelve years since, by an agent of Parisian dealers. The Chevalier, who was in extreme old age in 1845, had bequeathed his majolica—consisting of about five hundred pieces, with a few indifferent pictures—to his native town, unless he could, during life, sell the whole for about 1000l., destined by him to charitable purposes. Another numerous collection is that of Signor Mavorelli, at La Fratta, near Perugia. The small but choice cabinet of Signor Serafino Tordelli, at Spoleto, has already been mentioned. Specimens may still be picked up in Rome, Florence, Paris, and London; but perhaps the most specimens are in the hands of English amateurs.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

(Page 21)

CORRESPONDENCE OF CLEMENT VII. WITH
DUKE FRANCESCO MARIA BEFORE THE SACK OF ROME, 1527

THERE are several brieves preserved in the Archivio Diplomatico at Florence, affording evidence of the Pope's feeble and inconsistent policy. His missive, announcing to the Duke the truce with Lannoy, was dated the 16th of March, and was followed by one of the 20th of April, which we shall here translate:—

On the 22nd and 30th the Pope wrote again, but in general terms, and referring for details to the accredited bearer and to former despatches. He exhorted the Duke, in formal and measured phrase, to do his utmost towards fulfilling the expectations reposed on him and the Venetians, upon whom were based all the Pontiff's hopes; but neither in letter nor spirit do these brieves indicate any perception of the extreme hazards of his position.

APPENDIX II

(Page 21)

THE SACK OF ROME

I. Letter from the Bishop of Modula to the Generals of the League.[252]

Most illustrious Lords of the League,

Let your most illustrious Lordships speed on quickly without loss of time, seeing by these presents that the enemy have carried the Borgo, though our Lord and all Rome were well fortified. Monsignor de Bourbon is dead of an arquebus-shot below the abdomen, and a man has just come in who happened to aid in carrying off his body. More than three thousand of the enemy have fallen. Let your Lordships, then, press on, for the enemy are in the utmost disorder; quickly, quickly, without loss of time. Your servant,

Guido, Bishop Of Modula.

From Viterbo, the 7th of May, 1527, 3 P.M.

To the most illustrious Lords, the Duke of Urbino and the Marquis of Saluzzo, Captains of the League.

II. Letter from Scipione ... to Alessandro Moresino, alias Venezianello, Master of the Chamber of the Prince Guidobaldo, dated at Urbino, 20th of May, 1527, narrating the destruction of Rome.

Most dear as an honoured brother,

I wish I were fitter than at present, and more easy in mind, to write you of the strange, horrible, and atrocious event befallen the wretched, miserable, and ill-fated city of Rome. Although I feel assured that, from different advices, you will have had partial, if not full accounts, nevertheless, that I may not fail in duty, I have thought it best to inform you of all I have yet heard, notwithstanding that I tell it with aching heart and tearful eye.

I therefore inform you that eight days ago last Monday, being the 18th inst., about 22 o'clock [half-past 5 P.M.], the Spanish imperial army presented itself at the bastion of the gate. Their object was to make trial, and see how and by whom it was guarded, not having courage to attack; but after consulting together, and deciding to assault, and even to make their way into the city, they took some food, and then suddenly and all in a mass attempted with furious impetuosity to force the bastion, which is said to have been ill guarded, there being but four thousand regular infantry in Rome. In this attack, both sides behaved with great bravery, and were supposed to have lost about one thousand men, including the flower of the Spaniards. Bourbon, observing the slaughter and immense confusion, rushed on with all the lansquenets. The castle maintained a fire of artillery as they best could; but the air being obscured by a dense fog, they could not see the effect of it, and battered down a piece of wall.[253] Through it, and by storming the bastion, the Imperialists entered, and there Bourbon met his death from an arquebus-shot, which passed quite through his belly. The papal troops, unable to offer more resistance, fled towards the castle, into which most of them were admitted, especially those who arrived first. It is rumoured, but not confirmed, that the Lord Stefano Colonna, who commanded the guard at that bastion, capitulated. Next day, being Tuesday, the enemy, though within the town, made no aggressions, but proceeded cautiously, dreading some ambush. Having, however, assured themselves that there was no cause for mistrust, they began to spread over the city, and to plunder the monasteries, nunneries, and hospitals, with great slaughter of those found therein. The hospital of San Spirito was destroyed, and the patients were thrown into the Tiber, after which they commenced attacking the palaces of cardinals and gentlemen, with much bloodshed and cruelty; and I have been told this morning by Francesco, son of Battista Riceco, that one Maestro Jacomo, the first perfumer in Rome, is come to his house, having escaped with four other chance companions, whom, being a very old friend, he has thought it necessary to receive kindly in his house; and he learned from him as certain, having been witness to it, that the lansquenets, that inhuman and villainous race of Lutheran infidels, slew without mercy those of all ages, sexes, and conditions whom they found in the streets; also, that they attacked Cardinal Cesarini's palace, wherein were many Roman gentlemen, guarded by two hundred infantry; and having stormed it, put them all to the sword, it being uncertain if the Cardinal himself were there. Thence they proceeded to the Spanish Archbishop of Cosenza's palace, wherein were some five hundred of his countrymen, men of credit inhabiting Rome, who had retired thither as to a place of safety; but all, without exception, were cut to pieces. They next went to the house of Messer Domenico de' Massimi, a Roman gentleman, who had there his wife and two children, with many noble persons of the city of all ages, every individual of whom were slain—men, women, children, servants, maids; and it was the same in many others, whose names I do not remember, so that the dead bodies lie in heaps in the houses and palaces of the nobility, each day getting worse. Fancy the affliction of the poor ladies, seeing husbands, brothers, children massacred before their eyes, without the power of aiding them, and worse still, they were themselves killed next moment. It is not believed that had the Turk come on such an enterprise, his barbarity would have equalled that daily, continuously, and perseveringly practised by these ruffians. I cannot imagine a greater purgatory or hell than to hear the weeping and lamentation there must be in that afflicted city.

But I forgot that he told me they were barricading the Marchioness of Mantua's palace, as he left Rome, in which were her Excellency, with many Roman ladies, who had fled there as to an asylum, but the result was not known. He also said that the Bande nere of the late Lord Giovanni de' Medici were to have from the Pope double pay for their services, which his Holiness refusing, a part of them remained in Rome, and the rest went off in disgust and joined the Spaniards in plundering, being the foremost to assault that bastion which was defended by their comrades, and having, in fact, secured the Imperialists their victory, as without them neither the lansquenets nor Spaniards had ever got into the city.

The Pope is in the castle, with many cardinals and other persons of station: they are said to have a year's provisions, with ample ammunition and artillery. This Maestro Giacomo says he heard that the Imperialists, dubious of succours, thought of fortifying the bridges, with the intention of holding their ground against any who might annoy them. As yet the lansquenets have made no prisoners, but the Spaniards have pillaged immensely, and taken vast numbers of men, women, priests, and people of all sorts, so that there is, from Rome to Naples, an uninterrupted stream of baggage and prisoners sent by them. He also mentions that the chief of Colonna most courageously charged the lansquenets, crying Colonna! Colonna! but after a great fray, he was beaten and his followers killed, whereupon Pompeo Colonna, thinking to elevate himself and put down his enemies, fled away, and neither he nor any of his house have been since heard of. It was reported that four soldiers were killed in entering the castle, but this is since contradicted. Cardinal del Monte and many more cardinals are missing, and it is not known if they got in there, or are dead, or taken, or escaped. It is suspected that these anti-Christian dogs will put all Rome to flames; and we may anticipate that after suffering all this rapine, pillage, slaughter, and captivity, it will soon have to endure a grievous pestilence, from the number of dead bodies left in the palaces and houses, which no one removes for burial, and which are putrefying in masses, so that no one can enter, on account of the stench, without inhaling infection. It is also said that, a day or two ago one of the Pope's chamberlains was secretly sent by his Holiness from the castle in the night to our Duke [of Urbino], to inform him of the state of matters, and to exhort him and the other captains of the League to push on with the army to his aid; and that all these other leaders having repaired to consult with his Lordship, they unanimously resolved to press forward. We hear that his Excellency is to-day at Orvieto, and will reach Viterbo to-morrow; also that he will make a general levy, and give bounty to all who will enlist. His Excellency has written the Governor a very affectionate letter, praying him to exhort all those here who have been soldiers to go in search of honourable service, with money and all they may require. The Governor has circulated copies of this letter throughout the state, and has made proclamation, so that they are embodying many men to join his Excellency. On Saturday, Vincenzo Ubaldino and Pier-Matteo di Thomasello will start from this with a fine and good detachment. I am sorry not to be able to send you a copy of this letter, which it would really have done your heart good to read. You could hardly believe how much vexation this misfortune to Rome has caused here; and when people of station discuss it, as they often do, I assure you I have seen them weep as freely as if it were their own. All that I have related I tell you just as I heard it from others. I would I were speaking untruths, and that it were all false; but I shall say no more. The Lady Madonna Emilia sends you hearty commendations, and reminds you not to give yourself such airs as to forget her. From Urbino, the 20th May, 1527. Entirely your brother,

Scipione Arris....

III. Letter from Mercurino da Gattinara, Commissary of the Imperial Army during the sack of Rome, wherein he informs the Emperor of the entrance into that city, of the slaughter and havock inflicted, and of the arrangement made through him with Clement VII., and how during four successive days he repaired to the Castle of St. Angelo to negotiate with the Pope and thirteen cardinals there inclosed.[254]

Most sacred Cæsar,

I have this written in Italian by another hand, being unable to do so with my own in consequence of meeting with an accident, as I shall presently explain. I have to inform your Majesty that Monsieur di Borbone, being near Florence and Siena with his army, and understanding that the former of these cities was well fortified, and contained the forces of the League ready to defend it, rendering a siege impossible, or at all events so protracted as to endanger your Majesty's troops from want of provisions and other stores, whilst the lack of pay risked their disbanding and losing all;—aware, on the other hand, that Rome had been disarmed, and that to seize and bring it and the Pontiff to great straits was to gain everything, or at all events would prove a measure so useful and advantageous as to content your Majesty;—it appeared to him better to abandon his designs upon Florence, and, advancing by forced marches, to beleaguer Rome, thereby anticipating the army of the League, and preventing them from succouring it, for which purpose he determined to leave his artillery in Siena. Accordingly, when this was decided, the confederates being in Florence, and we thirty miles on this side of it, we advanced with the utmost diligence, doing twenty or four-and-twenty miles a day, which was something quite new for the army, so numerous, so distressed by past fatigues, and by recent and actual hunger.[255] Thus, on Saturday the 4th instant, it was quartered at Isola, seven miles from Rome. M. di Borbone and his officers were astonished that the Pope and cardinals should await the army and the threatened danger, whilst Rome was incapable of defence, without submitting some proposal by envoy or letter, or even answering a despatch sent to his Holiness by M. di Borbone and the Viceroy as to the terms of agreement. Some of your Majesty's good servants suggested that were the army under the walls it was doubtful if they could carry them, from want of artillery, in which event their own destruction would follow; on the other hand, that in case of taking the city it would be sacked, which could be no good service to your Majesty, as its plunder would occasion the army to disperse, the Spaniards and Italians straggling towards Naples, or, should they not break up, they might demand immense arrears of pay, which not being discharged from want of means, everything would fall into confusion. For these reasons they recommended Borbone so to dispose his forces as to keep matters open for arrangement with the Pope. Of this advice he openly approved, desirous of any plan which should provide pay for the army. He, however, declared that he would not abstain from annoying the enemy, nor allow them time to provide for their interests, alleging that the Admiral [Bonnivet] of France, from not having taken Rome when he could, in order to save it from a sack, was unable afterwards to do so, it being defended by the Lord Prospero Colonna: also that, on another occasion, when Monsieur di Chaumont beleaguered Bologna, Fabrizio Colonna threw in succours whilst the French general was treating with Julius II., who thereupon broke off the parley: finally, that it became a pontiff rather to seek a capitulation than to wait until it was demanded of him.

Monsieur di Borbone accordingly decided on approaching the walls, and on Sunday morning the 5th we made a lodgment within [beyond?] St. Peter's palace, hard by the monastery of S. Pancrazio. Yet he did not neglect addressing a letter to the Pontiff on that morning, exhorting him to make a favourable capitulation rather than abide the unpleasant alternative. It was at the same time suggested whether it might not be well for him to repair to his Holiness; but considering that he could not go for want of a safe-conduct, it seemed better for him to remain; he, however, sent the letter by a trumpet, whom the enemy did not allow to pass, the missive remaining in their hands, and we know not whether it reached the Pope; at all events, no answer ever came, which was demanded before half-past seven P.M. of that day, after which it would be no longer possible to restrain the army. For these reasons, as evening approached, it was resolved to get the ladders all prepared for an assault the following morning on the Borgo towards the furnaces, where the wall was considered very weak. And so the assault was given on Monday morning the 6th of May in this year 1527, when by an unlucky chance the Lord di Borbone was hit in the abdomen towards the right thigh, of which wound he presently died. Yet notwithstanding this accident, which was not at once known to the army, the undertaking was carried through, and the Borgo was plundered that morning. The Pope, with most of the cardinals and court, were in the castle, but on hearing what had occurred they hastily retired to the castle of S. Angelo. Meanwhile our soldiery sacked the whole Borgo, and slew most of the people whom they found, taking a few prisoners. The enemy's forces then in the city are supposed not to have exceeded three thousand, unused to arms, so that it was scarcely defended; the dense fog which prevailed during that day was likewise inopportune, preventing them seeing each other; and the struggle did not last in all above two hours. We afterwards learned that the Pope and the citizens, relying upon the assurances of Renzo da Ceri, considered both Rome and the Borgo to be impregnable without artillery, and looked for support from the confederate army.

The Pontiff being thus within the castle, and such of the citizens as were armed having joined their handful of troops for defence of the bridges and of the Transtevere quarter, the Borgo was occupied by a large portion of our army, and its leaders were assembled in council, when there arrived the Portuguese ambassador to say that some Romans, his neighbours, had, with the Pope's sanction, urged him to make terms. The answer given him was that the council would be ready to treat, so soon as the Pope had placed in their hands the Ponte Molle and Transtevere, to which proposal no reply was returned during that day. A brigade of our troops having carried the Transtevere, and possessed themselves of the Ponte Sisto and Sta. Maria, the whole army passed into the city early on that evening of the 6th. As the inhabitants in general relied on its being defended, none of them had fled or removed their property, so that no one of whatever nation, rank, condition, age, or sex escaped becoming prisoners—not even women in the convents. They were treated without distinction according to the caprice of the soldiery; and after being plundered of all their effects most of them were compelled by torture or otherwise to pay ransom. Cardinals Cesarini, della Valle, and di Siena, being imperialists, considered themselves safe, and remained in their houses, whither also there retired Cardinal ..., Fra Giacobatio, and many friends with their women and valuables; but finding no sanctuary there, they had to compound with certain captains and soldiers for security of their persons and property; notwithstanding which, these houses were completely pillaged three or four days afterwards, and they had enough to do to save their lives. Some women who had carried all their earthly possessions to Cardinal Colonna's residence were left with but a single cloak and shift. Cardinals S. Sisto and della Minerva, who stayed at home, are still in the soldiers' power, being too poor to pay their ransom. All the church ornaments are stolen, the sacred utensils thrown about, the relics gone to destruction—for the troops in abstracting their precious receptacles heeded these no more than as many bits of wood: even the shrine of the sancta sanctorum was sacked, although regarded with peculiar reverence. St. Peter's church and the papal palace from top to bottom have been made into stables. I feel confident that your Majesty as a Catholic and most Christian emperor will feel displeasure at these gross outrages and insults to the Catholic religion, the Apostolic See, and the city of Rome. In truth, every one is convinced that all this has happened as a judgment from God on the great tyranny and disorders of the papal court; but however this may be, there has been vast destruction, for which no redress can be had but from your Majesty's arm and authority. This army has no head, no divisions, no discipline, no organisation, but every one behaves according to his own fancy. The Lord Prince of Orange and Giovanni di Urbino, with the other leaders, do what they can, but to little purpose; for in entering Rome the lansquenets have conducted themselves like true Lutherans, and the rest like actual.... Most of the troops are enriched by the enormous booty, amounting to many millions of gold. A majority of the Spaniards will, it is supposed, retire to Naples with their spoil.

But to resume our narrative. On the morning after our entry, being Tuesday the 7th, the Pope wrote a letter to our leaders, praying them to send me to his Holiness to hear certain proposals. By their order I went into S. Angelo, where I found thirteen cardinals in great affliction, as was natural in the circumstances. His Holiness in their presence told me, that since fortune, on which he too much relied, had brought him to this pass, he would not think of any resistance, but was content to place his own person and that of the cardinals, and his state, in your Majesty's hands, and that he desired me to mediate with the captains for some favourable arrangement. I did my best to comfort his Holiness and the cardinals, showing them how satisfied they must be that your Majesty never intended to injure either his Holiness or the Apostolic See; but that great blame attached to them, seeing they might, on certain fair conditions and by a sum of money, have prevented our army from approaching so near, which would have averted the destruction of Rome; since, however, God had so willed it, that his plan seemed to me good, of placing himself in the hands of your Majesty, as there was no remedy or redress to be looked for but from that quarter. Taking upon me the charge imposed by my office as mediator, I passed several times between the council of war and the Pontiff, and succeeded in the course of four days in concluding a capitulation, which is generally considered reasonable and advantageous to your Majesty's service, as to which I shall only say that your Majesty will judge, after seeing its terms and learning its progress. There arose on our side an obstacle to prevent the execution of this agreement, which was the bad discipline of the Germans, who took a fancy not to quit Rome, nor confirm any truce, until they had received all arrears of pay, amounting, according to their calculation, to 300,000 scudi. But as the Pope could put down but 100,000 scudi, even after selling everything within the castle, of his own valuables and those of the cardinals and prelates, and the church ornaments, the affair could not be brought to a happy issue, so much so that I greatly feared the brutality of these Germans and the blunders of others would have lost all the fruits of our enterprise, especially as the army of the League is supposed not to be more than twenty or twenty-five miles distant, and as some of their detachments have already tried to carry off his Holiness by night. After several days had passed in disputing with the lansquenets, the expedient was adopted of handing them over all the cash produced by the Pontiff—the Prince of Orange and other captains undertaking that they should be paid [the balance] out of the first moneys raised, and Parma and Piacenza being consigned in security. I was obliged to concede to them these conditions, in order to carry through the capitulation, and so secure the benefit of our enterprise, as well as to elude their anxiety to get the Pope and cardinals into their clutches, upon which they were greatly set. And this arrangement is really of such importance that most of your Majesty's servants are willing to undertake any obligation towards these lansquenets, in order to ensure the Pope's and cardinals' safety. There is still some hitch about raising the 100,000 scudi, but we trust means will be found; meanwhile, it has been resolved to throw three hundred infantry into the castle to-morrow, under some leader, to secure it and all in it; and we shall see gradually to get the rest brought about.

In return for my toils, anxieties, and services, I was wounded from an arquebus in S. Angelo on the fourth day, whilst approaching the castle to treat with the Pope. The ball passed through my right arm, which prevents me from writing, but I hope in time to get over it. And notwithstanding this accident befallen me, from no fault of his Holiness, whilst on your Majesty's service and in so righteous a work, I shall endure it all patiently, in the hope that your Majesty will consider my exertions, and the losses sustained by me in limb and estate, and out of your clemency and compassion will not omit some fitting recompence.

After writing the above on the 19th inst., I returned to the castle to conclude the arrangements with the Pope and cardinals, and complete the convention; and in consequence of certain articles being added regarding the entry of our people into S. Angelo, I sought to remodel the treaty. The Lord Vespasiano Colonna, and the Abbot of Nigera accompanied me; and after protracted discussion with the Pontiff regarding the difficulty of raising the 100,000 scudi, we had recourse to certain merchants who, on a guarantee from his Holiness and the cardinals, promised to make up a balance of 20,000 wanted to complete that sum. This point being settled, I insisted on reforming the treaty, and that your Majesty's troops might on that very day take possession of the fortress, as had been agreed on. But his Holiness endeavoured all day to postpone this on various pretexts, and at length, when pressed by us to decide, as we would wait no longer, he replied, "I shall speak frankly; having advices that the confederate army is at hand to relieve me, I desire, meanwhile, that you give me a limited time to await their succours, on the expiry of which I shall perform all the stipulations of the capitulation. Nor is this any unreasonable request, as I shall be satisfied with six days, and as similar conditions are never refused to any fortress about to surrender." I replied to the Pontiff and the cardinals, that your Majesty's army had little apprehension of any such succours, being always victorious; but that his Holiness would do well to consider how your Majesty's captains, on receiving such an answer, would conclude him and the cardinals to have been merely trifling with them to gain time: indeed, I was satisfied that they would consider it a positive rupture, and would suddenly assault the castle, and storm it so furiously that these, or even better terms, would no longer be listened to, leaving no opportunity for repentance or remedy short of the final destruction of the Holy See. On hearing these views, the Pope and cardinals were greatly bewildered, apprehending that they would be realised should they wait for relief, and in this dilemma remained gazing on each other, but asked a quarter of an hour for consultation. Eventually there arose a wrangle among the cardinals, those of the French faction wishing to await succours at all hazards; so the Pontiff excused himself from settling the matter according to his own wish, ever urging a delay of six days. I believe the authors of this opposition to have been Alberto da Carpi, the Datary Orazio Baglione, Gregorio Casale the English ambassador, and such like.

Having retired from the castle with Lord Vespasiano and the Abbot, we related everything to our leaders, whereupon it was decided to open that very night a trench round the fortress, the whole army turning out under arms. It was found no easy matter to muster them, all being idle and intent on pillage; nor would they quit the houses, especially the lansquenets, who at first thought it a mere trick to get them out. At length, after great exertions, the enemy being ascertained but seven miles off, all ran to arms, and your Majesty's army was well disposed for battle: indeed, I suspect the enemy found their calculation disappointed, that most of our soldiery having become rich, would no longer flock to their standards. Some Spanish and German troops are expected; but I know not if they will arrive in time, as the trench is already made, so that neither Pope nor any one else shall escape.

Such is the present state of your Majesty's affairs, and I trust they will ever have successful issue. Yet it is true that, after the death of M. di Borbone, great confusion occurred in the army, as no one knew whom to acknowledge as its chief. I think that had he lived, Rome would, perhaps, not have been sacked, and matters might have taken a better course and result for your Majesty's interests. Yet God so willed it, and we need not talk of what cannot now be helped. But my affectionate duty to your Majesty requires me to report certain things requiring from your Majesty the oversight of a captain-general; of the individual I say nothing, not wishing presumptuously to name any one. On M. di Borbone's death, the day we entered Rome, the captains and counsellors in the army discussed giving its command to the Viceroy of Naples, then at Siena. The Prince of Orange remarked that he had acknowledged the authority of di Borbone, but would not submit to the Viceroy. It being suggested by some that the Duke of Ferrara was coming as your Majesty's captain-general, the Prince replied, that on his arrival, he would acknowledge him, but that meanwhile, no one being commissioned by your Majesty, he neither would set himself up as captain, nor at all permit others to be so without your Majesty's command. These words he addressed to Giovanni d'Urbino, who then, and on subsequent occasions, modestly remarked that he was content to acknowledge the Prince, with other complimentary phrases. Now the Prince has taken the notion of being himself captain-general, and thus affairs are conducted in his name, not, however, with that title, but as the first person in the army, being much liked by the Germans. Your Majesty will do as seems best.

One thing requires your Majesty's careful consideration, namely, how this city of Rome is to be governed, and whether or not anything of the Apostolic See is to be retained. I shall not conceal the opinion of some that it should not be entirely abolished; for if that See were transported elsewhere, it seems certain that it will be utterly ruined, seeing that, in that case, the King of France will set up a patriarch in his realm, refusing obedience to the Apostolic See, the English and Spanish Sovereigns doing the like. But this should be seen to without delay, otherwise the professional men and notaries will all be gone, and Rome will be quite reduced, as they will lose both their appointments and their practice. The Pope and those cardinals with him, told me that your Majesty should make provision for this, otherwise all would be lost. Your Majesty will act in this for the best.

There are three other points to which it is necessary that your Majesty should attend by anticipation. One is, what would your Majesty wish done, should his Holiness and those cardinals go to Naples as has been proposed; ought they to be taken to Spain or not? Another is, what if the Pope should escape from the castle by aid of the enemy? In the third place, should it come to an assault and the Pontiff unluckily fall? It is my belief, however, that, on expiry of the six days which he has demanded, and which are already running, he, on finding no efficient succour, will again come to parley and propose a capitulation. Yet I have my misgivings lest your Majesty's interests should be crossed by the fury of the lansquenets, who declare they must get hold of him. But your Majesty's faithful servants will not cease to consider how these interests can be promoted; and now that the Lord Marquis del Vasto, the Lord Don Ugo, with Marcone, are coming, perhaps their advice will put things into better train.

I have resolved to discharge my duty by informing your Majesty of these occurrences, but would to God I could have despatched a courier to your Majesty daily as they proceeded. Four days ago the Cardinal and others of the Colonna were not in the neighbourhood, but he is since arrived, with Lords Vespasiano and Ascanio, who do their best in your Majesty's behalf.

The above I have retained until the 24th of May, and as no courier is gone, I shall here note what has since happened. Your Majesty must know that on the Pope declining to accept the capitulation which I have mentioned above, your Majesty's captains and counsellors began diligently to surround the castle with trenches, &c., &c.