161 Cp. Lea, ii, 159; Lenient, La Satire en France an moyen âge, 1859, p. 43. 

162 Lea, vol. ii, ch. i. 

163 Sismondi, pp. 115, 117. 

164 Id. p. 133. 

165 Id. pp. 235–39; Lea, ii, 247, 259, 319, 347, 429, etc. 

166 Sismondi, p. 236; Llorente, as cited, i, 60–64; Lea, ii, 200. 

167 Matthew Paris records that in 1249 four hundred and forty-three heretics were burned in Saxony and Pomerania. Previously multitudes had been burned by the Inquisitor Conrad, who was himself finally murdered in revenge. He was the confessor of Saint Elizabeth of Hungary, and he taught her among other things, “Be merciful to your neighbour,” and “Do to others whatsoever you would that they should do to you.” See his praises recorded by Montalembert, as cited, vol. i, ch. x. Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, Div. iii, § 89 (ii, 567). 

168 Lea, ii, 204. This was the “peace-maker” described by Dr. Lea as—in that capacity—“so worthy a disciple of the Great Teacher of divine love” (i, 240). 

169 Ueberweg, i, 366; Poole, pp. 99, 100. 

170 As to the verbal confusion of Aristotle’s theory see Ueberweg. 

171 Id. i, 160. 

172 Id. i, 375. 

173 Cp. Mosheim’s note, Reid’s ed. p. 388. 

174 Ueberweg, i, 374. 

175 Poole, p. 104, note; Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. i, 54. 

176 Hampden, Bampton Lectures, On the Scholastic Philosophy, 1848, p. 71. 

177 Mosheim, as cited, and refs. 

178 Hampden, p. 70. 

179 A. S. Farrar, Crit. Hist. of Freethought, 1862, p. 111. Farrar adds: “‘Neque enim quaero intelligere ut credam, set credo ut intelligam’ are the words of the Realist Anselm (Prolog. i, 43, ed. Gerberon): ‘Dubitando ad inquisitionem venimus; inquirendo veritatem percipimus’ are those of the Nominalist Abailard (Sic et Non, p. 16, ed. Cousin).” 

180 Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, ch. 19, as to orthodoxy among both Nominalists and Realists. 

181 Hampden, pp. 70, 449. 

182 Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, iii, 550. 

183 Poole, Illustr. of the Hist. of Medieval Thought, pp. 104–105. 

184 Præfatio in Monologium. 

185 As to the various classes of doubters known to Anselm see Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 129–31, and refs. Anselm writes: Fides enim nostra contra impios ratione defenda est. Epist. ii, 41. 

186 Ueberweg, i, 381. 

187 See it in Ueberweg, i, 384–85; cp. Ch. de Rémusat, Saint Anselme, 1853, pp. 61–62; Dean Church, Saint Anselm, ed. 1888, pp. 86–87. As to previous instances of Anselm’s argument cp. Poole, Illustrations, p. 338 sq. 

188 Cp. Ueberweg, i, 379–80. 

189 Cited by Hampden, Bampton Lect. p. 443. 

190 Metalogicus, vii, 2; Poole, p. 223. 

191 Gemma Ecclesiastica, Distinctio i, c. 51; Works, ed. Brewer, Rolls Series, ii, 148–49; pref. p. xxxv. 

192 Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie. II (1880), i, 61. Hauréau points out that Simon’s writings are strictly orthodox, whatever his utterances may have been. 

193 Distinctio, ii, c. 24; pp. liv, 285. 

194 Cp. Pearson, Hist. of England during the Early and Middle Ages, ii, 504. 

195 The Saynt Graal, ed. Furnivall, 1861, pp. 7, 84; History of the Holy Grail, ed. Furnivall, 1874, pp. 5–7; Pearson, as cited, i, 606–607. 

196 Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 1870, p. 502. 

197 Poole, pp. 141–42. 

198Humanas ac philosophicas rationes requirebant; et plus quæ intelligi quam quæ dici possent efflagitabant” (Historia calamitatum mearum, ed. Gréard, p. 36). 

199 Id. ib. 

200 Ueberweg, i, 387. 

201 Ueberweg, i, 391. Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 111. 

202 Ueberweg, i, 394–95. 

203 Hampden, Bampton Lect. pp. 420–21. 

204 Poole, p. 175. It is not impossible that, as Sismondi suggests (Histoire des Français, ed. 1823, v, 294–96), Abailard was persecuted mainly because of the dangerous anti-papal movement maintained in Italy for fifteen years (1139–1155) by his doctrinally orthodox pupil, Arnold of Brescia. But Hampden (p. 40), agreeing with Guizot (Hist. de Civ. en Europe; Hist. mod. Leçon 6), pronounces that “there was no sympathy between the efforts of the Italian Republics to obtain social liberty, and those within the Church to recover personal freedom of thought.” 

205 Poole, pp. 117–23, 169. 

206 Ueberweg, i, 398. 

207 Poole, p. 173. 

208 Cp. Poole, p. 153. It is difficult to doubt that the series of patristic deliverances against reason in the first section of Sic et Non was compiled by Abailard in a spirit of dissent. 

209 Cp. Hardwick, p. 279; and see p. 275, note, for Bernard’s dislike of his demand for clearness: “Nihil videt per speculum et in aenigmate, sed facie ad faciem omnia intuetur.” 

210 Poole, p. 161. Cp. Dr. Hastings Rashdall on the “pious scurrility” of Bernard. The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, i, 57, note. Contrast the singularly laudatory account of St. Bernard given by two contemporary Positivists, Mr. Cotter Morison in his Life and Times of St. Bernard, and Mr. F. Harrison in his essay on that work in his Choice of Books. The subject is discussed in the present writer’s paper on “The Ethics of Propaganda” in Essays in Ethics

211 Erdmann, History of Philosophy, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. i, 325. 

212 Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i (1872), 534–46. 

213 Id. citing the Polycraticus, l. vii, c. 2. 

214 Polycraticus, l. vii, c. 7. 

215 Cp. Poole, pp. 220–22; the extracts of Hampden, pp. 438–43; and the summing-up of Hauréau. Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i (1870), 357. 

216 Historia calamitatum, as cited. Cp. p. 10 for Abailard’s own opinion of Anselm of Laon, whom he compares to a leafy but fruitless tree. 

217 Matthew Paris, sub. ann. 1201. There is a somewhat circumstantial air about this story, Simon’s reply being made to begin humorously with a Jesule. Jesule! Matthew, however, tells on this item the story of Simon’s miraculous punishment which Giraldus tells on a quite different text. Matthew is indignant with the scholastic arrogance which has led many to “suppress” the miracle. 

218 Ueberweg, i, 419, 430; Hampden, p. 443 sq. Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 173 sq. 

219 Ueberweg, i, 418. The Karaïtes may be described as Jewish Protestants or Puritans. Cp. Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, pp. 252–54. 

220 Schechter (as cited, pp. 197, 417) gives two sets of dates, the second being 1135–1204. 

221 For a good survey of the medieval Hebrew thought in general see Joel, Beiträge zur Gesch. der Philos. 1876; and as to Maimonides see A. Franck’s Études Orientales, 1861; Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie II, i, 41–46; and Renan, Averroès, pp. 177–82. 

222 Schechter, Studies in Judaism, pp. 422–23. 

223 Id. p. 208. 

224 Ueberweg, i, 428; Schechter, p. 424. 

225 Renan, Averroès, p. 183. 

226 Schechter, pp. 83–85. 

227 Hauréau pronounces (II, i, 29–34) that Avicebron should be ranked among the most sincere and resolute of pantheists. His chief work was the Fons vitæ

228 Renan, Averroès, pp. 100, 175. 

229 Spinoza, Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, c. 8, ad init. 

230 Mémoires de Joinville, ed. 1871, ii, 16. 

231 Renan, Averroès, pp. 222–24. 

232 Huber, Johannes Scotus Erigena, p. 435; Christlieb, Leben und Lehre des Johannes Scotus Erigena, 1860, p. 438. Copies of John’s writings were found in the hands of the sectaries of Amalrich and David; and in 1226 the writings in question were condemned and burnt accordingly. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 175. 

233 Ueberweg, i, 388, 431; Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 112–14; Renan, p. 223; Hahn, Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittelalter, 1845–50, iii, 176–92. 

234 Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 12. 

235 Poole, p. 225; Ueberweg, i, 431. 

236 Lecky’s description (Rationalism in Europe, ed. 1887, i, 48) of Averroïsm as a “stern and uncompromising infidelity” is hopelessly astray. 

237 Summa Theologica, Prima Secundae, Quæst. LXXXV, Art. 6. Compare Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 189, for a trace of the idea of natura naturans in John Scotus and Heiric, in the ninth century. 

238 Renan, p. 236 sq. 

239 Cp. Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, ii, 130. 

240 Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. ix, 133. 

241 Robins. A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pt. i, pp. 38–39. Compare Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, i, 264; and Maurice, Medieval Philosophy, 2nd ed. pp. 188–90. It is noteworthy that the Summa of Thomas was a favourite study of Descartes, who read hardly any other theologian. 

242 Cp. Milman, ix, 143. 

243 See the comments of Giraldus Cambrensis in the proem to his Speculum Ecclesiæ Brewer’s ed. in Rolls Series, i. 9; and pref. pp. xii–xiii. 

244 Cp. Renan. Averroès, p. 267, as to the polemic of William of Auvergne. 

245 Renan, pp. 567–68. 

246 Id. pp. 269–71, and refs. 

247 Renan, pp. 273–75, and refs.; Ueberweg, i, 460, and refs.; Maywald, Die Lehre von der zweifachen Wahrheit, 1871, p. 11; Lange, i, 182 (tr. i, 218). 

248 Of John XXI, who had in 1276 condemned the doctrine of a twofold truth. 

249 Cp. Gebhart, Origines de la Renaissance, pp. 29–44. And see above, p. 308. 

250 Berington, Lit. Hist. of the Middle Ages, p. 245. See above, p. 310. 

251 See the Summa of the Inquisitor Bartholomæus Fumus, Venet. 1554, s.v. Infidelitas, fol. 261, § 5; and the Summa of Thomas, Secunda Secundæ, Quæst. X, Art. 2. 

252 It is sometimes described as a formidable product of doubt; and again by M. de Rémusat as “consecrated to controversy rather than to skepticism.” Cp. Pearson, Hist. of England in the Early and Middle Ages, 1867, i. 609. The view in the text seems the just mean. Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i. 57. In itself the book is for a modern reader a mere collection of the edifying contradictions of theologians; but such a collection must in any age have been a perplexity to faith; and it is not surprising that it remained unpublished until edited by Cousin (see the Ouvrages inédits, intr. pp. clxxxv–ix). That writer justly sums up that such antinomies “condamnent l’esprit à un doute salutaire.” The Rev. A. S. Farrar pronounces that “the critical independence of Nominalism, in a mind like that of Abailard, represents the destructive action of freethought, partly as early Protestantism, partly as skepticism” (Crit. Hist. of Freethought, p. 12). 

253 Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 421–22, 556–58, 575; U. Burke, Hist. of Spain, Hume’s ed. 1900, ii, 351–52. For a detailed description of the methods of ecclesiastical torture, Burke refers to the treatise, De Catholicis Institutionibus, by Simancas, Bishop of Beja, Rome, 1575, tit. lxv, De Tormentis, p. 491 sq. 

254 Torture was inflicted on witnesses in England in 1311, by special inquisitors, under the mandate of Clement V, in defiance of English law; and under Edward II it was used in England as elsewhere against the Templars. 

255 Istorie fiorentine, iv, 29. 

256 See below, p. 325. 

257 Villari, Two First Centuries of Florentine History, Eng. tr. 1901, pp. 110–12. 

258 Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 167. 

259 Id. i, 164–66. 

260 The Moslems were inclined to regard him as of their creed “because educated in Sicily.” Cantù, Gli Eretici d’Italia, 1865, i, 66. 

261 See Gieseler, as cited below; and Reid’s Mosheim, p. 437, note

262 Milman, Latin Christianity, vi, 150; Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 221. 

263 Milman, vi, 150, 158. 

264 Renan, Averroès, p. 289. 

265 Renan, Averroès, pp. 205–10. Michael Scotus may have been, like John Scotus, an Irishman, but his refusal to accept the archbishopric of Cashel, on the ground that he did not know the native language, makes this doubtful. The identification of him with a Scottish knight, Sir Michael Scott, still persisted in by some scholars on the strength of Sir Walter Scott’s hasty note to The Lay of the Last Minstrel, is destitute of probability. See the Rev. J. Wood Brown’s Inquiry into the Life and Legend of Michael Scot, 1897, pp. 160–61, 175–76. 

266 Inferno, xx, 515–17. 

267 Cantù, Gli Eretici d’Italia, i, 65–66; the Pope’s letter, as cited; Renan, Averroès, pp. 287–91, 296. 

268 See the verdict of Gieseler, Eng. tr. iii (1853), p. 103, note

269 Milman, vi, 158–59. 

270 Id. p. 154. Cp. the author’s Evolution of States, 1912, p. 382. 

271 G. Villani, Istorie fiorentine, vi, 46. 

272 Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. i, ch. ii, § 2, citing in particular Moneta’s Summa contra Catharos et Valdenses, lib. V, cc. 4, 11, 15; Tempier (bishop of Paris), Indiculum Errorum (1272) in the Bibliotheca Patrum Maxima, t. xxv; Bulæus, Hist. Acad. Paris, iii, 433—as to the Averroïsts at Paris, described above, p. 319. Cp. Renan, Averroès, pp. 230–31, citing William of Auvergne, and pp. 283, 285; Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 86, 101, 111–12; Gebhart, Origines de la Renais, pp. 79–81; Lange, i, 182 (tr. i, 218); Sharon Turner, Hist. of England during the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. v, 136–38. 

273 Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, iii, 560–61. 

274 Perrens, La civilisation florentine du 13e au 16e siècle, 1892, p. 101. Above, p. 322. 

275 Inferno, Canto x, 14–15, 118. 

276 Ottavio Ubaldini, d. 1273, of whom the commentators tell that he said that if there were such a thing as a soul he had lost his for the cause of the Ghibellines. 

277 As to whom see Renan, Averroès, p. 285, note; Gebhart, Renaissance, p. 81. His son Guido, “the first friend and the companion of all the youth of Dante,” was reputed an atheist (Decameron, vi, 9). Cp. Cesare Balbo, Vita di Dante, ed. 1853, pp. 48–49. But see Owen, Skeptics of the Ital. Renais., p. 138, note

278 In the Convito, ii, 9, he writes that, “among all the bestialities, that is the most foolish, the most vile, the most damnable, which believes no other life to be after this life.” Another passage (iv, 5) heaps curses on the “most foolish and vile beasts ... who presume to speak against our Faith.” 

279 Cp. Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 111–12, as to anti-Christian movements. 

280 Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, i, 83, note; Renan, Averroès, pp. 326–27; Cantù, Gli Eretici d’Italia, i, 177. and note 13 on p. 196. 

281 Cp. Labitte, La Divine Comédie avant Dante, as cited, p. 139. 

282 Michelet argues that Italy was “anti-Dantesque” in the Renaissance (Hist. de France, vii, Intr. § 9 and App.), but he exaggerates the common disregard of the Commedia

283 As to an element of doubt, even in Dante, concerning Divine government, see Burckhardt, p. 497. But the attempt made by some critics to show that the “sins” to which Dante confessed had been intellectual—i.e., heresies—falls to the ground. See Döllinger, Studies in European History, Eng. tr. 1890, pp. 87–90; and cp. Cantù, Gli Eretici d’Italia, i, 144 sq. on the whole question. 

284 Cesare Balbo, Vita di Dante, ed. 1853, pp. 416–17, 433. 

285 Cantù. Eretici d’ Italia, i, 153. Cantù gives an account of the trial process. 

286 G. Villani, x, 39. It is to be noted that the horoscope of Jesus was cast by several professed believers, as Albertus Magnus and Pierre d’Ailli, Cardinal and Bishop of Cambrai, as well as by Cardan. See Bayle, art. Cardan, note Q; and cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 326. 

287 Cp. Owen, pp. 128, 135–42; Hallam, Lit. Hist., i, 141–42; Milman, bk. xiv, ch. v, end

288 Decam., Gior. i, nov. 2. 

289 Gior. i, nov. 3. 

290 Dr. Marcus Landau, Die Quellen des Dekameron, 2te Aufl. 1884, p. 182. 

291 The story is recorded to have been current among the Motecallemîn—a party kindred to the Motazilites—in Bagdad. Renan, Averroès, p. 293, citing Dozy. Renan thinks it may have been of Jewish origin. Id. p. 294, note

292 Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, pp. 207–208. 

293 It is found some time before Boccaccio in the Cento Novelle antiche (No. 72 or 73) in a simpler form; but Landau (p. 183) thinks Boccaccio’s immediate source was the version of Busone da Gubbio (b. 1280), who had improved on the version in the Cento Novelle, while Boccaccio in turn improved on him by treating the Jew more tolerantly. Bartoli (I Precursori del Boccaccio, 1876, pp. 26–28) disputes any immediate debt to Busone; as does Owen, Skeptics of the Ital. Renais., p. 29, note

294 Burckhardt (Renaissance in Italy, p. 493, note) points out that Boccaccio is the first to name the Christian religion, his Italian predecessors avoiding the idea; and that in one eastern version the story is used polemically against the Christians. 

295 Owen, p. 142, and refs. 

296 Id. pp. 143–45. He was even so far terrorized by the menaces of a monk (who appeared to him to have occult knowledge of some of his secrets) as to propose to give up his classical studies; and would have done so but for Petrarch’s dissuasion. Petrarch’s letter (Epist. Senil., i, 5) is translated (Lett. xii) by M. Develay, Lettres de Péttrarque à Boccace

297 Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 1893, pp. 28, 32, 37, and refs. 

298 Id. pp. 11, 41. 

299 Probably 25,000 in England alone, including monks. Id. p. 204. 

300 Id. pp. 205–208, 213, 216. 

301 Below, § 11. 

302 As to his anti-clericalism, cp. Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais., p. 71, and ref.; Owen, p. 113. 

303 Cp. Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, i, 264. 

304 See the exposition of Owen, pp. 109–28. and refs. on p. 113. 

305 Renan, Averroès, p. 328. 

306 Méziéres, Pétrarque, 1868, p. 362. 

307 It is to be noted that in his opposition to the scholastics he had predecessors. Cp. Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais., p. 65. 

308 Owen, p. 113. It is to be remembered that Dante also (Convito, ii, 8, 9; iii, 14; iv, 7) exalts Reason; but he uses the word in the old sense of mere mentality—the thinking as distinguished from the sensuous element in man; and he was fierce against all resort to reason as against faith. Petrarch was of course more of a rationalist. As to his philosophic skepticism, see Owen, p. 120. He drew the line only at doubting those things “in which doubt is sacrilege.” Nevertheless he grounded his belief in immortality not on the Christian creed, but on the arguments of the pagans (Burckhardt, p. 546). 

309 Epist. sine titulo, cited by Renan, Averroès, p. 299. For the phrases put in Averroës’ mouth by Christians, see pp. 294–98. 

310 Inferno, iv, 144. 

311 Renan, Averroès, pp. 301–15. 

312 Id. pp. 333–37; Cantù, Gli Eretici d’ltalia, i, 176 and refs. 

313 Renan, pp. 326–27. 

314 Id. pp. 318–20. 

315 Justinger, cited in The Pope and the Council, Eng. tr. p. 298. 

316 Hardwick, p. 357, note

317 Cp. Bonnechose, Reformers before the the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1844, i, 40–43. 

318 “Janus” (i.e. Döllinger), The Pope and the Council, Eng. tr. 2nd ed. 1869, pp. 292–95. This weighty work, sometimes mistakenly ascribed to Huber, who collaborated in it, was recast by commission and posthumously published as Das Papstthum, by J. Friedrich, München, 1892. 

319 Hallam, Middle Ages, 11th ed. ii, 218; Lea, Hist. of the Inquis., i, 5–34; Gieseler, § 90 (ii, 572); Freytag, Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit, 4te aufl. ii, 318–19. 

320 The Pope and the Council, p. 220. For proofs see same work, pp. 220–34. 

321 “La satire est la plus complète manifestation de la pensée libre au moyen âge. Dans ce monde ou le dogmatisme impitoyable au sein de l’Église et de l’école frappe comme hérétique tout dissident, l’esprit critique n’a pas trouvé de voie plus sûre, plus rapide et plus populaire, que la parodie” (Lenient, La Satire en France au moyen âge, 1859, p. 14). 

322 Cp. Lenient, as cited, p. 21. 

323 See in Symonds’s Renaissance in Italy, vol. i (Age of the Despots), ed. 1897, pp. 361–69, and Appendix IV, on “Religious Revivals in Medieval Italy.” Those revivals occurred from time to time after Savonarola.