1 Ranke, History of the Popes, Bohn tr. 1908, p. 60; Hardwick, Church History: Reformation, ed. 1886, p. 250. ↑
2 Much of this has never been published. Most of it is in a MS. Codex of the City Library at Frankfurt. Extracts in Tentzel’s Supplementum Historiæ Gothanæ, 1701, in the Narratio de Eobano Hesso of J. Camerarius, 1553, etc. See Strauss’s Ulrich von Hutten, 2te Aufl. 1871, p. 32, n. (ed. 1858, i, 44) et seq. ↑
3 Eccles. Hist., bk. i, ch. iv. ↑
4 Strauss, Ulrich von Hutten, as cited, pp. 33–35; Bezold, Gesch. der deutschen Reformation, 1890, p. 226. Bezold describes Mutianus as “der freigeistige Kanonikus zu Gotha,” and points out, concerning his universalism, that “the historic Christ thus slips through his fingers.” ↑
5 Bezold, as last cited. “Here is the skepticism kept in the background by Mutianus and Celtis, popularized in the rudest way.” ↑
6 Briefe, ed. De Wette, iii, 60. ↑
7 Karl Hagen, Deutschlands lit. u. relig. Verhältnisse im Reformations-zeitalter, 1868, ii, 110; letter of Capito to Zwingli, Ep. Zwinglii i, 47; F. C. Baur, Kirchengeschichte, iv, 450; Trechsel, Die protestantischen Antitrinitarier vor Faustus Socinus, 1839–44, i, 13–16, 33; Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, 1850, i, art. 3, 4, 5. ↑
8 Schlegel’s note to Mosheim, Reid’s ed. p. 689; Baur, iv, 450; Trechsel, i, 13–16. ↑
9 See a good account of him by Beard, Hibbert Lectures on The Reformation, p. 204 sq. ↑
10 For an impartial criticism of their language see Henderson’s Short Hist. of Germany, i, 321–23. Cp. Baur, Kirchengeschichte, iv, 73–76; A. F. Pollard in Camb. Mod. Hist. ii, 192–95; Beard, Hibbert Lect. on The Reformation, p. 200; and Kautsky, Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1897, pp. 117–28. ↑
11 Kohlrausch, Hist. of Germany, Eng. tr. p. 397. ↑
12 To the same effect Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Capp. 391, 492. ↑
13 Pollard, as cited, p. 175. ↑
18 Ranke, as cited, pp. 459–64. ↑
20 Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, x, La Réforme, ed. 1882, pp. 104, 332. ↑
21 Cp. Burckhard, De Ulrichi Hutteni Vita Commentarius, 1717, i, 65. For a general view see Ranke, pp. 126–39. ↑
22 Jakob Marx, Die Ursachen der schnellen Verbreitung der Reformation, 1847, § 12. ↑
23 Prof. J. M. Vincent, in Prof. S. M. Jackson’s Huldreich Zwingli, 1901, p. 37. ↑
24 Cp. Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, i, 19; ii, passim; Mosheim, 15 Cent. Pt. ii, ch. ii, § 22; and Bonet-Maury’s thesis, De Opera Scholastica Fratrum Vitæ Communis, 1889. ↑
25 Burton, History of Scotland, iii, 399–401. But the end in view was probably, as Burton half admits, the recruiting of the Church. Cp. Cosmo Innes, Sketches of Early Scotch History, p. 134 sq., and Scottish Legal Antiquities, pp. 129–30. ↑
27 Menzel, Cap. 492 (ed. 1837, p. 762). ↑
28 Ranke (p. 466) becomes positively lyrical over the happy lot of the peasant who received Luther’s Catechism (1529). “It contains enduring comfort in every affliction, and, under a slight husk, the kernel of truths able to satisfy the wisest of the wise.” Such declamation holds the place that ought to have been filled by an account of economic conditions. ↑
29 Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hist. of England, iii. 627. The bishop, however, holds that in the time of Lollard prosperity the ability to read was widely diffused in England (p. 628); and it seems certain that in the first half of the sixteenth century printing multiplied enormously. Cp. Michelet. Hist. de France, x, ed. 1884. p. 103 sq. ↑
30 Cp. Willis, Servetus and Calvin, 1877, bk. ii. ch. i; Audin, Histoire de Calvin, éd. abrég. ch. xxiv–xxvii; and essay on “Machiavelli and Calvin” in the present writer’s Essays in Sociology, 1903. vol. i. ↑
31 Werke., ed. Walch. viii. 2043 (On Ep. to Galat.), cited by Beard. ↑
32 Id. viii, 1181 (On 1 Cor. xv). Cp. other citations in Beard, pp. 161–65. ↑
33 Green, Short History, ch. vi, § v, p. 315. ↑
34 Cp. Stäbelin, Johannes Calvin, 1863. ii, 282–83. ↑
35 He was educated at Basel and Berne and at Vienna University, and of all the leading reformers he seems to have had most knowledge of classical literature. Hess, Life of Zwingle, Eng. tr. 1812, pp. 2–7, following Myconius and Hottinger. ↑
36 Chr. Sigwart, Ulrich Zwingli, der Charakter seiner Theologie, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Pico von Mirandula, 1855, pp. 14–26. Prof. Jackson, Huldreich Zwingli, p. 85, note, states that Sigwart later modified his views. ↑
37 So states Melanchthon, cited by Jackson, p. 85, note. Cp. pp. 201, 390–92. ↑
38 Cited by Jackson, p. 316. ↑
42 Id. According to Heylyn, the Earl of Warwick countenanced the Zwinglians in his intrigues against the Protector Somerset; and their views were further welcomed by other nobles as making for the plundering of rich altars. Hist. of the Reform. of the Ch. of Eng., ed. 1849. pref. p. vii. But Heylyn appears to identify the Zwinglians at this stage with the Calvinists. Cp. p. x. ↑
43 Henry, Das Leben Calvins, ii, Kap. 13, and Beilage 16 (Appendix not given in the English translation); Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, 1863, i, 399–400. ↑
44 Cp. Calvin’s letter to Viret, July 2, 1547 (Letters of Calvin, ed. Bonnet, Eng. tr. 1857, ii, 109), where it is alleged that in the two pages “the whole of Scripture is laughed at, Christ aspersed, the immortality of the soul called a dream and a fable, and finally the whole of religion torn in pieces. I do not think he is the author of it,” adds Calvin; “but as it is in his handwriting he will be compelled to appear in his defence.” ↑
45 Stähelin, i, 400. Henry avows that Gruet was “subjected to the torture morning and evening during a whole month” (Eng. tr. ii. 66). Other biographers dishonestly exclude the fact from their narratives. ↑
46 Cp. Calvin’s letter to the Seigneury of Geneva, in Letters, ii. 254–56. ↑
47 Henry, Life of Calvin, Eng. tr. ii, 47–48. Gruet’s fragment can hardly have been the De Tribus Impostoribus, inasmuch as Calvin makes no mention of any reference to Mohammed in his fragment, whereas the title of the other book proceeded on the specification of Mohammed as well as Jesus and Moses. The existing treatise of that name, in any case, is of later date. Of the famous treatise in question, which was not published till long afterwards, Henry admits that it “professes to show tranquilly, and with regret, but without abuse,” the fraudulent character of the three revealed religions. Concerning Gruet’s essay he asks: “What are all the anti-Christian writings of the French Revolution compared with the hellish laughter which seemed to peal from its pages?” For this description he has not a line to cite. ↑
48 For instance, one man was accused of having blasphemed against a storm which terrified the pious. ↑
49 Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, 1884–87, ii, 559; above, p. 2. ↑
50 Mark Pattison, Essays, 1889, ii, 37. ↑
51 Dändliker, as cited, endorsing Roget. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 306, and Hamilton, Discus. on Philos. and Lit., 2nd ed. p. 497, as to the “dissolution of morals” in the Lutheran world. ↑
52 Mosheim, 14 Cent. sec. iii, Pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 38–41; Audin, Histoire de Calvin, chs. xxix, xxx. ↑
53 Histoire de la vie, mœurs, actes, doctrine, constance et mort de Iean Calvin, jadis ministre de Geneue, receuilly par M. Hierosme Hermes Bolsec, docteur médecin à Lyon. Lyon, 1577. ↑
54 The reprint of Bolsec’s book prepared by M. L. F. Chastel (Lyon, 1875) appears to be faithful; but the Catholic animus shown deprives the annotations of critical value. ↑
56 Stähelin, ii, 293. Arminius pointed to this letter as a proof that Melanchthon had abandoned his early predestinarianism (Declaratio of 1608, xx. 2; Works of Arminius, ed. Nichols, i. 578). But of course Melanchthon had previously guarded himself in his Loci Communes (1545) and elsewhere. (Id. pp. 597–98.) ↑
58 Latinized name of Miguel Servedo, alias Reves, born at Tudela in Navarre in 1511, son of Hernando Villanueva, a notary of an Aragonese family, of which Villanueva had been the seat. The statement of De la Roche that Servetus was born in Aragon, though long current, is now exploded. ↑
59 De la Roche, Mémoires de Littérature, cited in An Impartial History of Servetus, 1724, p. 27. ↑
60 Christianismi Restitutio, h.e. Totius ecclesiæ apostolicæ ad sua limina vocatio in integrum, restituta cognitione Dei, fidei christianæ, justificationis nostræ, regenerationis, baptismi, Cœnæ Domini manducationis. Restituto denique nobis regno cœlesti, Babylonis impia captivitate solutâ, et antichristo cum suis penitus destructo, 1553. Of this book De la Roche (1711) knew of no printed copy, having read it solely in MS. Perfect copies, however, are preserved in Vienna and Paris; and an imperfect one in Edinburgh University Library has been completed from the original draft, which has matter not in the printed copy. It has been pointed out that the book is not absolutely anonymous, inasmuch as it has at the end the initials M. S. V.—the V. standing for the name Villanova or Villanovanus, which he bore as a student at Louvain and put on the title-pages of his scientific works; and Servetus is actually introduced as an interlocutor in one of the dialogues. ↑
61 It is to be remembered, however, that he pronounced all Trinitarians to be “veros Atheos.” History of Servetus, p. 131. ↑
62 “Mihi ob eam rem moriendum esse certo scio.” ↑
63 Melanchthon, Epist., lib. i, ep. 3; McCrie, Reformation in Italy, p. 96; Trechsel, Lelio Sozini, 1844, pp. 38–41. ↑
64 Willis, Servetus and Calvin, 1877, p. 117. ↑
65 See the careful account of Dr. Austin Flint, of Now York, in his pamphlet, Rabelais as a Physiologist, rep. from New York Medical Journal of June 29, 1901. ↑
67 Letter to Farel, Aug. 20. 1553 (Letters, Eng. tr. ii, 399). Cp. Henry, ii, 195–96. ↑
68 Id. ch. xix. See the letter of Trie, given in Henry’s Life of Calvin (Eng. tr. ii, 181–85), with the admission that Trie was in Calvin’s counsels. Henry vainly endeavours to make light (pp. 181–82) of Calvin’s written words to Farel concerning Servetus: “Si venerit, modo valeat mea autoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar.” Still, it must in fairness be remembered that Trie, by his own account, persuaded Calvin, who was reluctant, to his act of complicity with the inquisitors of Lyons. Cp. Bossert, Calvin, pp. 160–64. ↑
69 Willis, ch. xx. Cp. pp. 457, 503. The defence of Calvin in Mackenzie’s Life (1809, p. 79) on the score that he was not likely to communicate with Catholic officials does not meet the case as to Trie. And cp. p. 83. ↑
70 Ten years after the death of Servetus, Calvin calls him a “dog and wicked scoundrel” (Willis, p. 530; cp. Hist. of Servetus, p. 214, citing Calvin’s Comm. on Acts xx); and in his Commentary on Genesis (i, 3, ed. 1838, p. 9) he says of him: “Latrat hic obscoenus canis.” And Servetus had asked his pardon at the end. ↑
71 White, Warfare of Science with Theology, 1896, i, 113; History of Servetus, 1724, p. 93 sq.: Willis, Servetus and Calvin, p. 325. ↑
72 Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, i, 430. ↑
73 See Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, ii, 300–308. ↑
74 F. A. Cox. Life of Melanchthon, 1815, pp. 523–24; Willis, pp. 47, 511. ↑
75 Table Talk, ch. 43. Cp. Michelet’s Life of Luther, Eng. tr. 1846, pp. 195–96; and Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 360–65. Michelet’s later enthusiasm for Luther (Hist. de France, x, ch. v, ed. 1884, pp. 96–97) is oblivious of many of the facts noted in his earlier studies. ↑
76 Bayle, Art. Gribaud; Christie, Étienne Dolet, 2nd ed. pp. 303–305. Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, ii, Art. 18. ↑
77 Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena, Eng. tr. 1876. pp. 268–72, 287–92. ↑
78 McCrie, p. 230; Audin, ch. xxxv; Benrath, Bernardino Ochino, p. 297. ↑
79 Cp. Pusey, Histor. Enquiry into Ger. Rationalism, 1828, p. 14 sq.; Beard, p. 183. ↑
80 Stähelin, ii. 337. Biandrata went to Hungary, where, as we saw (p. 421), he turned persecutor, and then Protestant. ↑
81 Mosheim, 16 Cent. sec. iii, pt. ii, ch. iv, § 6; Audin, pp. 394–99; Aretius, Short Hist. of Valentinus Gentilis, Eng. tr. 1696; Stähelin, ii, 338–45; Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, ii, Art. 20. ↑
82 See the Historical Account of his life and trial in the Harleian Miscellany, iv, 168 sq. ↑
83 See Stähelin, ii, 293, 304, etc. ↑
84 Cp. Menzel, Geschichte der Deutschen, 3te Aufl. Cap. 417; A. F. Pollard, in Cam. Mod. Hist., vol. ii, ch. vii, p. 223; The Dynamics of Religion, pp. 6–8. ↑
85 See Beard, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 189–90, 196. The same avowal was made in the eighteenth century by Mosheim (16 Cent. sec. iii, pt. ii, § 5). ↑
86 F. A. Cox, Life of Melanchthon, 1815, p. 544, citing Adam, Vitæ philosophorum (p. 934). Cp. pp. 528–29. ↑
87 K. von Raumer, as cited, pp. 32–37. ↑
88 Id. pp. 42–52; Pusey, as cited, p. 112. ↑
89 Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, ii, 556–59, 622 sq., 728–29. ↑
90 See the extracts in Beard’s Hibbert Lectures, pp. 340–41. ↑
91 Menzel, Geschichte der Deutschen, Cap. 417. ↑
92 Cp. Hamilton, Discussions in Philosophy and Literature, 1852, pp. 493–94, note. ↑
93 Mosheim, Reid’s ed. pp. 625–26. Such solutions were common in papal polity. Id. p. 767. ↑
94 Bishop Schuster, Johann Kepler und die grossen kirchlichen Streitfragen seiner Zeit, 1888, p. 178 sq. It is noteworthy that Kepler’s mother was sentenced for witchcraft, and saved by the influence of her son. Johann Keppler’s Leben und Werken nach neuerlich aufgefundenen MSS., von G. L. C. Freiherrn von Breitschwert, 1831, p. 97 sq. ↑
95 “There is much reason to believe that the fetters upon scientific thought were closer under the strict interpretation of Scripture by the early Protestants than they had been under the older church” (White, Warfare of Science with Theology, i, 212). Concerning the Protestant hostility to the Copernican system and to Kepler, see Schuster, as cited, pp. 87 sq., 191 sq. ↑
99 Menzel, Cap. 431; Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, 1884, ii, 743. The cantons of Glarus, Outer Appenzell, St. Gall, and the Grisons formally rejected the Gregorian Calendar. Id. ib. Zschokke (Des Schweizerlands Geschichte, 9te Ausg. 1853, p. 179) implies that the Protestants in general ignored it. Ranke (Hist. of the Popes, Bohn tr. 1908, i, 337) mentions that “all Catholic nations took part in this reform.” ↑
100 Blunt, Ref. of the Church of England, ed. 1892, ii, 76. Of the twenty-six cathedrals in the reign of Henry VIII, thirteen had been monastic churches, and these were “razed to the smallest possible dimensions as to number and endowments.” Id. p. 77. ↑
101 Strype’s Memorials of Cranmer, ed. 1848, ii, 89. ↑
103 Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, Parker Society, 1816, i, 66. ↑
104 Bishop Burnet (Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles, Art. 18) has given currency to the pretence that the words “saved by the law” are meant to exclude the sense “saved in the law,” the latter salvation being allowed as possible. That there was no such thought on the part of the framers of the Article is shown by the Latin version, where the expression is precisely “in lege.” Burnet prints the Latin, yet utterly ignores its significance. ↑
105 Book II of the Utopia was written at Antwerp, during his six months’ stay there on an embassy. ↑
106 Bk. ii, sec. “Of the Religions” (Arber’s ed. pp. 143–47; Morley’s ed. pp. 151–53). ↑
107 Green, Short History, ch. vi, § 4; 1881 ed. p. 311. Compare Green’s whole estimate. Michelet’s hostile criticism (x, 356) is surprisingly inept. For the elements of naturalism in the Utopia see bk. ii, sections “Of their Journeying” and “Of the Religions.” ↑
108 Cp. T. C. Grattan, The Netherlands, 1830, pp. 231–43. ↑
109 Who, as it happened, avowed that “religion was almost extinct” in Europe at the time of the rise of the Lutheran and Calvinistic heresies. Concio xxviii. Opera, vi, 296, ed. 1617, cited by Blunt, Ref. of Church of England, ed. 1892, i, 4, note. ↑
110 Cp. The Works of Arminius, ed. by James Nichols, 1825, i, 580, note. ↑
112 Cp. Schuster, as cited, pp. 191 sq., 202 sq. ↑
113 Nichols’s Arminius, i, p. 233. ↑
114 Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 406–416; Pattison, Isaac Casaubon, 2nd ed. pp. 447–48. As to Casaubon’s own intolerance, however, see p. 446. ↑