[61] Some authorities represent him as receiving this Order eleven years later from Charles V., but that Emperor died in this very year. He is said to have had knighthood from the Pope in 1561.

[62] From an account of this engagement preserved among the Oliveriana MSS., and slightly differing from that by Bernardo Tasso (II., letter 166), we learn that the pay of officers was from 15 to 40 scudi a month, that of cavalry privates 5, and of infantry 3 scudi. It appears to have been worth to Guidobaldo in all about 35,000 scudi a year, but to have been irregularly received.

[63] Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 2510, f. 201.

[64] That of Mocenigo, 1570, is printed by Vieussieux, second series, vol. II., p. 97, and in the Tesoro Politico, II., 169; that of Zen or Zane, 1574, in the same volume of Vieussieux, p. 315.

[65] Of several statements as to the ducal revenue and expenditure which I have seen, none is distinct or satisfactory. The most detailed is in a MS. in the public library at Siena, K. III., No. 58, p. 240, but the sums have been inextricably blundered by the transcriber. See Appendix VIII.

[66] Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3142, f. 165, and Oliveriana MSS. No. 390, p. 63.

[67] The staro or stajo corresponded to a bushel; the amount of a soma is doubtful. A quatrino is 1/5 of a bajocco, that is, of a halfpenny in present value. A bolognino was about 7 1/3 farthings. See vol. II., p. 259.

[*68] In 1562 Guidobaldo had augmented the tax on grain by leave of Pius IV. Cf. Ugolini, op. cit., vol. II., p. 28, and Pellegrini, Gubbio sotto i Conti e Duchi d'Urbino in Boll. per l'Umbria, vol. XI., p. 239 et seq., and esp. Celli, Tasse e Rivoluzione (Torino, 1892), p. 39.

[69] The magistrates of Urbino were four in number, a gonfaloniere chosen from the city nobles, a prior to represent the merchants, and two priors of the trades. The general council seems to have been open to all citizens.

[70] Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3141, ff. 160, 165, dated December 27, 1573.

[*71] Cf. a letter from Angelo Colocci to the Duke, printed by Morici, Due Umanisti Marchigiani in Boll. per l'Umbria, vol. II., p. 152; and for Music, Rossi, Appunti per la Storia della Musica alla Corte di Francesco Maria I. e di Guidobaldo della Rovere in Rassegna Emiliana (Modena, 1888), vol. I., fascicolo 8, and supra, p. 88, note *1.

[*72] Cf. Celli, Le fortificazioni militari di Urbino, Pesaro e Senigallia (Castelpiano, 1896).

[73] "Tal sia di loro," a phrase which may perhaps only mean "be it so."

[74] Padre Checcucci, Professor of Rhetoric in the University of Urbino, 1845.

[*75] This is a mistake. Vittoria Colonna had no children. There was, however, a Marchese del Vasto, a cousin of her husband's, whom she adopted as her son, and to whom she frequently alluded in her poems; one of her sonnets bewails his death.

[76] For the life of Francesco Maria II. our materials have been ample. His own Memoirs, extending from his birth to the marriage of his son, have been nearly all quoted verbatim. The autograph of this MS. I have examined in the Oliveriana Library (No. 384, folio 219 to 229), but have made my translations from the only printed edition, in the twenty-ninth volume of the Nuova Raccolta d'Opuscoli, known by the name Calogeriana, and published at Venice in 1776. There too will be found an account of the Devolution of Urbino to the Holy See, from the pen of Antonio Donata of Venice, by whom that negotiation was concluded on the Duke's part. In the Magliabechiana Library at Florence (class 25, No. 76) is the autograph Diary of Francesco Maria from 1583 to 1623, which I have closely searched. The rich MS. collections of the Oliveriana are stored with original correspondence and other documents illustrative of his reign, most of which have been looked into with scarcely remunerative labour, but among the matter there gleaned, his instructions to his son may be deemed of especial importance. From a vast mass of such correspondence in these two libraries, a general insight into his character and position, and those of his son, has been acquired, as well as many minute traits of both; but the Prince's brief and unhonoured span has been illustrated in a great measure from collections made by Francesco Saverio Passeri, of Pesaro, nephew of the naturalist Gianbattista Passeri, and printed in the twenty-sixth volume of the Calogeriana Collection. *Cf. also Scotini, La Giovinezza. di F.M. II. (Bologna, 1899).

[77] Tesoro Politico, II., fol. 169. Relazioni Venete, serie II., vol. II., p. 105. Litta says she was born the 16th December, 1535, making her thirteen years and two months his senior. Her sister, Tasso's Leonora, was born the 19th of June, 1537.

[78] Bibl. Riccardiana, MSS. No. 2340, art. 116-19.

[79] The word which I thus translate means literally a ship or galley commanded by a captain.

[80] The muster-roll of the armament at this time will be found in V. of the Appendix.

[81] Particulars of those intrigues in the conclave, by which Cardinal Buoncompagni prevailed over his rivals Morone and Farnese, are omitted, having no reference to our immediate subject.

[*82] Cf. Celli, Storia della Sollevazione di Urbino contro il Duca Guidobaldo, 1572-4 (Torino, 1892).

[83] The object of this plot is stated to have been the Duke's assassination at a hunting party in the manors of Orciano, to which he was invited by the conspirators.

[84] MSS. Oliveriana No. 324.

[85] Bibl. Oliveriana, No. 375, vol. XI., p. 204.

[*86] Cf. Calogerà, Memorie concernenti Franc. Maria II. (Venice, 1776).

[87] Rosaries, corone, and such were helpmates or promptuaries to prayer, differing in form and varying in supposed efficacy, according to the special privileges and indulgences bestowed on them by ecclesiastical gift. A specimen of the nature and powers of such indulgences will be found in the description of a corona belonging to the Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1666. See Appendix VI.

[*88] Cf. Reposati, Della Zecca di Gubbio, vol. II., p. 220 (Bologna, 1772-3). The date of this letter was June 7th, 1598.

[89] Above, p. 82.

[*90] Cf. Pellegrini, op. cit., in Boll. cit., vol. cit., p. 506 et seq. There seems always to have been an antagonism between Gubbio and Urbino, and now Gubbio could certainly crow. She appears to have done so. See note 2, p. 506, of work quoted. The country was not quiet after the rejoicing till May 30th, the festa being kept in all the cities. Corradi, Feste per il nascimento di un Principe nel sec. XVII. in Il Giornale di Foligno (Foligno, 1887), No. 28 et seq. describes the rejoicing in Cagli.

[91] In 1843-6, a variety of duplicates and objects of art belonging to the Vatican Library were exchanged away, with the sanction of Gregory XVI., whilst my lamented friend Monsignore Laureani, the librarian, was forming, by that Pontiff's order, from very limited resources, a most interesting series of early panel pictures illustrating the progress of Christian painting. The portrait of Prince Federigo now belongs to my friend Andrew Coventry, Esq., Edinburgh, and appears the production of a scholar of Baroccio.

[92] Oliveriana MSS. No. 375.

[93] Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 818, f. 444.

[94] A comparison of this stately entertainment with the ceremonial at the baptism of Prince Henry of Scotland in 1594, as given in the Lives of the Lindsays, vol. I., 382, from a rare contemporary pamphlet, shows how Italian revels influenced the courtly displays of our ancestors, due allowance being made for the difference of climate and the somewhat more material attractions of the northern festivity.

[95] Brit. Mus., Burney MSS. No. 367, f. 64.

[96] MS. Albani Library at Rome.

[97] Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3184, f. 154. The salary of 300 scudi was increased to 400.

[98] Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 3134, f. 158.

[99] Bibl. Oliveriana.

[*100] Cf. Pellegrini, op. cit., in Boll. cit. vol. cit., p. 509 et seq. who gives two contemporary accounts of the visit of Federigo in 1618.

[101] Oliveriana MSS. No. 375, vol. XXXI., p. 62.

[102] Bibl. Oliveriana MSS. No. 396, p. 131.

[*103] The ceremony was performed on the 28th February without any pomp. Cf. Ugolini, op. cit., vol. II., p. 437.

[104] See p. 177.

[105] Marini, Saggio di S. Leo.

[106] As a specimen of the style of this most disappointing MS., and in proof of its small historical importance, I extract all the notices for August 1621, the month in which, according to Passeri, this transaction took place.

[107] It appears that on the 25th of July the Prince arrived from Urbino, and stayed two days, during which probably this scene took place.

[108] The succeeding entry abruptly concludes the Journal:—"March 7. The Prince arrived about 10 A.M., having left Pesaro the preceding day, and returned there the 10th;" probably his last meeting with his father.

[109] See these and other monumental inscriptions of Urbino sovereigns, Appendix, No. VII.

[*110] Cf. Memorie istoriche concernenti la devoluzione dello stato d'Urbino alla Sede Apostolica (Amsterdam, 1723).

[*111] It is curious to note the shameless zeal, astuteness, and cunning of the papacy in this matter. I believe a work on the subject is promised by Professor C. Scotoni. The Pope could not have proved his right to Urbino in any tribunal. His claim was really more absurd than the claim of the Emperor.

[112] Oliveriana MSS. No. 324. Many documents regarding these transactions are printed in Riposati, vol. II.

[*113] Here I heartily agree with Dennistoun. If the people preferred the ecclesiastical sway to that of the Signori, why was the whole state of Urbino so eager to get Francesco Maria II. married? And if we want another example from more recent times, why, in 1860, did the people of Perugia turn out en masse and tear down the papal fortress, leaving a desert, which they still gloat over, in its place? The temporal rule of the Church has been bad everywhere at all times and in every way. That is why we have beggared her.

[*114] This is amusing of Urban VIII., of whom Pasquino said—

[115] Brit. Mus. Lib. Add. MSS. Ital. No. 8511, art. 3.

[116] Dr. Antonio Babucci transcribed for the press a number of letters written by the Duke after the Devolution, and dedicated them to the Grand Duchess Vittoria. The MS. is preserved in the Magliabechiana Library, class xxv. No. 77, and fully bears out the commendation we have given to his epistolary style at p. 213.

[*117] An order not of monks but of friars, founded by S. Francis of Paola in Calabria in 1436. The rule is based on the Franciscan, and the religious are mendicants.

[*118] This I know not. Their present Casa generalizia is at S. Andrea delle Fratte. The basilica of S. Lorenzo is now in the care of the Franciscans.

[119] Cimarelli, Istoria dello Stato d'Urbino.

[120] Maruccelli MSS. C. No. 308.

[*121] No longer in the Tribuna, but in the Sala di Baroccio. It is the painter's masterpiece [Cat. No. 1119].

[122] Magliabechiana MSS., class viii., Nos. 60, 61.

[123] Magliabechiana MSS., class viii., No. 74.

[124] Maruccelli MSS. C. No. 308. Mercurius Gallicus, 1624.

[125] Such particulars of the wardrobe inventory as relate to objects of art are included in the last No. of the Appendix.

[126]

Alexander VII. Pont. Max.
Antiqua omnis generis omniumque linguarum
Urbinatis bibliothecæ manuscripta volumina
Repenso cedentibus beneficio
D. tutiorem custodiam atque proprietatem
Vaticanæ adjunxit an. sal. MDCLVIII.

[127] Most of these particulars have been gleaned from the communal archives at Urbino, R. No. 30.

[*128] I am not able to state more accurately than Dennistoun the number of volumes from the Urbino collection now in the Vatican. Unhappily there is not a library in all Italy that possesses a catalogue fit to use. For the MSS. to-day existing in the library of the University at Urbino, see Le Marche, An. iv., p. 212.

[129] Maruccelli MSS. C. No. 308. See App. No. VIII. for statistical notices of this period.

[130] The state of feeling in the duchy, even under the comparatively beneficent sway of its native pope, Clement XI., may be inferred from an incident of trifling moment. Having obtained trace of a petition or remonstrance addressed to that Pontiff among the MSS. of the Bibliotheca Borbonica at Naples, I was refused a sight of it by the Archbishop then at the head of that library, on the ground of its injurious allegations against the authorities. Verily such overcaution may defeat its own end, by leaving an exaggerated impression of the mischief it would veil. So Gergorovius was turned out of the Vatican Library.

[131] Mariotti's Italy, II., p. 177.

[132] See vol. II., p. 112.

[133] Lettere di Bernardo Tasso, edit. 1733; vol. I., pp. 14-22 and 427-30.

[134] In proof of this I give in IX. of the Appendix a letter of introduction, of which I was bearer, from one of the most accomplished professori of Rome.

[135] This has also been imputed to Francesco di Giorgio, to Sanmichele, and to Bartolomeo Centogatti of Urbino.

[136] Grossi, Uomini Illustri di Urbino.

[137] It is printed in the Raccolta Calogeriana, XIX., 140.

[*138] Cf. Madiai, Il Giornale di Francesco Paciotti da Urbino in Arch. St. per le Marche e per l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 48 et seq.

[*139] This is the year in which the journal begins. In 1551 he tells us he left the service of the Pope to enter that of the Duke of Parma.

[140] Trattato di Architettura da Francesco di Giorgio, edited by C. Promis, Turin, 1841.

[*141] Cf. Zaccagnini, La vita e le opere edite e inedite di B.B. (Modena, 1903); Ugolini, Versi e prose scelte di B.B. (Firenze, 1859); see also Madiai, Pierantonio Paltroni e B.B. biografi di Federigo da Montefeltro in Le Marche (1902), vol. II., pp. 5-6.

[*142] Cf. Affò, La Vita di B.B. (Parma, 1783).

[*143] In Rome he pursued too his artistic studies; it was this sojourn which inspired the Sonetti Romani. He seems to have passed the years 1592-1609 between Rome, Urbino, and Guastalla.

[144] Spicilegium Romanum, I., xxviii., from Vat. Urb. MSS.

[145] Satius est plurima mediocriter facere, si non possis aliquid insigniter. Lib. V., Epist. 5.

[*146] Cf. Zaccagnini, Un'ambasceria di B.B. in Rassegna Crit. d. Lett. Ital., vol. VII., p. 201.

[*147] He died in Urbino, October 10th, 1617.

[*148] I record the more important. In 1575 he wrote a poem on Artiglieria, and in 1579 another on the Invenzione del bossolo da navigare; this was published by Canevazzi (Livorno, Giusti, 1901). Cf. concerning it, Provasi in Le Marche (1902), and Zaccagnini in Rass. Crit. d. Lett. Ital., vol. VII., p. 166. His masterpiece, Nautica, written between 1580-85, is a didactic poem in four books imitating the Georgics. Concerning it see Zaccagnini, Le fonti della Nautica in Giornale St. d. Lett. Ital., vol. XL., p. 366, and Provasi, Contributo allo studio della Nautica di B.B. (Fano, 1903). The Egloghe Miste were dedicated to Ranuccio Farnese in 1590, and consist of nineteen poems in various metres in a Theocritan vein. Cf. Ruberto, Le Egloghe edite e inedite di B.B. in Propugnatore (1882), and for Epigrammi, Ruberto, op. cit. An. cit. His youthful erotic poems were published under the title Lauro (Pavia, 1600), and, not to speak of other volumes, the Sonetti Romani appeared in Versi e Prose (Venice, Franceschi, 1590). His works in prose were very numerous. I note here La Descrizione del Palazzo Ducale d'Urbino (circa 1587), and the Vite of Federigo and Guidobaldo I. of Urbino, the first published in Rome in 1820 and a bad edition of the second in Milan, 1821. He wrote also a Cronaca (Urbino, 1707), a life of Federigo Comandino, the Encomio della Patria, cf. Zaccagnini, Uno scritto inedito di B.B. in Le Marche (Fano), vol. I., p. 4; and the Lettere Familiari, cf. Polidori, Lettere di Baldi (Firenze, 1854), Ronchini, Lettere di B. (Parma, 1873) and Saviotti, Lettere di B. (Pesaro, 1887).

[149] Vat. Urb. MSS., No. 906.

[150] Oliveriana MSS. In 1602 the Duke instructed his resident at Venice to procure for Gian Battista Leoni access to its archives for the life of Francesco Maria I. he had commissioned him to write, which was published three years later.

[*151] On Muzio, see Giaxich, Vita di Girolamo Muzio (Trieste, 1847); Morpurgo, Girolamo Muzio (Trieste, 1893), Nomi, in Miscellanea Stor. della Valdelsa, No. 24; Nottola, Appunti sul Muzio poeta (Aosta, 1895).

[*152] The fullest collection of his letters seems to be that of Gioliti, 1551. Cf. also Zenatti, Lettere inedite (Capodistria, 1896).

[153] Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1011, and No. 1023, f. 50.

[154] British and Foreign Quarterly Review, xi. 376.

[155] See above, Vol. II., cap. xxv.

[*156] How could Italy have a ballad poetry full of national sentiment before she became a nation? Her living poetry then and for centuries before, as now, is the Rispetto. Cf., for the Poesie Popolari generally, D'Ancona, La Poesia Popolare Italiana (Livorno, 1906); for the Marche especially Gianandrea, Canti Popolari Marchigiani (Torino, Loescher, 1875).

[*157] I shall not attempt to give a bibliography, however scanty, of Ariosto. He has really nothing to do with Urbino, and the work done concerning him would fill a library. The best life after those of Baretti, Campori, and Baruffaldi is that of Cappelli prefacing the Lettere (Hoepli, Milano, 1887). The best edition of his poems is that of Papini (Firenze, Sansoni, 1903). For Bibliographia Ariostesca, see Ferrazzi (Bassano, Pozzato, 1881). For the controversy, Ariosto-Tasso, see Vivaldi, La Più Grande polemica del Cinquecento (Catanzaro, Caliò, 1895). Consult also Edmund Gardner, Dukes and Poets at Ferrara (Constable, 1904), a charming and a learned book.

[*158] Ariosto has told us in great part his own life in his Satire; best edition that of Tambara (Livorno, 1903).

[159] Part of this third Satire will be found translated in Roscoe's Leo X., ch. xvi., where the demands of nepotism upon his Holiness are playfully exposed.

[*160] Cf. Satire II., vv. 1-24, 85-93, 97-114, 217-231, 238-265, and III., 1-81.

[161] See above, pp. 255-6.

[162] Bernardo Tasso, Lettere, II., No. 165. In a privilege of copyright granted in very complimentary terms by Leo X., the Orlando is pedantically described by Bembo as "a work in vernacular verse regarding the feats of those called knights-errant, composed in a ludicrous style, but with long study, and the laborious application of many years."—Bembo, Epistolæ nomine Leonis X., Lib. X., No. 40.

[*163] A good edition of the Lettere of Aretino was published under the care of Vanzolini and Bacci della Lega, in four volumes, in Bologna, 1873-75. The best edition, now very rare, of I Ragionamenti is that of Florence, 1892. See also Fabi, Opere da P.A., Milano, 1881. For his life, consult Luzio, P.A. nei primi suoi anni a Venezia e la corte dei Gonzago (Torino, 1888); Gauthiez, L'Aretin, 1492-1556 (Paris, 1895); and Sinigaglia, Saggio di uno studio su P.A. con scritti e documenti inediti (Roma, 1892). It was, I think, Mr. Claude Phillips who wittily called Aretino not the scourge but "the screw of princes." Nevertheless, those who knew Aretino best will appreciate him most. Titian was wise enough to have him for a friend, and, indeed, he was capable of many very human and even beautiful actions, as when he would daily throw wide his doors at nightfall and take the lost and the beggars into his house. After all, those he blackmailed were blackmailers themselves. He made even the Pope fear him.

[164] Orlando Furioso, XLVI., st. 14.

[*165] These designs have lately been found and photographed and published in Paris. They are impossible, but extremely vigorous and lovely. The verses are even more terrible than the drawings, but splendid too, with a sort of fullness of joy.

[*166] His writings have much of the undoubted fascination of the daily paper, but are on the whole less vulgar and probably less harmful and enervating.

[*167] This is sheer hypocrisy. Aretino's intercourse with Urbino was so slight as to be easily ignored, and Dennistoun, as a fact, says next to nothing of it.