“Your Highness,—In reply to your telegram of 13th October, it has been shown in my previous communications that the incident of Hauran was caused by a quarrel between the inhabitants of two villages, on account of a girl, and this quarrel spread until it attained its present serious proportions. Since it is quite impossible to remain a passive spectator in face of a force of between three and four thousand individuals, all armed and ready to kill each other, we first of all sent officials, then gendarmes, and finally regular troops, in order to prevent a collision between the two parties, and we ended by calling in the Sheiks—proposing that they should come to some amicable arrangement. The Hauranians thereupon insisted that those Druses who were guilty of having killed some of their tribe unjustly should be brought up to justice, or else, since they are the more numerous, that the State should permit them to march against the Druses. On the other hand the Druses declare that it is contrary to their customs to be given up to justice, and fearing lest they may thereby create a precedent, they refuse to surrender the culprits; at the same time they have taken up their position in front of the troops, and cut off the water‐supply that was used by the Army. They are thus prepared to offer a strong resistance, and at the same time are pillaging the villages which are inhabited by both Mussulmans and Christians. Yesterday they devastated four villages, killed two of the inhabitants, and after having wounded several others, they slew four more whom they met on the road. We have sent many special envoys to them, trying to impress upon them the necessity of surrendering at any rate some of the twenty‐five criminals to the Government, and they have at last consented to pay an indemnity, which was intended to go to the families of those men who had been assassinated. The Hauranians, however, will not hear of any such solution. One thing is certain: it is quite impossible for us, after what has already occurred, to leave the Hauranians at the mercy of the Druses, without running the risk of creating very grave political and administrative dangers. Consequently, if Your Highness can succeed in finding any other method than that of the employment of an armed force, we shall do all in our power to execute it successfully.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“14th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(26th October 1876.)
Telegram from the Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha.
“Your Highness,—Since your advice coincides with ours that the Druse question should be amicably settled, it is necessary to take immediate steps towards obtaining a good result and preventing any recurrence of these incidents, and this without having recourse to military assistance. It would be very helpful to have the co‐operation of those who by their influence would be able to quiet down the minds of the people. Your Highness’ presence in these districts would create a good impression. We therefore beg that Your Highness will let us hear of your departure and of the means you intend to adopt. From the telegram from the Marshal to the Minister of War, it appears that the Druses have fired on the gendarmes whom General Djémil Pasha had sent to that district in order to try and re‐establish peace, and that on a Captain being killed, the gendarmes retaliated, and that a battle took place. As this is not at all expedient, Your Highness is particularly requested to put an end to all reprisals.
“The Minister for War has stated that two battalions of regular troops, and three battalions of reserve (with munitions of war) are just starting for Beyrout, on the steamer Mevridi‐Nousret.—I am, etc.,
“Saïd,xxx
“Grand Vizier.”
“16th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(28th October 1879.)
Reply to the Grand Vizier from Midhat Pasha.
Your Highness,—The troops were not sent to Hauran with the intention of fighting with the Druses, but, as my last telegram explained, more than four thousand men, from one part and another, had armed themselves and were prepared to attack, and as, under these circumstances, the Government was obliged to interfere, it was simply to prevent bloodshed and to procure justice for those who had been injured. Your Highness is not unaware that those officials, who were punished in 1276 (1860), owed their disgrace to having failed to execute their duty conscientiously.
“Although the re‐establishment of order at Djébéli‐Druse might be obtained as the natural result of our action, yet for the moment, this would be of only a secondary interest; and since Your Highness recommends us not to force it to this point, it may be possibly obtained in the future.
“It is as Your Highness remarks: the Druses having always lived in a state of brigandage, have been treated differently from others, and, until now, I have tried to manage them with due recognition of this fact. Some of the Druse Chieftains who were at Damascus have been sent to the disturbed districts on a mission of peace. But they only joined the others, and have committed criminal acts. Without taking into consideration the treachery of these men, our one aim has been always to find some means of ending this conflict without calling in the aid of the Military, and we were awaiting the reception of the Druse Chieftains from Mount Lebanon, who, through the negotiations of Rustem Pasha, had offered themselves as mediators between the belligerents. But yesterday, at a distance of only three‐quarters of an hour from the camp of the Imperial Army, the inhabitants of Hauran began once more to fight with those of Ledja. As soon as this news reached the camp, a company of gendarmes and two companies of regular troops were sent to the spot to try and separate them. But the Druses immediately fired upon the Imperial troops, killing two gendarmes and wounding an officer. On that, General Djémil Pasha joining them, with two companies of regular troops, the Druses killed a captain and fifteen soldiers, and the battle lasted until midnight. From a telegram that the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha received this morning, it appears that Djémil Pasha has returned to the camp, with all his troops.
“After this incident the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha gave the necessary orders to concentrate the remaining military troops. Holo Pasha will be sent, with a member of the Administrative Council of the vilayet, to try and persuade the belligerents to lay down their arms. But to bring this business to an end, with moderation, one will be obliged to drive the Druses from their positions in Hauran. The arrival of the promised troops is quite indispensable.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“17th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(29th October 1879.)
The Grand Vizier to Midhat Pasha.
“Your Highness,—The report of the Minister for War, and the telegrams which have been exchanged relating to the question of the Hauran Druses, have been read at the Council of Ministers. After some deliberation it has been decided to settle this question in a pacific manner, and to invite Your Highness to go in person to the affected districts, to hasten the departure of the troops which have been demanded, and that the Minister for War should give Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha the necessary orders, so that he may be in agreement with the ideas of Your Highness. The importance of the Question and the wishes of the Sublime Porte being settled by the correspondence which has passed up to the present, Your Highness is requested to go to the camp and to bring this matter to a peaceful close.—I am, etc.,
“Saïd,xxx
“Grand Vizier.”
“22nd October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(4th November 1879.)
Reply from Midhat Pasha to the Telegram from the Grand Vizier.
“Your Highness,—Since the Druse Question must, in conformity with His Majesty’s orders, be brought to a pacific termination, may I beg that you will leave to me the choice of means to be employed, and wait patiently for a few days longer. You may have every reliance that the matter will be ended without having recourse to arms, and in a manner worthy of the prestige of the State and of the Army.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“23rd October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(5th November 1879.)
From Midhat Pasha to H.M. First Secretary.
“Your Excellency,—The Druse Question has at last come to an end, with the arrival of the Sheiks yesterday at Damascus. They are anxious to solicit the protection of our august master. The Government having insisted on the extradition of those individuals who were implicated in the assassinations of Basr‐el‐Houreiri, the four men who survived the skirmishes have been accordingly delivered up to the authorities, and they are now in prison, waiting to be brought before the tribunals. This fact is full of promise for the future, for, hitherto, the Druses have never been accustomed to deliver to the authorities those criminals who have sought refuge in their midst. I must now devote myself to the consideration of the future condition of the Druses, which is of great importance.
“As there is now no further need for the battalions of Reserve, recently sent, they have been sent back, and we have decided, with the Marshal Ahmed Eyoub Pasha, that the battalions now at Hauran and at Damascus shall be returned.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“29th October 1295, O.S.”
xxx(11th November 1879.)
Midhat Pasha, who had withdrawn his resignation, with the express purpose of not leaving the province in a state of turmoil, and in order to bring the Druse Question to a suitable and lawful termination, succeeded thus in re‐establishing peace, in a manner that was honourable to the Government, in spite of the unjustifiable conduct of the Sublime Porte and of the Palace. But Midhat, perceiving the impossibility of working satisfactorily with the Government, once more sent in his resignation, in the following telegrams:—
Telegram sent to the First Secretary, enclosing the Resignation of Midhat Pasha.
“With respect to my proffered resignation of October last, His Majesty condescended to issue an Irade, which made me decide to wait patiently for some time longer. Now that the question of the Druses, which was the reason of the refusal of my request, has been settled, and the conditions of the vilayet are absolutely normal, I humbly beg that my resignation may be accepted by His Majesty, on account of the reasons which render my position untenable.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“18th May 1296, O.S.”
xxx
(30th May 1880.)
H.M. First Secretary to Midhat Pasha.
“Your Highness,—Your telegram, dated 18th May 1296, has been presented to His Majesty. If there has been any delay as to the departure of the personage who was charged to communicate the Imperial instructions to Your Highness, and to receive your exact replies, it has been occasioned entirely by the difficulty he has experienced in quitting his post. And it is very difficult to find any one who possesses the same qualities, to replace him. You must not attribute the non‐execution of the Imperial promise to any other cause. In your telegram you say that your resignation arises from causes which are not unknown to His Majesty. In one of your later telegrams these causes resolve themselves into two principal ones: of which the first consists in Your Highness’s advanced age, and the other in the difficulties you encounter in the Administration of the Province. The first reason cannot be accounted as valid, by a servant who is devoted to his country and Sovereign, and whose chief desire should be never to renounce the honour of serving the State. As to the extension of power, a special order will soon be published on the duties of Governor‐Generals, so that this second reason of your resignation will no longer have any force. His Majesty expresses a desire to know positively if Your Highness wishes to resign from any other cause, independent of those already cited.
“Ali Fuad.
“19th May 1296, O.S.”
xxx
(31st May 1880.)
Telegram from Midhat Pasha in reply to H.M. First Secretary, Ali Fuad Bey.
“Your Excellency,—Besides those causes cited in your telegram replying to my request for permission to retire, I may also mention the difficulties presented by the application of the new laws, and the insults to which I am exposed on all sides, on account of which I find myself obliged once more to entreat His Majesty for his indulgence. As I said six months ago in one of my letters, I am firmly resolved to sacrifice my life in the service of His Majesty, and as my life is nearing its end, the few years that remain are of but little importance. But there is something that is dearer and still more sacred than life—that is honour.
“It is quite possible that there may be some reason of which I am not aware, for the formalities which have occurred, and for the present situation, but, from my humble point of view, and from my most inward conviction, everything seems to combine to wound my honour, as much in what concerns the administration of the vilayet which has been confided to my care, as in my private capacity. Now, as it is pardonable that I should desire not to tarnish my honour, which I have preserved unspotted during a service of more than forty‐five years, I have decided to protest no longer, but to retire. I, therefore, take the liberty of once more referring this subject to our magnanimous sovereign.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“21st May 1296, O.S.”
xxx
(3rd June 1880.)
To Midhat Pasha, from the First Secretary, Ali Fuad Bey.
[Confidential.]
“Your Highness’ telegram of 21st May, 1296, has been submitted to His Majesty. All the world knows how highly His Majesty has always regarded your honour, and Your Highness, from the Humanitarian point of view, can only recognize and approve the justice of this observation. For many years Your Highness has rendered the greatest services to the State, you occupy the highest rank in the Vizierat, and are one of the greatest dignitaries and Statesmen of the Empire, and His Majesty informs you that he will guarantee your honour and consideration, as well as your reputation.
“If the difficulties, which you declare you have encountered in the application of the new laws, refer to the judicial laws, that must arise from the incapacity of the officials in the Judicial Department. Without criticising the fundamental significance of the laws, Sir Henry Layard has also represented to His Majesty, in a report, the difficulty that would be encountered in applying these laws, for want of competent officials, and, although every one recognises the necessity of the adoption and promulgation of these laws and regulations, yet the rumour of Your Highness’ resignation has immediately given rise to criticisms, which were delivered here yesterday evening by several personages. As you know, one of the very first reforms, the execution of which is to be desired, and even the principal reform to be executed, is the re‐organisation of the Courts of Justice. But the difficulties involved in carrying out these reforms place the Government in a very awkward position. Your Highness is begged to draw up a note stating the changes that are necessary, in the opinion of Your Highness, who has so great an experience both in Civil Administration and also in judicial laws, and to place this note in the hands of a capable official—one who possesses your full confidence—that it may be presented to His Majesty. You will also make use of this capable official, possessing your confidence, in your correspondence with the Palace. As our principal aim must be always to serve the State and our Sovereign with all fidelity and devotion, Your Highness is requested not to pay any attention to tale‐bearing, which is unworthy of any consideration, and not to allow yourself to be affected by it. His Majesty appreciates your actions, and sends you his friendliest Imperial greetings.
“I am, etc.,
“Ali Fuad.
“23rd May 1296, O.S.”
xxx
(5th June 1880.)
Midhat Pasha to Ali Fuad Bey.
“The most precious and the most welcome part of your telegram of 23rd May being the expression of the Imperial goodwill towards me, I must first of all offer you my humble thanks. As to the other matters, your Excellency is not unaware that not only do I recognise in principle the necessity and the benefit of the new laws, but I am, above all, one of the chief advocates of judicial reform. As was mentioned in the Imperial telegram conferring the Governorship of Syria upon me, the local manners and customs must be taken into consideration with regard to the new organisations. But the new laws, instead of embodying these recommendations, have been drawn up on exactly the old lines, and when I suggest that with a slight modification these laws might be ameliorated, my observations are systematically ignored. This state of things has produced a result quite the opposite of that intended, and the greater part of the new laws, as well as the older ones, remain in disuse. The general situation is therefore most strange and peculiar.
“To this disorder must be added the difference which exists between the civil and military authorities, which have ended by becoming hostile to each other. A country such as Syria, which is full of troubles and intrigues, both internal and external, is in crying need of a military force, yet every time that we demand an armed force we meet with a deliberate refusal, or the troops which have been sent are withdrawn without reason, or else our official letters remain unanswered. Now, although it is possible that this results from the inimical system which has been adopted against me personally, yet, undoubtedly, the Government and the country are the principal sufferers from it; and when it comes to six months passing without the governor and the marshal of a vilayet meeting, one can imagine the state of affairs in the province. Again, the grant for the gendarmes and the salaries of the officials having been reduced, these measures have struck a blow at the security of the country, and have driven the officials to corruption, whilst the judicial system which has been adopted by the tribunals towards criminals has weakened public confidence. This state of things being well known, the orders which arrive daily never fail to put all the responsibility on the Governor. Now, it is impossible to accept this situation, nor can I, in a telegram, give an explanation of all these difficulties, but, in conformity with the Imperial Irade, a confidential official is on the point of starting, commissioned to give you the amplest information. I shall strive for patience until his return.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“25th May 1296, O.S.”
xxx
(7th June 1880).
Quite apart from all this question, the Sultan Abdul Hamid was far from being satisfied with Midhat Pasha’s sojourn in Syria. The Syrians, realising the good that he had done to the country, were loud in their expressions of gratitude, which gave offence to the Sultan. The cries of “Long live Midhat Pasha!” in the streets, and the interviews of the British Ambassador, Sir Henry Layard, with the Governor‐General during his travels in Syria, all augmented the fears of the Palace. Midhat’s enemies then put into circulation the rumour that Syria would soon become an autonomous principality, and that Midhat Pasha would receive the title of Khedive.
Abdul Hamid then informed Midhat that he declined to accept his resignation, that he wished to see him continue his services to the State, and that he appointed him Governor‐General of the vilayet of Smyrna. The Syrians addressed a petition to the Palace, begging that Midhat might remain at Damascus, but the Sultan paid absolutely no attention to this act on the part of the Syrian population, and Midhat found himself compelled to start off for his new post on board the Imperial yacht Izzeddine, which had been sent for that purpose.
The vilayet and town of Smyrna were then, like other provinces of the Empire, in a state of lamentable disorder. It is quite certain that the Sultan, who had refused to apply the necessary reforms in Syria, had never sent Midhat to Smyrna with the intention of putting a stop to the administrative anarchy existing in that part of his dominions. Midhat, although well aware that the aim of all these machinations was only to paralyse his activity, could not forget the duties and responsibilities which the Governor‐Generalship placed on his shoulders.
There were a quantity of liberated convicts of every foreign nationality in Smyrna, who daily committed all manner of theft and crime; the sense of terror in the province was so great that no one dared venture abroad in the streets after night‐fall. Midhat Pasha formed a corps of police, in imitation of the European police, a force which at that time did not exist in Turkey apart from the gendarmerie. He showed the same activity here as in the other vilayets, and succeeded, after several arrests, in establishing public security. He widened the streets of the city, and founded a School of Arts and Crafts, as well as an orphanage, which still exists under the name of “Islahané.”
On the other hand, the Sultan never renounced his aim of ridding himself of Midhat, and four or five months after his arrival in Smyrna, Abdul Hamid decided to strike a mortal blow at him, in once more raising the question of the sudden death of his uncle, the ex‐Sultan Abdul Aziz, whose suicide in the Palace we have already related (see p. 89). This suicide had not only been verified by eye‐witnesses, but also by the report of all the doctors of the foreign embassies at Constantinople, and above all by the statement of Dr Dickson, doctor at the British Embassy, a fact which has been confirmed by Sir Henry Elliot, who was the then English Ambassador, and who wrote an account of the deposition and suicide of Abdul Aziz, which appeared in the February number of the Nineteenth Century in 1888. Now, after a lapse of four years, the Sultan asserted that his uncle had not committed suicide, but that he had been assassinated, and that the murder had been perpetrated by Hussein Avni Pasha, the Minister for War (who was himself murdered in Midhat’s house, in 1876, by Cherkess Hassan), and by his two brothers‐in‐law, Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, and that other personages of high rank (an allusion to Midhat, Mehemet Rushdi Pashas, and to the Sheik‐ul‐Islam—Haïroullah Effendi) were implicated in the affair. In fact the two brothers‐in‐law, Mahmoud Djelaleddin and Nouri Pashas, were arrested in Constantinople, and the news of a fresh trial of the assassins of Abdul Aziz was noised abroad by the European Press.24
The Turkish Press, inspired from the Palace, addressed praises to the Sultan, and some newspapers—amongst others the Terdjumani Hakikat—actually went so far as to advise Abdul Hamid to arrest every one who had played any part in the affair of Abdul Aziz.
By this time the Sublime Porte had lost all authority, and the enemies of the Constitutional Party had increased very considerably. Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, the former Grand Vizier, and colleague of Midhat, had been condemned to pass his remaining years on his estates near Manissa; the Sheik‐ul‐Islam, Hairoullah Effendi, a follower of Midhat, had been exiled to Mecca. The few Liberals who remained in the capital had all been sent away into the provinces, either as officials or as exiles. Only the partisans of Abdul Hamid and those who had changed their opinions and who now ranged themselves on the side of despotism—such as Ahmed Midhat Effendi—were to be found in Constantinople. Ahmed Midhat Effendi, who had been one of Midhat Pasha’s most ardent followers, now heaped all the lowest slanders upon him, through the pages of the Terdjumani Hakikat, asserting that Abdul Aziz had been murdered, and that the culprits must be arrested.
Midhat Pasha was in receipt of the most alarming news from his friends at Constantinople, and also from abroad; he was told that his life was in great danger. His only reply was: “I have no reason to be alarmed nor to fly from Turkey. I have laboured for the good of my country, and I have nothing with which to reproach myself; if others see reason to blame me, I am always ready to reply before a tribunal.” He took no further steps than to write a letter to the Grand Vizier, protesting against the baseness of Ahmed Midhat Effendi, Editor of the Terdjumani Hakikat. The letter is as follows:—
From Midhat Pasha to the Grand Vizier.
“Your Highness,—The number of the Terdjumani Hakikat, dated 5th December, 1296, after stating that the Editor of a newspaper, published at Athens, and directed against the Imperial Government, is Essad Effendi, who was exiled to Damascus, but who has since sought refuge in Greece, goes on to insinuate that in producing this paper he has my moral and pecuniary support. The same week, explanations are given in the Messenger, both in French and English, of these calumnies, and this is done in the most peculiar manner, my name being mentioned. The baseness of the Editor of the Terdjumani Hakikat is well known to the whole world. As to Essad Effendi, all who have seen him at Damascus will be able to estimate these erroneous publications at their true value. I think there is no more for me to add on this subject, for if I said anything, it would be according to the rules to bring an action. But these publications are not only hostile to me personally. It is beyond all question that the publication, in a foreign land, of a newspaper, directed against the Imperial Government, with the material and moral aid that I am reported to have furnished, constitutes a crime; consequently, how can you leave such a man at the head of so important and vast a vilayet as that of Smyrna? Such a state of things does much to destroy the prestige of the State, and all the more so, because of the confirmation of these slanders by the newspapers of Constantinople, which are under the orders and surveillance of the Sublime Porte. It seems to me wiser to send in my resignation, than to give rise to such a state of affairs, so that the honour and consideration of the State may be preserved intact. This course is, moreover, in keeping with the decision, reached by me some time ago. Nevertheless, I feel it my duty that I should first of all seek Your Highness’ advice on the subject.—I am, etc.,
“Midhat.
“25th December 1296, O.S.”
xxx
(7th January 1881.)
However, the Sultan, who wished to put an end to Midhat, decided finally to arrest both him and Mehemet Rushdi Pasha, who was then at Manissa. The arrival in Smyrna of the aides‐de‐camp, General Hilmi Pasha and Colonel Riza Bey (at present Minister of War), with their suites, gave the first warning to the Governor‐General, who ordered his men to watch the acts and movements of these aides‐de‐camp, and very soon reached the conviction that these emissaries had come with an order to arrest him.
Among the men who had been charged by Midhat to get the aides‐de‐camp to talk about the manner in which the arrest was to be made, was a police agent, an extremely intelligent man, who, disguised as a rich merchant, was lodging in the same hotel as Hilmi Pasha, chief of the mission. Hilmi Pasha, at the end of a good dinner, had allowed to the pretended merchant that he had come to Smyrna by the Imperial command, and that his object was to arrest the Governor‐General, but that he was waiting for further instructions before carrying out his instructions. Midhat, in order to be prepared for any occurrence, had ordered a secret door to be made, and one of the steamers of the Compagnie Joly was retained in the harbour, ready to carry him off abroad. One evening the above‐mentioned agent came and warned him that Hilmi Pasha had been called to the Telegraph Office, and that, after a long conversation with the Palace, he had re‐entered the hotel, had put on his uniform, and gone straight to the barracks. It was asserted that among the orders he had received, he had been instructed to kill Midhat and to massacre his family. Indeed, one of Midhat’s servants, named Nezir, had been bribed, and it was arranged that before the Governor’s house was occupied, he should fire off a revolver on the troops, and thus give the signal for the massacre. In support of this theory, it is interesting to note that after Midhat Pasha’s exile the said Nezir entered into the service of the Yildiz Kiosk, and received a considerable salary. Besides this, one of the chamberlains of the Sultan Abdul Hamid, Bessim Bey, who died some time ago in disgrace, whilst still in the service of the Palace, assured a member of Midhat’s family that Hilmi Pasha was not only entrusted with the arrest of Midhat, but that the Sultan had given him a positive order to have him killed in the tumult which was to be adroitly brought about, and to massacre his whole family, men, women and children. It was on this account that General Hilmi had bribed Nezir, so that the public might believe that Midhat had refused to obey, and that he had fired upon the soldiers.
On the receipt of this news from his agent, Midhat Pasha, without losing his sang‐froid, sought out his family and acquainted them with the position of affairs. He advised them to be resigned, and informed them of his intention of quitting Turkish soil from the moment that his life had been threatened. As midnight struck, three cannon‐shots rang out from the barracks (in Turkey this is the method employed for giving the alarm of fire), but Midhat understood only too well that it was done with the express purpose of distracting the attention of the mob. At the same moment he left his house by the secret door, accompanied by his secretary, and stole down to the quay; but perceiving that the quays were blocked by sentinels, he hailed a carriage, and recollecting that the English Consul, Mr Dennis, was not in the town, he told them to drive to the French Consulate, and there begged for protection. Meanwhile, the soldiers, who had forced their way at the point of their bayonets up to the doors of the first floor, now demanded to speak with Midhat Pasha, and were informed that he had just left. This reply being absolutely unexpected, they were convinced that he was hiding in one of the rooms. Hilmi Pasha gave orders that the house should be searched, and that all the servants should be thrown into prison. The troops entered, breaking down the doors, and recommending the ladies not to move, they made an exhaustive search, even tearing up the flooring. At this moment, by way of fulfilling his cowardly promise and giving reason for a massacre, Nezir, hiding himself behind a mattress, tried to fire off his revolver, but one of the servants, realising the peril, tore the weapon from his hand.
After a minute search that lasted for several hours, and during which no trace of either Midhat nor yet of his papers had been discovered, Madame Midhat, seeing that the officers and soldiers had no intention of withdrawing, sent for General Hilmi and informed him that in the case of the troops remaining in the house, she would open the windows and call in the help of the people. This terrified the General, for he had received orders not to give rise to a revolution, and he dismissed the soldiers, only remaining himself with one or two officers. A few hours later the police informed General Hilmi that Midhat was at the French Consulate, and he thereupon went thither, and had it surrounded on every side. The French Consul‐General, Monsieur Pélissier, had sent a telegram to the French Ambassador at Constantinople, informing him of all that had taken place. On seeking refuge at the French Consulate, Midhat had invited the consuls of all the Great Powers to attend; had acquainted them with the danger from which he had escaped, and had begged them to insist on a guarantee that he should be judged by a High Court. Meanwhile, he received a telegram from Constantinople begging him to surrender, and assuring him that no injustice should be done him, but that if he refused to do so, then he would be considered guilty.
There are two versions given of this memorable occurrence of the spring of 1881; and these two versions are so much the more important, because they affect the truth of the fact whether the Government of the French Republic delivered up Midhat Pasha, who had sought refuge in the French Consulate, to the Sultan, or whether he surrendered of his own accord on receiving the telegram from Constantinople. The fact that he had caused a secret door to be constructed in a hidden corner of his house, and that a steamer had been kept in readiness in the harbour, all proves that Midhat had intended flight. Not having succeeded in his design of reaching the sea, he had sought refuge at the French Consulate, and he had implored the assistance that France might easily have rendered him. It is to be presumed that the ambassador, after having asked for instructions from Paris, and having explained to the Government the Sultan’s insistence, may have informed Midhat that he could not effectually protect him. Not having any definite proof on this subject, it is impossible for us to certify anything. The opinions of the European Press were very divergent. We reprint the telegrams sent by the correspondent of the Times from Constantinople, dated 19th May and 21st May, 1881, which give the fullest details.25
Midhat Pasha had been perfectly well aware of what would happen. He knew the plots that had been formed against him, and when his friends had invited him to leave Turkey, by the boat which had been got ready to take him aboard, he replied, “I shall never give way before the insinuations of the Sultan. I shall never allow the world to say that I fled because I was guilty and that I feared the Sultan. I shall resist until the last moment, and if I then see that my life is in danger, I may perhaps have recourse to the means you offer.” It was this same state of mind which led him to think of embarking, when the soldiers, under the command of General Hilmi Pasha, surrounded his house, and by their attitude showed plainly the danger in which both he and his family were placed. On realising the impossibility of carrying out this plan, he had taken refuge at the French Consulate, and had asked the Consuls of all the Powers that their respective Governments should demand a public trial, and had declared “that he gave himself up to judgment, trusting to the good faith of the telegram which he had received from Constantinople.”
For the honour of France, we are inclined to believe that Midhat surrendered to the Ottoman authorities of his own accord. It is scarcely credible that France would have delivered Midhat Pasha to the Sultan, the more so because Gambetta, who was then in power, had been a great friend of his.
The Sultan had been anxious to have Midhat arrested when he was still Governor‐General of Syria, but so great was his popularity in that Province, that Abdul Hamid was reluctantly obliged to relinquish his design, for fear of provoking a revolution.
The day following the arrest found the town of Smyrna still strictly guarded by the troops, and no one was permitted to go about the streets for fear of any demonstration. The terrified inhabitants closed their shops, and all business was suspended for twenty‐four hours. Midhat was retained as a prisoner in the barracks, until the arrival of the Imperial yacht, which brought over the new Governor‐General, the high judicial dignitaries, and also the Minister Djevdet Pasha. He embarked quietly in the midst of the general emotion, and duly arrived at Constantinople. Whilst waiting for the assembling of the High Court, the little pavilion in the “Yildiz Park” called “Malta Kiosk,” was assigned to him as his place of residence by the Sultan.
As we have already stated, Midhat Pasha arrived at Constantinople in one of the Imperial yachts, accompanied by the Minister and the high judicial dignitaries. He was kept in the pavilion of the “Malta Kiosk,” which is situated within the park of Yildiz. In accordance with his desire that he might be given a public trial, and that the conditions on which he had surrendered to the Ottoman authorities from the French Consulate should be observed, a High Court was formed by the Sultan Abdul Hamid. But the tickets of admission to the meetings were issued in such a manner that the Turks who wished to be present at the trial had to renounce their intention, for fear of attracting the ill‐will of the Sultan, or else, those who were followers of Midhat, had to pose as his adversaries in order to be able to hear and understand the manner in which he was to be condemned. The Diplomatic Corps was present, but many foreigners found difficulty in obtaining admittance. Only a few correspondents of the foreign newspapers were admitted, and amongst the representatives of the Turkish Press only those who were faithful adherents of the Sultan.
We possess no special information on the subject of the trial, and that which we have been able to collect from those persons who were present at the debates gives us no further details than those which the Times correspondent (present at the Trial) sent to his newspaper. We publish, therefore, by permission of the proprietors of the Times the most interesting portions of their reports, together with some extracts from the debates in the Houses of Parliament on this subject, in order to give the reader some idea of this most memorable mock trial.