“It is not despotism which, by my banishment, has reacted against the constitutional régime. That is not at all the case. Montesquieu has taught us that the creation of a constitution is very difficult and takes much time. A sovereign prince, accustomed to absolute power, can only be persuaded little by little to abandon his prerogatives, that being necessary to the constitutional régime. It is a difficult task, frequently interrupted by contrary currents, but for all that one need never despair of reaching the goal, for with time, patience and perseverance success is attainable. It is not in the person of the Sultan, nor yet through his present Ministers, that I see danger for the Constitution, but rather in the want of character and of courage so often to be found in those who are the Sovereign’s Councillors, and who, instead of acting according to their convictions, seek their own advantage in hiding the truth. I have never hesitated about giving my opinion to the Sultan, whoever he might be, whenever it happened to differ from his; I have always done so with the greatest respect, but also without the least reticence. Many a misfortune might have been avoided in this world of ours if there had not been a great lack of men, capable of placing the whole truth before their Sovereign.
“The danger to the Constitution lies, not in the lack of goodwill, but in the ignorance as to how to manage the mechanism. The Governmental form of despotism reminds me somewhat of a primitive mill, which may be turned by the force of water, or may equally be turned by its wheel. Constitutional Government also resembles a mill—but one that is put in movement by a complicated and artistically constructed mechanism. A knowledge as to how to work this machine and to keep it in movement is absolutely necessary. Thus, we must hope that the men of experience who find themselves at the head of affairs at Constantinople will not put the machinery of the new mill in motion, in accordance with the ideas and routine of the primitive mill. Constitutional Government cannot have the customs and the men of the Despotic system as its motive power. Reshid Pasha, our great reformer, was one day reproached for employing young men who had only just left college; he replied that it was right that it should be so, as neither one man alone, nor yet ten, could possibly do everything, and that it was therefore necessary to prepare a fresh staff of administrators. This has always been my idea, and whenever I have seen many rivals around me, I have delighted in the thought that it was to the profit of my country.
“If a man would render real and genuine services to his Sovereign and his Nation, he must be patriotic, and very much depends upon the way in which each person interprets this word. As for me, I consider that man to be a true patriot who, renouncing his own private interests, devotes himself morally and physically to one supreme aim—the welfare of his country. One must be willing to renounce everything—to be ready at a moment’s notice to sacrifice happiness, family, and life itself for what one realises to be the good of the Fatherland.
“I have frequently been in a position in which I might have remained Minister, or have acquired vast wealth, and so have been able to end my days in the midst of luxury and covered with honours. But such is not my idea of patriotism.
“The esteem, love and sympathy of my nation have been always valued by me far above all other favours and all the splendours of this world. I could not remain a Minister when my Sovereign refused to allow me to act as I thought necessary for the honour and welfare of my country, and I prefer poverty and exile to the swords of honour, the diamonds and highest favours; and to be held in esteem by my compatriots is to me the proudest and keenest satisfaction.”
Events in the East having now begun to assume a more and more threatening aspect, Midhat felt he could not possibly remain in inactivity at Naples, in the face of all the troubles that assailed his country. He went to Paris, and thence he crossed to London. He was the subject of the warmest welcome in each of the two capitals. Although an exile, he worked his hardest to find some favourable issue, and to deliver his country from the risk she ran in the Russian War. His friendly relations with Lord Beaconsfield and with the other English statesmen did not fail to produce some good effects in helping to save his country from an unjust war. When he had seen that the English Government were disposed to offer their good office for the promotion of an honourable peace, he left London for Vienna, where he was granted an audience by the Emperor Francis Joseph. On receiving news of the resistance offered by the Turkish army to the Russians, he addressed the following telegram to the Sultan Abdul Hamid:—
To H.M. First Secretary, Saïd Pasha.
“During my stay in London, I have tried to employ all my feeble efforts in favour of the Empire’s cause, and to obtain an honourable peace. I flatter myself that I have achieved some results. Now that I am at Vienna I am desirous of acting in the same way, subject of course to the approval of His Imperial Majesty, but it naturally goes without saying that in order that my efforts may be crowned with any measure of success, I must be to some extent acquainted with His Majesty’s plans, so that guided by the intentions of the Government, I may, to the best of my ability, render those services which are necessary in the crisis through which we are passing.—I am, etc.,
Midhat.”
(1877.)
The Sultan informed him in reply that he would never accept peace, and he would refuse to listen to any pourparlers on this subject, and that he did not hesitate to declare that any man who should contemplate such a step was far from being a true patriot.
Midhat Pasha, seeing that peace was impossible, returned to London, where he never wearied of striving by every means in his power to be of assistance to his country. The Sultan, on his side, was doing his best to vilify Midhat’s name in his own capital, and it is this that elicited the following letter from him to the Grand Master of Ceremonies, Kiamil Bey.
To Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies.
“Dear Sir,—I am thoroughly aware of how anxious you must be to avoid a correspondence with me in my present disgrace, but I must ask your indulgence for the few lines that I find myself obliged to address to you.
“It has been brought to my knowledge that the publication of a letter in one of the newspapers of Constantinople has given rise to various attacks directed against me. I know very well that if an exile, instead of seeking for indulgence and pity, dares to make use of the language of criticism as to the acts of the Government, in such a way as to provoke the enmity of certain personages, he will not even be able to avoid hurting his friends. But as these observations only relate to the defence of my own personality, it would be better to pass them over in silence, for there is no greater crime than to be occupied with one’s own individuality whilst the State is in the midst of such serious dangers. I believe that no one who has studied my letter can deny that it only contains the absolute truth. If there is a certain crudeness to be found therein, it comes from the truth of the words. If I have been able to remain indifferent to the attacks of my enemies, who for more than a year have done their best to injure me in the eyes of His Majesty by inserting articles and pamphlets against me in the newspapers, it is also in my power to bear with patience the vexatious attacks against my character. But no one must be surprised that the right of nationality which I possess in common with thirty‐six million fellow‐countrymen prevents me from keeping silence whilst our country is in the midst of such terrible vicissitudes, and our Ministers are involved in such great difficulties. Yet time presses, and the perilous situation, which has been dreaded for more than forty years, draws nearer and nearer. It is therefore the duty of every child of the country to let his complaint be heard and to lay his fears before his Sovereign. Those to whom the door of access to the Sovereign is closed must naturally employ every possible means by which their words may reach him. It is high time to realise that to place the truth before a Sovereign is an act of fidelity, and to hide it is a felony. Recent events have successively shown us the faults of those who are opposed to the wise measures which had been recognised by our Sovereign as necessary to save the Nation and the Government, and, putting aside all personal enmity, I am tempted to believe that they will profit by the goodwill of our august Sovereign and devote all their efforts to the good of the country. I end this letter with a request to you to be indulgent towards my expressions, which are free from all adulatory emphasis.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“27 Zilhidje 1294, Hegira.”
xxx(November 1877.)
The Sultan, beginning to fear lest his former Grand Vizier’s sojourn in Europe should prove a danger to him, decided to recall him. We publish the following correspondence which passed between the Grand Master of Ceremonies and Midhat Pasha on this subject, and which resulted in the return of the latter to Turkey and his tragic death. Midhat committed a great error in accepting the reversal of his exile, an error which has cost the Party of Reform at the very least twenty years of progress.
Letter from Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies, to Midhat Pasha, in exile.
“Your Highness,—His Majesty having questioned me some time ago on Your Highness’ situation, I replied that you were wandering, sad and dispirited. As to your means of subsistence, I stated that you were living on what you borrowed. His Majesty, on whom these facts made the deepest impression, and who was much touched, shed tears and wished to send Your Highness at once the sum of £T1000, to provide for your absolute necessities. But I took the liberty of saying that it was first of all necessary to ask how the money should be sent, and also if you would wish to appoint someone to draw it—and then to act accordingly. What I have just related to you is only known to His Majesty, Your Highness, and to me, and must be kept secret. His Majesty even went so far as to say—‘The poor man was deceived.’ As to Your Highness’ present situation, it may come to a happy termination through a correspondence with your humble servant, according to the Imperial desire. I shall await with impatience the immediate reply of Your Highness to this letter, as well as a letter of thanks for the favour which Your Highness has received from His Majesty.
“I am, etc.,xxxx
“Kiamil.xx
“13th‐25th November 1293 (1877.)
“P.S.—His Majesty repeatedly enjoined that all
that I have just told you should be kept secret.”
Letter from Midhat Pasha in reply to Kiamil Bey, Grand Master of Ceremonies.
“My very dear Sir,—I have received your letter of November 13th. I was at first surprised and astonished to find that a friend, who ever since my departure from Constantinople had taken care not to send me even a simple greeting, should now have the courage to write me a letter with his own hand; but after having read it I understood the motive. Thank you for having wished to attract the Imperial kindness towards me, and for having replied—‘He wanders, sad and dispirited’ to the question that His Majesty kindly put to you. But at the same time I must point out to you that these words are used for the unhappy and the bewildered. If His Majesty has sent me away from Constantinople and exiled me to Europe, it was in order to put an end to the calumnies which were spread against me in Constantinople, where my presence caused a certain amount of anxiety. As it is neither in keeping with the dignity of the State nor yet with the Imperial will that a man who has occupied the highest rank in the Government, and who has so frequently received the public proofs of the Imperial favour, should be treated as one who wanders bewildered through foreign countries, I think you would have been nearer the truth and also have better pleased His Majesty had you said, ‘Midhat Pasha has retired to Naples, where he is praying for the happiness of the Sultan.’
“As to the rest of your letter, I must beg you to excuse me before I begin to comment on it. You know that I am the son of Hadji Echref Effendi, and that I have no other protector than God. I have worked very hard to acquire knowledge and virtue, but I have not succeeded. I own that my capacities and accomplishments are inferior to those of my colleagues. Now, if under these circumstances I have still been able to reach a rank so much above my merits, it can only be thanks to my plain dealing; and all the difficulties that I have met with during my life, are entirely due to my having spoken the truth.... What has happened, and to what is it due that I have been deceived? It was necessary that there should be a Sovereign at the head of the State after the Sultan Abdul Aziz, and, in accordance with the law, he was succeeded by the Sultan Murad. He became ill—was deposed—and, still in accordance with the law, the Sultan Abdul Hamid ascended the throne. It has been recognised that he manifested a sincere desire and also the necessary capacity to lead the State into the paths of progress; he showed much esteem for everyone, and his esteem and benevolence for me were prodigious. In the report which the late Mustapha Fazil Pasha laid before the Sultan Abdul Aziz, it is stated that the truth is always the last to gain admittance into the palace of Sovereigns, and indeed this is the case. But the more dangerous the word of truth, the more profitable is the result when it is spoken to the Sovereign in the hope of serving the State. This is the reason why, subordinating my private opinions to the public interests, I have never failed to speak the truth, and have never hesitated to point out clearly which was the way of salvation, and which path would lead to the destruction of our country. Men of evil intention have, I know, made use of this as a weapon against me, but all the events of to‐day are proving one by one how just were my words. Unhappily, there are certain personages who, instead of trying by every means to save their country in the present dangerous situation, think only of their own private interest, and desiring to preserve their prestige, have committed serious faults, which are incompatible with humane feeling and quite impossible to correct. And by these acts not only have they created a bad name for themselves, but they have been the principal cause of the destruction of the empire. I can, however, only be grateful to His Majesty, and ever since my departure from Constantinople, wherever I have been, I have never ceased to repeat with fervour how good are His Majesty’s intentions. Those who know the constancy of my words and deeds will realise that there is no other course possible to me. My most ardent desire at present is to see my country delivered from the horrors of war—my own personal consideration can only hold a secondary place in my thoughts.—I am, dear Sir, etc.,
“Midhat.
“28th November 1293, O.S.”
xxx(10th December 1877.)
Letter from Kiamil Bey, in reply to Midhat Pasha.
“Your Highness,—I hope that Your Highness has perfectly recognised from the tone of my letter from what source it came. I was expecting to hear some expressions of gratitude from Your Highness, but your reply has in no way fulfilled this expectation, and you have ruthlessly exposed the real state of affairs without giving the least consideration to the shades of meaning in my expressions. This has been a great grief to me, and has diminished the hope I had of seeing you aiding the course of progress. In certain circles it is suggested that Your Highness may be waiting for a change in the Khalifat. I have been in Egypt for some months for change of air, and if you should wish to answer me, I would beg you to address your letters to me in Egypt.—I am, etc.,
“Kiamil.
“24th December 1293, O.S.”
xxx(6th January 1878).
After having received the most sympathetic welcome in Europe, and above all, in London, during a period of seventeen months, Midhat Pasha yielded to the Sultan Abdul Hamid’s invitation and returned to Turkey, thereby disregarding the wise advice given him by his friends both at home and abroad, but declaring that he would sooner die in his own country than in a foreign land. He refused to accept any office, and only desired to be allowed to live quietly with his family, far from all politics and public affairs. He fixed upon Crete as his place of residence. During his exile in Europe he had seen the Sultan Abdul Hamid enter into the paths of despotism—giving power to those men who had done nothing in the past, and banishing from the capital all those who were his partisans and who had striven to establish a rule of justice and of progress. He had seen his country menaced by every danger, and had observed the manœuvres of those ambitious statesmen who only sought for their own personal interests in the Sultan’s despotism and in their country’s decadence. He had seen the destruction of all he had worked for, had seen the Constitution he had done so much to establish deprived of every authority, and become only a name in the official records.
The position that Midhat occupied after his return to Turkey, may be considered as an exile imposed upon him by the Sultan. Abdul Hamid was anxious to keep him in Turkey, but at the same time did not dare to keep him there in inactivity, fearing lest the leader of the Liberal Party should once more begin to occupy himself in obtaining the necessary measures for opening the Chamber of Deputies. He was well aware that Midhat, as the Governor of a province, would devote himself entirely to its re‐organisation, and would therefore have no time in which to concern himself with central administration. Thus, in accepting the Governor‐Generalship of Syria and of Smyrna, it will be seen that Midhat played no political rôle. Forced as he had been to accept these posts, he occupied himself completely in their administration and in the good management of their current affairs, thoroughly realising his position as an exile.
Before returning to Turkey, Midhat Pasha went to the Island of Crete, as his future residence. The Sultan granted his request, and sent a cruiser of the Turkish Fleet to Syria, which landed him at Candia on 11th September 1878; the Imperial yacht Fuad was also commanded to transport his family to the island.
The Cretan population, Mussulmans and Christians alike, gave him the warmest and most cordial of welcomes; the foreign fleets which were in the bay fired salutes when he disembarked.
This enthusiastic reception, this spontaneous manifestation on the part of the foreign fleets, made the very worst of impressions on Abdul Hamid, whose fears were, moreover, increased by the continual intrigues of Midhat’s enemies. At one time there was some question at Constantinople of nominating Midhat Pasha as Governor‐General of the Island of Crete. One of his friends (an English subject, whose name we may not divulge) sent him the following letter, written at the invitation of the British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard:—
“Constantinople, 3rd October 1878.
“Your Highness,—I have had an interview with our Ambassador this morning. His Excellency assures me that for the last four months he has tried by every means in his power to act on the Sultan’s mind, in order to persuade His Majesty to believe in your fidelity and devotion to his throne. Sir Henry Layard has assured me that he has incontestable proofs, that whilst Your Highness was in power, a certain individual, who dined every evening at your table, was in the pay of General Ignatieff, and repeated to the General every day all that you had said the night before. His Excellency has asked me to tell you that His Majesty is always surrounded by Russian emissaries, who do all in their power to influence him against you, and therefore he is obliged to use the greatest prudence in speaking to His Majesty of Your Highness. The Ambassador expressed to me his very great regret that you had refused to accept the thousand pounds that the Sultan had offered you. He also wished me to tell you, in strictest confidence, that there had been some question of nominating you Governor‐General of Crete, and that he prevented this nomination, being convinced that you would do no good in the Island, and that the insurrection instead of diminishing will only increase later on. Besides this, he told me that his desire is that Your Highness should occupy a higher post, where you would render very great services to the Government. He said that he was very anxious to meet you somewhere and to speak with you, but that at the present moment he sees no possibility of such an interview; in the meanwhile, if Your Highness would put yourself into correspondence with him, there is nothing that would give him greater pleasure than to receive news of you.
“Such, Your Highness, is the résumé of our conversation. I left with the conviction that the Ambassador sees the immense difficulty of introducing any reforms into the country without Your Highness’ co‐operation. Your opinion on the policy of England, and on the manner of introducing reforms into this country, would, I am sure, be very much appreciated by his Excellency, and therefore, if you see fit to write to the Embassy, you may count on my honour that no one in the world will know that you are in correspondence with Sir Henry Layard.—I am, etc.”
No event worthy of record took place during the short time that Midhat passed in the island of Crete. As he had wished, he lived peacefully in the midst of his family, not occupying himself directly with the affairs of State.
At the end of a month, Midhat Pasha received a telegram from the Palace, which nominated him Governor‐General of the vilayet of Syria. He was compelled to accept this new post, and embarked with his family on board the Imperial yacht Fevayid for Beyrout.
The arrival of Midhat Pasha in Syria was greeted by the population with as much enthusiasm and sympathy as in Crete. Compelled to accept this new position, Midhat, without losing hope of obtaining better results, and without taking into consideration that this post of Governor‐Generalship was a distinct loss of position after the high posts which he had occupied, began at once to study the general situation of the country, and the improvement which it would be possible to introduce there, as he had already done in the other vilayets. He introduced the most urgent reforms in the administration, which he discovered to be in a state of complete anarchy. He founded a School of Arts and Crafts, and an Orphanage, he increased the public safety, constructed high‐roads, which diminished the long distances that separated the capital of the vilayet from the outlying districts, and contributed to the construction of a line of tramways which connected the town of Tripoli, in Syria, to the port of Mina.
However, the population of Syria, composed as it is of people of diverse races and religions, who are always at enmity with each other, had preserved their ancient manners and customs. The overwhelmingly difficult task of creating a complete union between all these jarring elements, and of strengthening the Ottoman Supremacy in the country—where the minds of the populace were excited by foreign influences—consisted at first in the re‐organisation of the administration, in Judicial and Financial Reforms, and, finally, in insisting upon the absolute integrity of the officials.
Meanwhile, the Sultan Abdul Hamid allowed his original bitterness against Midhat Pasha to increase, and although addressing the most flattering words to him, he refused to sanction every single scheme of reform brought forward by him. The more the people showed their very great sympathy towards the Governor‐General, so much the more furious was the Sultan at his growing popularity. In order to prevent Midhat from gaining the friendship of the people by introducing the required improvements, Abdul Hamid took care to appoint as officials in Syria those men who would be capable of opposing his projects on every side. Such was the hostile conduct of the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, who was in command of the Fifth Army Corps, and also of General Djémil Pasha.
The absence of harmony which existed between the officials of the province, and the Sultan’s delay in sanctioning his schemes, finally obliged Midhat to tender his resignation in the following telegrams, to which the Sultan replied in the most hypocritical language.
To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary.
“Worn out, physically and mentally, by a service to the State which extends over nearly forty years, and taking into consideration my old age, which renders me incapable of serving any longer, I beg His Majesty, as a favour, graciously to accept my resignation of the Governorship of Syria, and to allow me to return, as soon as possible, to my house at Constantinople, or to Metelin, or else to some habitable district of the Syrian coast, where I may settle down with my family and spend my remaining years.—I am, etc.,
“(Signed) Midhat.
“7th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(19th October 1879.)
To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha.22
“Having reached a condition, when mentally and physically I can render no further services to the State, I had some weeks ago prepared my resignation and was going to send it in, for urgent reasons, when your nomination to the Grand‐Vizierat retarded my action. But the appointment of Mahmoud Nedim Pasha23 to the Ministry of the Interior has decided me to present it at the Palace. I inform you of this in advance, so that my resignation, following on your appointment as Prime Minister, may not be misinterpreted. I beg you will support my petition, and be my intermediary in helping me to get permission to end my days in some suitable place, with my family.—I am, etc.,
“(Signed) Midhat.”
Reply from H.M. First Secretary.
“Your Highness,—His Majesty has taken note of Your Highness’ resignation of the Governorship of Syria.
“The success which has attended Your Highness in the vilayet of Syria has been reported to His Majesty by Sir Henry Layard, who has just returned from his travels in Syria. His Majesty was on the point of sending you his congratulations, and of asking you what measures should be taken for the application of those reforms in which you encounter some obstacles. The arrival of your resignation has caused regret to His Majesty. You declare that the principal reason of your resignation is your advanced age, but as Your Highness is well aware, the longer an official has served, so much the greater will be his experience and his competency. Now, just at the moment when the State is on the point of reaping the fruits of Your Highness’ long experience and high efficiency, your decision to withdraw from public affairs cannot agree with the sentiments of your well‐known patriotism, and His Majesty would not, at present, be able to reconcile himself to placing on the unattached list, a servant as capable and experienced as Your Highness. Consequently, the reasons of your resignation are not admissible. His Majesty orders me to beg that you will address yourself directly to the Palace, if you have complaints to formulate.—I am, etc.,
“(Signed) Ali Fuad.
“10th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(22nd October, 1879.)
Reply.
To Ali Fuad Bey, H.M. First Secretary.
“Excellency,—I have received the cipher telegram of the 10th October, 1295, and I humbly thank His Majesty for the questions which he has deigned to address to me; my request is occasioned by the weakness of my body and by the responsibility imposed upon me by the state of the vilayet. All the services of the vilayet are in disorder; the localities, as well as the population on the coast, are almost entirely under foreign influences, and the interior of the country, ever since the war, has been undermined by insurrections, which paralyse all the efforts of the State to bear on the abolition of the dissensions and revolts, in order to secure to the population a measure of repose and justice under the ægis of the State, by taking into consideration the exigencies of the localities and the requirements of the inhabitants. While this state of affairs exists, the enforced application in this vilayet of such reforms as those imposed in the vilayets of Konia and of Angora has only succeeded in alienating still further the population from the Government, and caused it to sympathise still more strongly with the foreigners. Moreover, even the power to assure the security of the Province is in the hands of the Military Administration, yet the responsibility thereof has been assumed by the Vali, which is not in the least in agreement with any known rule, and the disputes which may arise from this system can only add to the other mismanagements, and as the vilayet cannot go on for more than six months or a year in this manner, I find myself obliged to resign my functions. I am proud of sacrificing my life for His Majesty, in any service or in any country whatsoever. There exists only one means to effect the improvement of the state of the Province, and that is the appointment of a capable and honest Vali, to whom would be accorded full power to apply all the administrative and financial reforms, as well as the works of public utility according to the exigencies of the locality and of the populace, and according to what was done in the vilayet of Bagdad, the military force must be placed in the hands of the Vali in order to concentrate all the converging powers to this sole aim. I only venture to make these proposals on the strength of the invitation given me by the Imperial command.—I am, etc.,
“(Signed) Midhat.
“11th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(23rd October 1879.)
Telegram in reply, from H.M. First Secretary.
“Your Highness,—Your reply telegram, which has only just arrived, has been submitted to His Majesty, who was much gratified to hear that you declare yourself proud to be able to sacrifice your life in His Majesty’s service. I have been ordered to communicate the imperial compliments to you, and to inform you that in two or three days someone from the Palace will start for Syria, charged to furnish you with the instructions and Irades relating to the contents of Your Highness’ telegram.—I am, etc.,
“(Signed) Ali Fuad.
“12th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(24th October 1879.)
Thus it is seen that Abdul Hamid refused to accept the resignation of Midhat Pasha, but Midhat gave him the choice between his resignation and the desired reforms, and sent the Grand Vizier long schemes for the general re‐organisation of the province.
To the Grand Vizier, Saïd Pasha.
“Your Highness,—Exhausted after a continuous service of the State of nearly forty years, and further weakened by my age which is nearly sixty, my sole desire, prior to my return from Europe, was to withdraw myself from all public affairs. The permission, which I obtained from His Majesty, to live in the island of Crete with my family, was the favour which I most desired. But His Majesty, recollecting my former services and deigning to believe that I should be able once more to devote myself to the work, was graciously pleased to appoint me to the Governorship of Syria. Although worn out both mentally and physically, I could but bow in gratitude before the imperial will, and trusting in Divine support I took up my duties.
“Thirty years ago I had already filled the office of Secretary in this vilayet, and twenty‐seven years ago I had been there on a temporary mission. Thus I had a certain knowledge of the manners of the inhabitants. Judge therefore what was my surprise, on my return there, to discover a complete change in the Administrative and Political Government of this province. As France was protecting the Lebanese, England found herself obliged to protect the Druses; the Americans were founding schools etc., in the Djebel Noussairi, in order to create there a sphere of influence for themselves. Whilst the Germans, under the name of Colonies, were peopling Palestine with German emigrants, the Spaniards, who cherished analogous schemes, had constructed a school and a church at Jaffa, in order that they might have their share. All these influences produced the very worst effect on the country, for one party of the Christians cherish a dream of union with Lebanon, whilst another party are seeking foreign protection, and meanwhile the Mussulmans can only marvel at the disorder. Now, although it is incumbent upon the State to reassure public opinion and to put an end to all these exterior influences, yet, on account of the exigencies of the war, the only orders sent from the Central Authority consist of demands for money, and for men for the Army. This state of things has opened the door to every abuse under the sun, and both law and order have been completely neglected. The officials of every rank, with some few exceptions, only seek their own personal interests, and the result of this, on the manners of the inhabitants, is so disastrous, that murders and robbery are the order of the day, and there is no security to property. To go no further than Tripoli, in Syria, during the last four years I myself have seen no fewer than ninety cases of murder, theft and pillage in the districts of Akiar and Safna alone; and not one single case has ever been brought to judgment. The thieves and brigands remain unpunished or are released, whilst innocent people are detained, without being previously tried, and are subjected to penalties varying from eight to ten years. I have myself, this time, liberated several prisoners of this category, and I abstain from mentioning the administration of the districts dependent on the Kaimakam of Dehle.
“As to the financial state of the province, it is most deplorable, and, as I have already had the honour of showing you, in a previous letter, the public revenues are reduced to one half; the country has been ruined by the tithes, and the depredations of the Army have desolated that which remained. The disastrous effect of the paper money having been to reduce the revenues by one half, one is appalled at the acknowledged deficit. This enumeration is a faithful résumé of the state of the vilayet, a state of which foreigners are the first to complain, whilst at the same time, they are just those who have the greatest political profits to gain from the continuance of these disorders. It is quite certain, that if this condition of affairs is not brought to an end, the Great Powers will place the administration of the vilayet of Anatolia in the hands of foreign officials, under the pretext of the introduction of reforms. And, as the schemes of foreigners for Syria are well‐known, to accept their conditions, based upon the maladministration denounced by the European newspapers, would only increase public opinion in their favour, and cause their pretensions to be sustained by the Cabinets of Europe.
“Ever since my arrival, I have done all in my power to bring some order into the affairs of the vilayet and to avoid the dangers I have detailed above. With your support, the question of the central district might be arranged, but the improvement of the province is not even then accomplished. There still remains the great difficulty of establishing the financial condition of the vilayet on an equitable base, of improving the Tribunals, and, above all, of putting an end to the extortions of the officials, who, in addition to the loss they occasion to the Treasury, do still more to discredit the Government in the eyes of both the natives and of the foreigners. In a word, it would be necessary, at all costs, to reassure public opinion by the application of existing laws.
“The actual state of things having reached this point, the laws, which are at present being deliberated upon in the Council of Ministers, should be elaborated and applied in all the provinces of the Empire, taking into consideration the manners and customs of each province.
“It would be a complete mistake to believe that this state of things can continue, and it is quite insupportable to me to know the remedy for the evil and yet not to be able to apply it, and above all to acquiesce wittingly in the harm caused by the present administration.
“I feel myself obliged once more to submit the above observations to Your Highness.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“17th March 1295, O.S.”
xxx(29th March 1879.)
Abdul Hamid, however, although he promised Midhat to apply these measures of amelioration, which he considered indispensable, refrained from giving his sanction to them, and the troubles which broke out, in the middle of all this, between the Druses and the Arabs of Hauran, obliged Midhat to keep his office in order to prevent the conflict from taking a turn which might have led to foreign intervention. The causes of these troubles and the attitude of the Palace and of the Government are shown in the following correspondence with Midhat Pasha.
Telegram sent to the Grand Vizier, by Midhat Pasha.
“Your Highness,—It is necessary to give Your Highness details of the affair of Hauran, for which you ask in your telegram of the 3rd October. The Djébéli Druse (Druse Mountain) and the valley of Ledja are inhabited entirely by the Druses. Since the events in Egypt these people have completely lost all respect for the Government, to which they no longer furnish any troops, or taxes, but all the crimes and misdeeds committed in the neighbourhood arise from their insubordination and opposition to authority. Last year they captured the English post, and those people who attacked the caravan at Iki‐kapoulu this year, and killed two men, are also Druses. Some of the stolen cattle have been found at Djébéli Druse, but it has been impossible to punish the authors of the crime. This district being exempt from all taxation, it has become the haunt of brigands, and of all those who wish to live as such; those who have committed a crime, deserters, or good‐for‐nothing Druses from Lebanon, all have sought refuge here for the last five or six years, until the mountain is crowded with them. It is they who attacked Hauran, put the inhabitants to flight, and up to the present moment they have conquered seventeen villages. They provoke quarrels and massacres for the most trivial causes, in order that they may be able to lay hands on other villages in succession. The Arabs of Hauran, having now adopted the Druse tactics, had entered into alliance, at the beginning of the present occurrence, with the inhabitants of Adjloun, of Kounitara, as well as with other Arab tribes, and were prepared to march against the Druses. The officials who were sent to the place were able to prevail upon the Hauranians, by their counsels, to abandon their plans and to obey the orders of the Government, but they insisted on those Druses who had been guilty of acts of brigandage being brought to justice and punished. The Druses, meanwhile, will listen to no representations, and remain with a force of several thousand armed men, in the face of the Hauranians. Although we learn that the Commandant of the troops which were sent, has been in communication with the Druses, in order to bring them back under control, we are not sufficiently well acquainted with the result, and for further details you should apply to the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“6th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(18th October 1879).
Cipher Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha.
“Your Highness,—The English Ambassador has just been to see us, on account of the events which are taking place among the Druses, which he deeply regrets, and he has made the same communications to the Minister for Foreign Affairs. It is of course a well‐known fact that England offers a moral protection to the Druses, whilst France does the same to the Maronites. Whilst the English, on one hand, are scarcely pleased with the measures which have been adopted against the Druses, yet on the other side there are the representations made to Your Highness by the British Consul, to the effect that France would have to bring a formal complaint if the increasing looting by the Druses continues, as it is very hard on the Maronites. In short, although the Druses are behaving abominably, it is not in keeping with the justice of the State to leave them unpunished, and yet, although their system of brigandage dates from time immemorial, an opportune moment in which to teach them a lesson has never been found. Supposing that the troops sent to safeguard the security of the Empire were sufficient to end the whole affair, it is certain that the continuation of the conflict between the Druses and Hauranians could have no good result to the Empire. Consequently the best means, in our opinion, by which to put an end to this affair, consist in postponing the subjection of the Druses until the period of the complete re‐organisation of the vilayet, and we must resign ourselves to acting solely as arbitrators between the Druses and Hauranians, to bring about an amicable arrangement. Your Highness tells us that the Hauranians would refuse to accept the indemnity that the Druses offer them. This may at first sight seem a difficulty in the way of mediation by the Government, yet it is necessary to induce the Hauranians to accept this indemnity, in order to prevent the shedding of blood, and to avoid the multiplication of vexatious incidents which might bring on political complications.
“If by chance the above arrangement cannot be brought about, Your Highness is then authorised to suggest to the Hauranians the total payment of the indemnity demanded by the State, informing the public that it is among the pacific intentions of the Government to have recourse to this solution of the matter, in the sole aim of abolishing the enmity which exists between its two subject races.
“Necessary instructions as to the departure of the required troops have been given to the War Office. I think it is my duty to add, that in case the affair cannot be amicably arranged, it would be well to have recourse to the influence of the leading men on either side, this being a method, the efficacy of which has been already proved, and if it were necessary Your Highness might go in person to the scene of conflict.
“In short, we beg that Your Highness will employ every means for conciliation, and we anxiously await the news of the closure of this incident, without having to seek the intervention of coercion.—I am, etc.,
“Saïd,xxx
“Grand Vizier.”
“13th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(25th October 1879).
Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand Vizier.