This report of the proceedings of Guy Johnson at Oswego was certainly unexpected, and entirely at variance with the tenor of his conduct previous to his departure from the Mohawk Valley, and during his progress to the west. It is barely possible that he had not fully made up his mind as to the course he might ultimately pursue, and that his purpose was not definitively determined upon, until after his meeting with Carleton and Haldimand at Montreal. And it is abundantly certain that his notions of Indian neutrality, even had he entertained them, were very speedily abandoned.
With the delivery of Abraham's last-mentioned speech, however, the council was closed; and although Schuyler and Douw had been appointed to keep the council fire burning, yet the ashes were soon raked up—never to be opened again at Albany, for that was the last grand Indian council ever held in that city. [FN]
[FN] As mentioned in the Introduction to the present volume, the interesting proceedings of which a mere outline has been given in the text, have never before been published complete. Their importance—their intrinsic interest—and the fact that it was the last grand council of the confederacy ever holden in Albany, had induced the author originally to arrange the whole in the text. But their great length, it was thought, would too seriously obstruct the narrative. Hence they have been transferred to the Appendix. It was the first design of the author to abridge the speeches, but an attempt soon proved that their force and spirit would be lost in the process. See Appendix.
The result was highly satisfactory to the Commissioners, and apparently so to the Indians, who had been well provided for during the three weeks occupied at the German Flats and Albany. On their departure, moreover, they were handsomely supplied with presents, and they took their leave with manifestations of great good-will.
Most unfortunately, however, soon after their return from Albany, an epidemic disorder appeared among them, in the form of a highly malignant fever. It was a disease which they had never seen, and by it great numbers were swept away. The Schoharie canton of the Mohawks, in particular, suffered very severely. Indeed, they were almost exterminated.[FN-1] The small number who survived, imbibed the impression that the Great Spirit had sent the pestilence upon them in anger for not having taken sides with the King. They, therefore, followed their brethren from the Mohawk Valley, who had escaped to Canada with Guy Johnson. In the subsequent invasions of the Tryon County settlements, these Schoharie Indians, who thus deserted by an impulse of superstition, were among the most forward and cruel.[FN-2] It should also be borne in mind, that, after all, the council comprised but an inadequate and partial representation of the Six Nations, with the exception of the Oneidas and the lower clan of the Mohawks. The great body of the Mohawk warriors, headed by Thayendanegea, had left the country; and the most influential of the Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, had also accompanied Brant and Guy Johnson to Montreal; and events, at no very distant day, proved that the Albany treaty had been held to very little purpose. It is not consistent with the nature or habits of Indians to remain inactive in the midst of war.
[FN-1] Letter of John M. Brown, on the early history of Schoharie.
[FN-2] Idem.
Still, for the time being, those proceedings were not without benefit to the cause of the country. The people of Tryon County were relieved, by the stipulations of peace and neutrality, from apprehensions of immediate danger from without; and the Committee of Safety was consequently enabled to direct their attention, not only to the more efficient organization of the settlements for defence, but to the civil government of the county.
But, notwithstanding the fine spirit manifested thus far by a majority of the people in the interior, and that too under all the disadvantages we have been contemplating—notwithstanding the decisive tone of the language used in denouncing the oppressions of the Crown,—it was not yet exactly certain that the Colony of New-York would range itself against the royal authority. Governor Tryon, who was popular in the Colony, had recently been recalled from North Carolina, and again appointed Governor of New-York; and he was exerting his utmost powers to detach her from the cause of the Union—seconded by the Asia, man of war, then lying in the harbour, and commanding the city of New-York by her guns. The captain of the Asia had threatened to destroy the town should General Lee, who was then approaching with an army from the east, be allowed to enter it; and such were the prevalence of terror and the power of intrigue, that disaffection to the cause of the Union began to exhibit itself openly in the Provincial Congress. Indeed, avowals of a design to place themselves under the royal standard were unequivocally uttered. These untoward appearances were rendered the more threatening by the discovery of a secret correspondence, from which it was ascertained that the parent government was preparing to send a fleet into the Hudson, and to occupy both New-York and Albany with its armies. [FN] Of these designs Sir John Johnson was probably well aware, and the hope of their accomplishment may have induced him to linger behind, watching the signs of the times, after the departure of his brother-in-law and his army of followers. Sir John had also a numerous tenantry, who were mostly loyalists; and the Scotch colonists, settled in large numbers in Johnstown and its neighbourhood, of whom mention has formerly been made, being loyalists likewise, constituted for him a respectable force upon which he could rely in a case of emergency.
[FN] Marshall's Life of Washington.
The Dutch and German population of the valley, however, were chiefly Whigs; as also, by this time, were a decided majority of the entire white population, not only of the Mohawk Valley, but of Schoharie, Cherry Valley, and the other settlements in the southern part of that widely-extended county. The general Committee executed their functions with equal diligence and vigour. The inhabitants were enrolled and organized into militia; the Committee deposed the sheriff, Alexander White,[FN-1] and caused Colonel John Frey to be appointed in his place; and, in one word, they took upon themselves both the civil and military jurisdiction of the large section of country, over which they had provisionally assumed the government. White had rendered himself particularly odious to the Whigs from the first. Under some trifling pretext, he had arrested a Whig by the name of John Fonda, and committed him to prison. His friends, to the number of fifty men, under the conduct of Sampson Sammons, went to the jail at night and released him by force. From the prison they proceeded to the lodgings of the sheriff, and demanded his surrender. White looked out from the second story window, and probably recognizing the leader of the crowd, inquired—"Is that you, Sammons?" "Yes," was the prompt reply; upon which White discharged a pistol at the sturdy Whig, but happily without injury. The ball whizzed past his head, and struck in the sill of the door. This was the first shot fired in the war of the Revolution west of the Hudson. It was immediately returned by the discharge of some forty or fifty muskets at the sheriff, but the only effect was a slight wound in the breast—just sufficient to draw blood. The doors of the house were broken, and White would have been taken, but at that moment a gun was fired at the hall by Sir John. This was known to be a signal for his retainers and Scotch partisans to rally in arms; and as they would muster a force of five hundred men in a very short time, the Whigs thought it most prudent to disperse. They collected again at Caughnawaga, however, and sent a deputation to Sir John, demanding that White should be given up to them.[FN-2] This demand, of course, was not complied with.
[FN-1] The first liberty pole erected in the Mohawk Valley was at the German Flats, and White, with a band of loyalists, had cut down the emblem of rebellion.
[FN-2] MS. narrative of Jacob Sammons.
After his dismissal, as already mentioned, by an act of the people "in their sovereign capacity," White was re-commissioned by Governor Tryon; but the County Committee would not suffer him to re-enter upon the duties of the office. On the contrary, so high was the popular indignation against him, that he was obliged to fly—setting his face toward Canada, accompanied by a white man named Peter Bone, and two or three Indians. He was pursued to Jessup's landing on the Hudson River, where the house in which he lodged was surrounded, and the fugitive sheriff taken prisoner. From thence he was taken to Albany and imprisoned. [FN] Shortly afterward he was released on his parole, and left the country.
[FN] Narrative of Jacob Sammons.
The exigencies of the times required prompt and vigorous action; and the Committee seems to have been composed of exactly the right description of men. They arrested suspicious persons, tried them, fined some, imprisoned more, and executed others. Their duties also involved the preservation of the peace in a critical period, among a mixed population of border-men, ever more or less disposed to impatience under legal restraint, and of course requiring the controlling power of a strong arm. And yet these high duties were generally discharged with great satisfaction to the public—the loyalists excepted, of course—and their resolutions and decrees were submitted to by their constituents with alacrity. Their influence was likewise successfully exerted in winning friends to the popular cause, by deciding the wavering and confirming the irresolute. [FN]
[FN] Campbell's Annals.
Added to these multifarious duties, was the necessity of keeping a vigilant watch over the motions of Sir John Johnson, whose position and conduct were alike equivocal, and the numerous loyalists by whom he was surrounded. By these people every possible obstacle was thrown in the way of the Committee, and no method of annoying and embarrassing them left untried. They laboured to destroy the confidence of the people in the Committee; called public meetings themselves, and chose counter-committees; now attempted to cover the Whig Committees with ridicule, and now again charged them with illegal and tyrannical conduct.[FN-1] The consequence was mutual exasperation—sometimes between near neighbours; and the reciprocal engendering of hostile feelings between friends, who ranged themselves under opposing banners. These incipient neighbourhood quarrels occasioned, in the progress of the contest that ensued, some of the most bitter and bloody-personal conflicts that ever marked the annals of a civil war. Several members of the Committee subsequently acted a distinguished part in the field; many of them sacrificed their estates; and some of them fell. Among them, Christopher P. Yates, the first Chairman, accompanied General Montgomery as a volunteer to Ticonderoga and Canada, and afterward raised and commanded a corps of rangers.[FN-2] The fate of Nicholas Herkimer is well known, though his death will be invested with new and additional interest in the progress of this narrative.[FN-3]
[FN-1] Idem.
[FN-2] Campbell's Annals.
[FN-3] The following extract is from a letter of the State Committee of Safety, under date of December, 1775, signed by John McKesson, Clerk of the Provincial Congress:—"I was directed by this Congress to assure you of the high esteem and respect they have for your vigilant, noble-spirited County Committee." The following was from General Schuyler in the summer of 1776:—"The propriety of your conduct, and your generous exertions in the cause of your country, entitle you to the thanks of every one of its friends; please to accept of mine most sincerely." Campbell's Annals.
In regard to Sir John, matters were now fast approaching to a crisis. On the 7th of September the Committee wrote to the Provincial Congress in New-York, denouncing his conduct and that of his associates—particularly the Highlanders, who, to the number of two hundred, were said to be gathered about him, and by whom the Whigs "were daily scandalized, provoked, and threatened." They added—"We have great suspicions, and are almost assured, that Sir John has a continual correspondence with Colonel Guy Johnson and his party." [FN]
[FN] It was afterward ascertained that such a correspondence was carried on through the Indians, who conveyed letters in the heads of their tomahawks and in the ornaments worn about their persons. The Indians also brought powder across from Canada.—Campbell's Annals.
No sooner had the Congress of The Twelve United Colonies agreed to the Declaration, or manifesto, mentioned in the beginning of the present chapter, proclaiming to the world the causes, and the necessity of their appeal to arms, than it was felt, on all hands, even by the timid and hesitating, that England and the Colonies now stood, not in the relation of parent and children, but in the attitude of two nations legally at war. Hence the patriots of Tryon County began to look more closely, and with greater assurance, to the deportment of Sir John, of whose designs, as has been seen, they had from the first entertained strong suspicions. The movements of Sir Guy Carleton, moreover, Governor-general of Canada, who had been commissioned to muster and arm all persons within that province, and to wage war by land and sea against "all enemies, pirates, or rebels, either in or out of the province," to "take them and put them to death, or preserve them alive, at his discretion," were now creating great uneasiness on the northern frontier, from which quarter they were apprehending a formidable invasion. The management of the northern department having been committed to Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, who were now directing a force upon Montreal and Quebec, the Tryon County Committee determined to probe the intentions of Sir John Johnson at once and to the bottom. For this purpose, on the 26th of October, they addressed him the following letter:—
"Tryon County Committee Chamber,
Oct. 26, 1775.
"Honorable Sir,
"As we find particular reason to be convinced of your opinion in the questions hereafter expressed, we require you, that you'll please to oblige us with your sentiments thereupon in a few lines by our messengers, the bearers hereof, Messrs. Ebenezer Cox, James McMaster, and John James Klock, members of our Committee.
"We want to know whether you will allow that the inhabitants of Johnstown and Kingsborough may form themselves into companies, according to the regulations of our Continental Congress, for the defence of our country's cause; and whether your Honor would be ready himself to give his personal assistance to the same purpose.
"Also, whether you pretend a prerogative to our County court-house and gaol, and would hinder or interrupt the Committee, to make use of the same public houses, to our want and service in the common cause?
"We don't doubt you will comply with our reasonable requests, and thereby oblige,
Honorable Sir, Your obedient and humble Servants. By order of the Committee, Nicholas Herkimer, Chairman. "To the Honorable Sir John Johnson, Johnson Hall."
The deputation named in the letter waited upon Sir John in person, to receive his answer—the substance of which they reported to the Committee verbally as follows, viz:—
"1. By perusing our letter, Sir John replied that he thinks our requests very unreasonable, as he never had denied the use either of the court-house or gaol to any body, nor would yet deny it, for the use which these houses have been built for; but he looks upon it that the court-house and gaol are his property till he is paid £700—the amount of which being out of his pocket for the building of the same.
"2. In regard of embodying his tenants into companies, he never did forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use their pleasure; but we might save ourselves the trouble, he being sure that they would not.
"3. Concerning himself, he said, that before he would sign any association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he would rather suffer that his head shall be cut off.
"Further he replied, that if we should make any unlawful use of the gaol, he would oppose it, and also he mentions, that there have many unfair means been used for increasing the association and uniting the people; for he was informed by credible gentlemen in New-York that they were obliged to unite, otherwise they could not live there; and that he was informed by good authority, that likewise two thirds of the Canajoharie and German Flats people have been forced to sign the articles; and in his opinion the Boston people are open rebels, and the other Colonies have joined them."
Immediately on receiving this report, the Committee determined to bring the question of the occupancy of the gaol to an issue. They therefore directed that two of their prisoners, named Lewis Clement and Peter Bowen, [FN] who had been sentenced to certain periods of confinement for political offences, should be forthwith conveyed to the prison, under a guard commanded by Captain Jacob Seeber, with instructions, that should the gaoler refuse to receive them into close confinement for the time specified, or should they be opposed by Sir John, then Captain Seeber was to bring them to the house of "our voted and elected new high sheriff, John Frey, Esq. who shall immediately inform thereof our chairman for further directions."
[FN] A subsequent document induces the belief that these prisoners were Indians, though it is not so distinctly stated.
Sir John did not allow the Committee to take possession of the gaol, and they were obliged to fit up a private house as a temporary prison; while some of their prisoners were sent to Albany, and others as far as Hartford for safe keeping. [FN] The Committee apprised the Provincial Congress of their proceedings in this matter, from which body they received the following communication in reply:—
[FN] Campbell's Annals.
"Dec. 9th. The Congress have this day entered into the consideration of your letter of the 25th of October, and are of opinion that your application to Sir John Johnson, requesting an answer from him whether he would allow his tenants to form themselves into companies, and associate with their brethren of your County, according to the resolves of the Continental Congress, for the defence of our liberties, was improper with respect to him, and too condescending on your part, as it was a matter that came properly within your province; and to which we doubt not but you are competent, as you have a line of conduct prescribed to you by Congress. With respect to your second question, whether he would take any active part in the controversy at present existing between Great Britain and her Colonies, we conceive it to be very proper, and thank you for information on that head.
"As to the third question, we conceive that he has no claim nor title to the court-house and gaol in the County, as we are credibly told that his father, Sir William Johnson, did in his lifetime convey the same to two gentlemen in trust for the use of your County. However, as an attempt to use the same for the purpose of confining persons inimical to our country may be productive of bad consequences, we beg leave to recommend to you, to procure some other place which may answer the end of a gaol. And give you our advice not to molest Sir John as long as he shall continue inactive, and not impede the measures necessary to be carried into execution from being completed.
"We are extremely sorry that Mr. White has, by his imprudent conduct, rendered himself justly offensive to you. The best advice we can give you in this unpleasant affair is, that if you are of opinion that his continuing in his office will be dangerous to your liberties, then that you permit the office to be exercised by his deputies. And that you draw up a petition, get as many persons of your County to sign it as possible, and present it to the Governor of the Colony, setting forth that it is very disagreeable to the people in general that he should execute that office, and praying that he may be displaced, and his place supplied by a person who would be acceptable to the people of your County.
"We are respectfully, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble Servants, By order, Nathl. Woodhull, Pres. "To Nicholas Herkimer, Esq. Chairman, and the Committee of Tryon County."
The first act of positive hostility on the part of the Indians, during this bitter and bloody contest, was committed in the Autumn of the present year. General Schuyler having been obliged temporarily to leave the northern army in consequence of ill health, the command devolved upon General Montgomery, who had advanced a second time upon St. Johns and captured the fortress—Sir Guy Carleton having been repulsed by Colonel Warner at Longueil, in his attempt to cross the St. Lawrence and advance to its succor. It appears that, either in the first or second attack upon St. Johns, or in both, the Americans had been opposed by some of the Mohawk Indians—those, doubtless, who had accompanied Guy Johnson to Canada. Hence, on the 27th of October, the Tryon County Committee "unanimously resolved, that a letter should be sent to the sachems of the Canajoharie Castle, in regard to the return and present abiding of some Indians in their Castle from Canada, who have acted inimically against us, and fought against our united forces near the fort St. John, not to give shelter to such real enemies among them."
No copy of the letter written pursuant to this resolution has been preserved. It is noted among the papers of the Committee, however, that the sachems and warriors of Canajoharie Castle appeared before them in person, and made the following answer to their epistle of remonstrance:—
"Brothers: We are thankful to you that you opened to us your hearts, and we comprehend to be all true what you wrote to us. We live together, Gentlemen, and we shall do our endeavour to answer you upon all the contents of your letter, as much as we can remember thereof.
"Brothers: We have not yet forgotten our agreement made in Albany. It is not such a long time ago, we can remember it yet. Although we have not put it in writing, it is yet in our memory. We can remember very well that there have been twelve Governors with whom we agreed, and we made a level road to the Six Nations, to Boston, and to Philadelphia.
"Brothers: We have, as well as the Senecas and others of the Six Nations, been very glad to make that road, where we went and shall go. It is all peace and very good. The Nations have been very glad for the making of that good road, and it is all peaceable. But we are afraid you make the first disturbance on the sea-side—because you are a fighting already. They have made that good road, but they will not hope that we should spill blood upon it. You said in your letter that you cannot keep your young people back, but we think you are masters of them, and could order them. Some of our young people are now in Canada, and perhaps they are killed; but if so be, our hearts will not be sore about it.
"There are some young people, among them here, whom we could persuade to stay and not to meddle themselves with the fighting of the white people; but some went yet away, and we are glad to see them back again, because they have been debauched to go away.
"Brothers: The Six Nations are now speaking about that good road, and are glad; but if they shall perhaps pass that road and see some blood spilled upon it, then they would be surprised.
"Brothers: We have made a very strong agreement of friendship together, and we beg you will not break it for sake of some wrong done by some, who have been debauched. You will drop it, we hope, for the present."
The Committee replied to them in substance, that if those of their young men who had first spilt the blood of their white brethren, had come back repenting of their conduct, they should first have gone to the Committee, and manifested their sorrow to them. Far from doing so, however, one of them, named William Johnson, had, on the contrary, boasted of his hostile proceedings, and spoken boldly against the cause of the Americans.
On the 30th of October, at the request of some of the chiefs of the Mohawk Castle, John Marbatt was deputed to hold a conference with them, in reference to the imprisonment of Clement and Bowen. Marbatt says, in his letter to General Herkimer, Chairman of the Committee:—
"The heads of the Mohawk Castle met me at Abraham Quackenbush's, and made a speech to me. They said we were all brothers, and all brought up together, and hoped that we might remain so. They said they were very sorry for their two brothers, Lewis Clement and Peter Bowen, and desired that they might be discharged. It was so hard for them to see their brethren in confinement that they could not rest. Whereon I told them there was a law; and if any of our brothers transgressed the law, they must expect to be punished by the law. I told them that any one that behaved [well] should not be disturbed at all. But they begged that as they had transacted this, [offended] before the law took effect, they might be discharged; and if ever they transgressed again, they had nothing to say against punishing them. They told me that they wanted to go a hunting, and could not go from home contented until this matter was settled. They desired me to give them an answer against next Saturday. Gentlemen, I hope you will settle this matter for peace's sake. Your compliance will much oblige your friend and humble servant," &c.
The speech from the Canajoharie Indians, just recited, if closely scrutinised, might appear somewhat equivocal. Still, it was not belligerent; and, when taken in connexion with the preceding letter, the presumption is reasonable, that the Mohawks remaining about their ancient castles, had not yet determined to swerve from their engagement of neutrality.
Such was the progress of the Revolution, in the County of Tryon, down to the close of 1775. A rapid glance at contemporaneous events not already noted, occurring elsewhere, will close the history of the year. The battle of Bunker Hill had aroused all New England to arms; and by the time of General Washington's arrival to assume the command, during the first week in July, the British forces were so effectually shut up in Boston, as to be obliged to send out small vessels to a distance for supplies. To cut up this species of coast-wise commerce, the Colonies of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut each fitted out two small cruisers, before Congress had made a suggestion respecting a naval armament. The first avowal of offensive hostility against the mother country, was contained in the act of the Massachusetts Congress for fitting out a naval armament; and among the first fruits was the capture, by Captain Manly of Marblehead, of a large British ordnance brig, laden with several elegant brass pieces of artillery, a large supply of small arms, tools and utensils of all warlike descriptions, &c. Three days afterward Captain Manly captured three more British ships laden with military stores. South Carolina was at the same time making vigorous preparations for war, but had not exceeding 3,000 lbs of gunpowder within the province. By fitting out a fast sailing vessel, however, they were enabled to intercept a supply vessel off St. Augustine, and obtain a large and timely addition to their stores—15,000 pounds of gunpowder alone. Meantime the affairs of the Colonies continued to form the leading and most exciting topic of debate in the British Parliament. Lord North, who, it is now known, acted throughout this great struggle more in obedience to the positive requisitions of the King, than in accordance with his own private wishes, insisted upon the strongest measures of compulsion. General Conway, Colonel Lutterell, Mr. James Grenville, the Duke of Grafton, and Lord Lyttleton, spoke in favor of concession to the Colonies, and argued in favor of repealing every enactment respecting the matters in dispute with the Colonies, subsequent to the year 1763. The ministers contended that they might as well acknowledge the independence of the Colonies at once. Mr. Burke, during this season, made his great speech on American affairs, and introduced his conciliatory bill, proposing "a renunciation of the exercise of taxation, without at all interfering with the question of right. It preserved the power of levying duties, for the regulation of commerce; but the money so raised was to be at the disposal of the several general assemblies. The tea duty was to be repealed, and a general amnesty granted." This proposition, though regarded with more favor than the others, was rejected; and the Administration was sustained in the policy of sending a large sea and land force against the Colonies, accompanied with offers of mercy upon a proper submission.[FN-1] The Continental Congress, however, still continued its efforts to prevent a final separation; and another address to the King was adopted, beseeching the interposition of his royal authority to afford relief from their afflicting fears and jealousies, and restore harmony by the adoption of such measures as would effect a permanent reconciliation. This petition, signed by John Hancock, was presented in Parliament on the 7th of December, and gave rise to several motions for a pacification—all of which were rejected.[FN-2]
[FN-1] Holmes's Annals, Par. Register.
[FN-2] Idem.
The military operations of the Autumn were chiefly confined to the expedition against Canada. Lord Dunmore, it is true, had given several additional impulses to the Revolutionary spirit in Virginia, by the manner of his opposition; and the enemy had still farther exasperated the people of New England by burning the town of Falmouth, in the north-eastern part of Massachusetts. Having timely notice, the people fled from the town, which was furiously bombarded, and 139 dwelling-houses and 278 warehouses were burnt. The invasion of Canada, by Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, has already been incidentally mentioned. General Schuyler had issued a suitable proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada, on entering that territory; but he was obliged by ill health to relinquish the command to General Montgomery. St. John's surrendered on the 3d of November; but while the siege was pending. Colonel Ethan Allen, with thirty-eight of his Green Mountain boys, was captured, and sent to England in irons. [FN] Allen deserved his fate, however, for his rashness and disobedience of orders. Still, he was very near capturing Montreal with the small party he had led in advance, as was subsequently admitted by one of the British officers.
[FN] Idem.
The fort at Chamblee fell into the hands of Montgomery, together with a large quantity of military stores, which were of great use; among them were three tons of powder. Montreal was next taken by the Provincials—General Carleton escaping in a boat with muffled oars to Three Rivers, from whence he hastened to Quebec. Montgomery, with his little army, was swift to follow him thither; where his arrival had been anticipated by Colonel Arnold, with upward of 700 New England infantry and riflemen, with whom he had performed the incredible service of traversing the unexplored forest, from the Kennebec to the mouth of the Chaudiere. Uniting the forces of Arnold with his own, Montgomery laid siege to Quebec on the 1st of December. His artillery, however, was too light to make any impression upon its walls, and it was at length determined, if possible, to carry the town by a combined assault from two directions—one division to be led by Montgomery and the other by Arnold. The enterprise was undertaken on the 31st of December, and the year closed by the repulse of both divisions and the fall of Montgomery.
The success which had marked the American arms in the early part of the Canadian campaign, made a strong impression upon the Caughnawaga Indians. The Canadians, generally, were exceedingly averse to engaging in the unnatural contest, [FN-1] and were strongly inclined to favor the cause of the Colonies; and, notwithstanding the descent of Brant and the Mohawks to Montreal, and the solicitations of Governor Carleton, the Caughnawagas sent a deputation to General Washington, at Cambridge, as early as the month of August, avowing their readiness to assist the Americans in the event of an expedition into Canada. [FN-2] This assurance was fulfilled. In a letter from Sir Guy Carleton to General Gage, written in August, which was intercepted, the Canadian Governor said—"Many of the Indians have gone over to them (the Americans), and large numbers of the Canadians are with them. . . . I had hopes of holding out for this year, though I seem abandoned by all the world, had the savages remained firm. I cannot blame these poor people for securing themselves, as they see multitudes of the enemy at hand, and no succour from any part, though it is now four months since their operations against us first began." [FN-3] The subsequent reverses of the Americans, however, changed the masters of those Indians, and they were ere long found warring in the ranks of the Crown.
[FN-1] Letter of Washington to the president of Congress, Aug. 4th, 1775.
[FN-2] Letter of Washington to Gen. Schuyler.
[FN-3] Sparks.
But all the Indians did not join the British standard. Notwithstanding that the Delawares had been engaged in the Cresap war, the year before, they refused the solicitations of the British emissaries and the Senecas to take up the hatchet with them in this contest. A meeting of Indians was held in Pittsburgh, to deliberate upon the question, at which a select deputation of the Senecas attended. Captain White Eyes, a sensible and spirited warrior of the Lenape, boldly declared that he would not embark in a war, to destroy a people born on the same soil with himself. The Americans, he said, were his friends and brothers, and no nation should dictate to him or his tribe the course they should pursue. [FN]
[FN] Heckewelder.
Lord Dunmore—Glance at the South—Suspicious conduct of Sir John Johnson—Conduct of the Tories in Tryon County—Gen. Schuyler directed by Congress to march into that County and disarm the Tories—Preliminary mission to the Lower Mohawks—Message to them—Their displeasure and reply—March of Schuyler—Meets the Indians at Schenectady—Interview and speeches—Advance of Schuyler—Letter to Sir John Johnson—Interview—Negotiations of capitulation—Terms proposed—Schuyler advances to Caughnawaga—Joined by Tryon County Militia—Farther correspondence with Sir John—Interview with the Indian mediators—Terms of surrender adjusted—Schuyler marches to Johnstown—Sir John, his household, and the Highlanders, disarmed—Troops scour the country to bring in the loyalists—Disappointment as to the supposed Tory Depot of warlike munitions—Return of Schuyler to Albany—Resolution of Congress—Additional trouble with Sir John—Preparations for his seizure—Expedition of Col. Dayton—Flight of the Baronet and his partisans to Canada—Their sufferings—And subsequent conduct—How the violation of his parole was considered.
The dawn of the New Year was lighted up by the conflagration of Norfolk, by order of Lord Dunmore, the royal Governor of Virginia. His Lordship had previously retired with his adherents to the fleet; and this act of Vandalism was directed by way of retaliating upon the Whigs of that borough, for having refused supplies to the Liverpool man of war. The people themselves destroyed the buildings nearest the water, in order to deprive the ships even of those sources of supply. After cruising for a time on the coast of Virginia, and being every where repulsed—some of his ships having been driven on shore, and their crews captured and imprisoned by the Colonists—his Lordship was obliged to destroy those of his vessels which were not sea-worthy, and seek refuge himself in Florida and the West Indies. Another incident adverse to the royal arms, was the defeat, by the Provincials under General Moore, of General McDonald, (commissioned by Governor Martin,) in his attempts to bring North Carolina to obedience. The battle resulting in this defeat was gallantly fought at Moore's Creek Bridge, by Colonels Caswell and Lillington, commanding about 1000 minute men and militia. A large quantity of arms fell into the hands of the Provincials; and the defeat, equally unexpected and decisive, greatly depressed the spirits of the loyalists in that quarter.
Resuming the history of the Mohawk Valley; although the Autumn of the preceding year had passed quietly away in that region, yet no small degree of uneasiness was created, early in the winter, by the suspicious conduct of Sir John Johnson; heightened, as will appear in the sequel, by false representations sent forth by a man who, in the end, proved to be an impostor. Such were the spirit of the times moreover, and the jealousies mutually entertained, that it is more than probable the measures of Sir John were concerted in consequence of apprehensions honestly indulged, and in all likelihood awakened by the same or a kindred imposture. At all events Sir John was actively engaged in defensive preparations, with a view, as it was believed, of throwing up fortifications around the baronial hall. His adherents, as we have seen, were numerous, particularly among the Scotch Highlanders, by several hundreds of whom he was surrounded; and reports became rife, that, in addition to these, the works he was erecting were to be garrisoned by three hundred Indians, to be let loose upon the settlements as opportunities might occur.
It was undoubtedly true that the Tories of that region were preparing actively to espouse the royal cause, and enlistments for the King's service, it is very likely, were secretly making. Information to this effect was laid before Congress in December. It was also declared, by a man named Connell, that a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition, and other warlike articles, had been collected and concealed by the Tories at Johnstown, to be used when the proper moment for action arrived. The facts disclosed by Connell were supported by his deposition; whereupon a resolution was adopted by Congress, directing General Schuyler to be informed of these circumstances, and requesting him to adopt the most speedy and effectual measures for securing the said arms and military stores; for disarming the loyalists, apprehending their leaders, and taking such measures in general as might be judged necessary to ensure the tranquility of the frontier. [FN] This resolution was received by General Schuyler at Albany early in January, and no time was lost in concerting measures for its execution.
[FN] The sum of forty dollars was appropriated by Congress for this object; and the Special Committee having the subject in charge, were directed to count the gold and silver in the treasury, and forward the same to General Schuyler under a guard!—Vide Jour. Con.
General Schuyler having at that time no troops at his disposal, was under the necessity of communicating with the sub-committee of safety of Albany County, for which purpose, in order that a knowledge of the business with which he was charged might not transpire, he previously administered to them the oath of secrecy. They were at first embarrassed in devising a pretext for the preparations it was necessary to make for the expedition; but the opportune arrival of a letter and an affidavit, (probably from Connell,) from Tryon County, containing accounts exactly suited to the emergency, afforded ample reasons for a call upon the militia. General Schuyler at first supposed that a force of three hundred men, with the assistance they would be certain to receive from the Whigs of Tryon County, would be amply sufficient. It was determined, however, in order to produce a deeper effect upon the loyalists against whom they were proceeding, to march with a force of seven hundred men.
Nevertheless, in order to preserve the good-will of the Indians of the Lower Mohawk Castle, [FN] and guard against taking them by surprise or giving them unnecessary alarm, Mr. Bleecker, the Indian interpreter, residing at Albany, was despatched to the Castle on the 15th, charged with a belt and the following message to the Indians:—
[FN] The Mohawks of the Lower Castle, with Little Abraham, had not been drawn away by Thayendanegea and Guy Johnson.
"Brothers: I am sent by the Commissioners of the United Colonies, to acquaint you that the brethren of Albany have received information that several persons in and about Johnstown are busy in enlisting men to cut our throats, and are making other hostile preparations to assist in enslaving this country, and to prevent and stop up the road of communication to the Westward. Your Albany Brothers, on this alarming occasion, have collected their warriors, and are now sending them up the river in order to inquire into the truth of the report, and act thereupon as they may judge needful.
"Brothers: Be not alarmed at these preparations; nothing is intended against you; our own safety and liberty impel us to this measure; you can rest perfectly satisfied that we will invariably pursue our friendly disposition towards you, and expect that you will, agreeable to the promises you made us at Albany, take no part in the present struggle.
"Brothers: We promised you last Summer that Sir John and his family should not be molested while he took no measures against us. We are yet of that mind; and if he has acted as an honest man, he need not fear any danger.
"Brothers: Lest the preparations and march into your country should alarm the Six Nations, we desire that you will send some of your young men with this speech to the end of the House of the Six Nations, that no uneasiness may take place in their minds."
The Indians were by no means pleased with the proposed invasion of the Valley; anticipating, probably, an injurious effect upon their own people, and perhaps injury to Sir John, to whom they were sincerely attached. After due deliberation, Mr. Bleecker was sent back with a belt containing the following reply to the Commissioners, or, in other words, to General Schuyler:—
"Brothers: This belt we present to the Commissioners of the twelve United Colonies and our Brothers of Albany, and desire them that the troops that were coming up should not come up so speedily; that perhaps a mode might be pointed out to have it settled in an easier manner; that perhaps, in case the troops came up, it might be a means to stop up the road, and perhaps create an uneasiness in their minds, as they and Sir John were, as it were, one blood; and that the General should do all in his power to have it settled without the troops going up; that he was a wise man, and should set his thoughts a thinking to have it settled, by appointing three or four persons to treat with Sir John about it; that they would retain the belt sent by the Commissioners till such time as they heard from the Commissioners, and in case the troops did not come, then they would send the belt forward to the other nations; but if they came up, then they would keep the same in their hands; that three of their nation should immediately go to Sir John, and desire him to remain silent and be at peace; and that in case there were any in Johnstown that were Tories, they would settle them, and make them remain peaceable. That all the uneasiness in the minds of Sir John, and the others in Johnstown, originates from accounts that they receive from people in Albany; that they daily have accounts from thence that the New England people are coming up to destroy Sir John and his possessions."
Accompanying this message, the Squaws also took the subject in hand, and charged the interpreter with a belt with the following message on their own behalf:—
"Brothers, the Commissioners of the United Colonies and the people of Albany: This belt we present you, and hereby renew the covenant that was made last summer; and we beg that no disturbance shall be made up here, and that the said covenant may not thereby be broken; that in case the troops were to come up, it might create great uneasiness, as they and Sir John were of one blood; and that in case Sir John was disturbed, it might touch their blood, and we beg some other mode may be pointed out whereby this uneasiness may be settled."
General Schuyler, however, did not wait for the return of his messenger from the Indians, but proceeded to Schenectady on the 16th, at the head of a strong division of militia, and accompanied by General Ten Broeck, Colonel Varick, and several other officers. The militia turned out with great alacrity, notwithstanding the severity of the weather and the badness of the roads. On the evening of his arrival at Schenectady, General Schuyler was met by a deputation of the Mohawks, headed by Little Abraham, who, in a very haughty tone, [FN] addressed him as follows:—
[FN] General Schuyler's official report, from which document the whole narrative of this expedition is drawn. This document, it is believed, has never yet been published entire, and has only recently been discovered at Washington, by Peter Force, Esq. who obligingly favored the author with the use of it.
"We intended to have gone down to Albany in order to speak to you; but thank God that he has given us an opportunity to meet you here, as we have some matters to communicate to you."
To which General Schuyler replied with corresponding brevity:—
"I am very glad to see you here, and I shall be glad to hear what the Brothers have to say, as my ears are always open to them."
Whereupon Abraham proceeded to address the General and his associates as follows:—
"Brothers: You lately sent to our place four men, who arrived to us last Sunday morning. [FN] They told us they were sent up to us by you to inform us of those military preparations which were making down in this quarter. By them you let us know that you thought it not prudent to send armed men amongst us without previously notifying us. Likewise, Brothers, your messengers informed us of the reasons of your coming in this manner. You informed us that you had heard that there were a number of men embodied at Sir John's, about Johnstown. You told us likewise, that as soon as they had completed their body, they intended to destroy the settlements up and down the river. You informed us that you were coming up to inquire into the truth of the report, and who it was that gave out commissions, and what were their designs. At the same time you assured us that no harm was intended against us, the Six Nations, as we had last summer publicly engaged that we would take no part against you in your dispute with the great King over the Great Water."
[FN] The Mohawk chief seems here to refer to an embassy to their castle a few days previous to that performed by Mr. Bleecker, not mentioned by General Schuyler. Or, perhaps, a wrong date was given to the message transmitted by the interpreter.
"Brothers: You told us that you would come to search into the truth of the report, and you assured us also that you would not be the first aggressor, and that it should be our own fault if any blood was spilt. You told us that you would acquaint the Lower Castle first of the design, that they should send up to the Upper Castle, and they to the Oneida, and they to Onondaga, and so through the whole Six Nations.
"Brothers: We thanked your messengers for the speech delivered to us, and we would consider of it for some time to return them an answer accordingly. Brothers, a small number of us who take care of the news met in council on this occasion. We thanked your messengers for informing us first of your designs. We said we knew the agreement which was entered into with the whole twelve United Colonies. At that meeting you remember it was agreed to remove all obstacles out of the way of the path of peace, to keep it so that we might pass and repass without being annoyed.
"Brothers: you told us that you came to inquire into the truth of the report, which might be done by 4 or 6 without any danger in making the inquiry. We proposed your sending up six persons to inquire into the truth of this matter, as it would be a shame to interrupt them, as no person would be so mean to give them any obstruction. As for sending your belt forward, we thought to retain it until we had heard whether our proposal had been accepted or no. And we desire that you would consider of this matter, and keep your troops at home, and let us know your mind; and if, after considering of our proposals, you do not agree to them, that you will then let us know what you intend to do. They likewise sent word to you that when they had heard from you, whether you accepted of our proposals, we would then do as you desire in sending up the news.
"Brothers: We expected an answer to our proposals; but none arrived until we were informed by a woman who returned from Albany, that those preparations were actually making, and that troops were actually marching in the country. We then, Brothers, took the matter into consideration, and determined it was best for a party to meet you, and you see us this day, Brothers, arrived. We come, Brothers, to beg of you that you take good care and prudence of what you are going about. We beg of you, Brothers, to remember the engagement which was made with the twelve United Colonies at our interview last summer, as we then engaged to open the path of peace, and to keep it undefiled from blood. At the same time something of a different nature made its appearance. You assured us, Brothers, that if any were found in our neighborhood inimical to us, you would treat them as enemies. The Six Nations then supposed that the son of Sir William was pointed at by that expression. We then desired particularly that he might not be injured, as it was not in his power to injure the cause; and that therefore he might not be molested. The Six Nations then said they would not concern themselves with your operations in other parts, but particularly desired that this path might be free from blood. And now, Brothers, we repeat it again; we beg of you to take good care and not to spill any blood in this path, and the more especially, Brothers, as it is but of this day that the Six Nations had so agreeable an interview with the Colonies, and our chiefs are now hunting in the woods, and not dreaming that there is any prospect that this path is or will be defiled with blood.
"We informed you, Brothers, that we had heard of a woman, that you were advancing, and that you had cannon. We then took it into consideration. We thought it strange that cannon should be brought into the country, as the twelve United Colonies had so lately opened the path of peace. As you will remember that this path was opened last Spring, and the Six Nations agreed to keep it open. We then thought what could influence the twelve United Colonies to open this path, and from the present appearance it is as if with a design that the cannon should pass free from all obstruction.
"Brothers, attend! It was your request, and a matter agreed upon by the twelve United Colonies, that we should mind nothing but peace; therefore, Brothers, as we mean to observe that agreement, we have expressed ourselves as above, and as Brothers we mind nothing but peace. We look upon ourselves as mediators between the two parties; therefore, Brothers, as your messengers declared that you would not be the aggressors, we informed Sir John of this, and earnestly begged of him not to be the aggressor, or the means of spilling blood; and at the same time assured him, that if we found that he should be the aggressor, we would not pay any farther attention to him; and likewise told him, that if our Brothers of the United Colonies were the aggressors, we should treat them in the same manner. This is what we told Sir John, as we look upon ourselves to be the mediators between both parties, and, as we have said before, desired him not to be the aggressor. To which Sir John replied, that we knew his disposition very well, and that he had no mind to be the aggressor. He assured us that he would not be the aggressor, but if the people came up to take away his life, he would do as well as he could, as the law of nature justified every person to stand in his own defence.
"According to the news we have heard, it is as though Sir John would shut up the path of peace in that quarter; but it is impossible he should do it, as he had but a mere handful of friends; but, Brothers, if this company, who now are passing by, should go up, and any thing bad should happen, we shall look on you as shutting up the path.
"It has been represented to you, Brothers, that it seems that Sir John is making military preparations, and that he is making a fort round his house; but, Brothers, as we live so near him, we should certainly know it if any thing of that nature should be done, especially as we go there so frequently on account of our father, the minister, who sometimes performs divine service at that place. We have never seen any hostile preparations made there; there is no cannon, or any thing of that kind, and all things remain in the same situation it was in the lifetime of Sir William.
"Brothers: We would not conceal anything from you. It would not be right to use deceit, neither do we mean to do it. The minds of our counselors are very much grieved; and aggrieved at that part of the disposition of those whom we may call our warriors; there are some among us of different minds, as there are among you, Brothers. Our counselors, remembering the covenant we last Summer made with our Brethren, the Twelve Colonies, have all along strongly urged our warriors to peace, and have checked them when a contrary disposition appeared. Our minds are very much aggrieved to find any of our warriors of different sentiment. We have hitherto been able to restrain them, and hope still to be able to do it, for matters are not now carried to extremity; but if they are, our warriors will not be restrained, because they will think themselves deceived if this military force comes into the country.
"We have declared to you, Brothers, that we would not deceive, and that we mean to declare our minds to you openly and freely. We, the sachems, have all along inculcated to the warriors sentiments of peace, and they have hitherto been obedient to us, though there have been frequent rumours that they should be disturbed; yet we have hitherto been able to calm their minds. But now, Brothers, so large a party coming, alarms the minds of our warriors. They are determined, Brothers, to go and be present at your interview with Sir John, and determined to see and hear every thing that should be there transacted; and if it shall then appear that this party shall push matters to extremes, we then cannot be accountable for any thing that may happen. But as for us, Brothers, the counselors are fully determined ever to persevere in the path of peace.
"Brothers, attend! Though I have finished what I had purposed to say, yet I will add one thing more. When the news of your approach arrived at our town, it caused great confusion; some were ready to take to their arms, observing that those reports respecting the unfriendly disposition of the Colonies were now verified. I begged of them, Brothers, to possess their minds in peace for a few days. I told them that I myself would go to Albany, and inquire into the truth of the matter; I was so conscious of my own innocency, that no hostile appearance could deter me, however formidable. I therefore desired them to sit still until my return, which might be in two days if I went to Albany. This, Brothers, is the present situation of our people. They are waiting to see what news I bring."
"Brothers: When I made this request to the warriors that they should sit still till my return, they told me that they would, which they are now in expectation of, and will do nothing till I get back. But, Brothers, after my return I will repeat to them the speech you will now make to me, and if any of our people should still persist to be present at your interview with Sir John, we hope, Brethren, you will not think hard of us as counselors, as it is not in our power to rule them as we please. If they should go, and any thing evil should happen, we beg to know, Brothers, what treatment we may expect who remain at home in peace.
"Brothers: This is all we have to say. This is the business which has brought us down, and we now expect an answer to carry home to our people."
To which General Schuyler delivered the following answer:
"Brothers of the Mohawk Nation: We, the Commissioners appointed by the Congress, and your Brothers of Albany and Schenectady, have paid great attention to the speech you have delivered us. We now desire you to open your ears, and attentively listen to what we have to say in answer.
"Brothers: It pleased us to hear you declare that you would speak your minds freely. We assure you that we shall do the same, and hide nothing from you of what is in our thoughts.
"Brothers: We were in hopes that the message which we sent you by Mr. Bleecker would have eased your minds, and have convinced you that no hostile intentions existed against you or any other Indians; for if they had, we would not have sent you that message, neither would we have supplied you with powder, as we did last Summer and again the other day.
"Brothers: We are extremely sorry that you have not complied with our request, to send the speech which we sent you by Mr. Bleecker, to the Six Nations in the manner which we required.
"Brothers: You told us that five or six men would have been sufficient to go to Johnstown and inquire what was transacting there, and that these people would be in no danger, as it would be a shame to interrupt them. We acknowledge, Brothers, that it would have been a shame if we had sent them and they had been interrupted; but we have full proofs that many people in Johnstown, and the neighbourhood thereof, have for a considerable time past made preparations to carry into execution the wicked designs of the King's evil counselors.
"Brothers: It is very true that last Summer the United Colonies promised that the path to the Indian country should be kept open. They again repeat that promise; and although it is by the special order of Congress that this body of troops are now marching up, yet it is not to shut the path, but to keep it open, and to prevent the people in and about Johnstown from cutting off the communication between us and our brethren of the Six Nations, and our other brethren living up the river.
"Brothers: Although we have before observed that the people living in and about Johnstown are making hostile preparations against us, yet we will not shed a drop of their blood unless they refuse to come to an agreement by which we may be safe, or unless they oppose us with arms. We do not mean that any of our warriors should set their foot on any of the lands you possess, or that of the Six Nations, unless our enemies should take shelter there; for those we are resolved to follow wherever they go. We again repeat, that we have no quarrel with you, and we do expect that you will not interfere in this family contest, but stand by as indifferent spectators, agreeable to the engagement of the Six Nations made to us last Summer at their own request.
"Brothers: We assured you last Summer, that as we had no quarrel with any Indians, we would not touch a hair of their heads; yet when our warriors were at St. Johns, they were attacked by Indians. Two of your tribe, and some others, were killed. You have never blamed us for it, because you well knew that our lives are dear to us; we have a right to kill any man who attempts to kill us. You ought, therefore, not to be surprised if we take every precaution to prevent being destroyed by the friends of the King's evil counselors.
"Brothers: In a little time we may be called upon to go and fight against our enemies to the eastward, who are employed by the King's evil counselors; and can you think it prudent that we should leave a set of people who are our enemies, in any part of the country, in such a situation as to be able to destroy our wives and children, and burn our houses in our absence? Would you leave your wives and children in such a situation? The wisdom by which you have conducted your affairs convinced us that you would not; and yet so cautious are we that no blood may be shed, that we shall send a letter to Sir John, inviting him to meet us on the road between this place and his house, which if he does, we make no doubt but every thing will be settled in an amicable manner; and that he may be under no apprehensions, we do now assure you that if we do not come to an agreement, he will be permitted safely to return to his own house.
"Brothers: We thank you that you have concealed nothing from us, and we assure you that we scorn deceit as much as you do; and therefore we shall now speak our minds freely on what you have said respecting the conduct which your warriors mean to hold. We have no objection, nay, we wish that you and they should be present, to hear what we shall propose to Sir John and the people in and about Johnstown who are our enemies; but we beg of you to tell your warriors, that although we have no quarrel with them, yet if we should be under the disagreeable necessity of fighting with our enemies, and your warriors should join them and fight against us, that we will do as we did at St. Johns, repel force by force.
"Brothers: You have asked us, if your warriors should go and if any thing evil should happen, what treatment you may expect who remain at home in peace?
"Brothers: In the treaty held at Albany last Summer, you and your warriors were present, and you and they jointly promised to remain neuter and not to interfere in this quarrel. Should your warriors, therefore, now take up arms against us, we must consider it as a breach of the treaty so far as it respects the lower Mohawk Castle; of which breach we shall complain to our Brethren, the other nations, and at the same time lay the matter before our great council at Philadelphia, whose determination thereupon will be our future guide.
"Brothers: We are surprised that the least doubt should remain on your minds with respect to our friendly intentions towards you, after the many instances we have given you of our love and friendship; but we must impute it to the wicked insinuations of our mutual enemies, who wish for nothing so much as to see the ancient covenant which has so long subsisted between us broken.
"Brothers: You have observed that you would pay no regard to that party that should be the first aggressor. We cannot be the aggressors; for if our enemies in and about Johnstown had had no evil intentions against us, we should never have even come thus far with an army. Whoever takes up arms against another, although he has not yet struck, must be considered as the aggressor, and not he who tries to prevent the blow.
"Brothers: We have now freely and fully disclosed to you our minds. We hope you will remember what we have said, and repeat it to your Brothers, counselors, and warriors; and, lest you should not be able to recollect every part of this speech, you may have your Brothers Ka-ragh-qua-dirhon, and Ti-ze-de-ron-de-ron, [Deane and Bleecker,] interpreters, to attend you if it be agreeable to you.
"Brothers: Your women have sent us a belt. We beg you to assure them of our regard, and to entreat them to prevent your warriors from doing any thing that would have the least tendency to incur our resentment, or interrupt that harmony which we wish may subsist to the end of time."
To this the Indians made the following brief reply:—
"Brother Schuyler the Great Man, attend! We have this evening heard what you have to say, and we are glad of it, and thank you for it.
"Every thing that has been said to us. Brother, has been perfectly agreeable to us.
"I shall not attempt, Brother, to make a particular reply to every thing that has been said to us. Indeed, it would not be proper at this time.
"We are very glad, Brother, that you have determined to write to Sir John, requesting an interview with him in hopes of an amicable agreement.
"Brother: You mention that it would be agreeable to you that the warriors and counselors, or sachems, should attend.
"Brother: We, the sachems, will attend, though we should do it at the risk of our lives.
"Brother: We should be glad if you would inform us of the time and place of your interview with Sir John. You likewise told us, that if it was agreeable to us, that your interpreters should attend to recapitulate the speech you have made, which likewise is agreeable to us; and we desire that they may go with us, for by that means all mistakes may be prevented.
"Brother: You may depend on it that we will use our utmost influence with our warriors to calm their minds. You may depend on it, likewise, that our sisters will use their utmost influence for the same purpose."
General Schuyler assured them again of his pacific intentions, and that nothing unpleasant should happen to them. He also informed them, that if they desired to attend the expedition to Johnstown, or to be present at the intended interview with Sir John, as mediators, they should be protected in that character. With this understanding they took their departure the same night. A letter, of which the following is a copy, was at the same time despatched to Sir John Johnson:—
"General Schuyler to Sir John Johnson.
Schenectady, Jan. 16, 1776.
"Sir,
"Information having been received that designs of the most dangerous tendency to the rights, liberties, property, and even lives of those of his Majesty's faithful subjects in America who are opposed to the unconstitutional measures of his ministry, have been formed in a part of the County of Tryon, I am ordered to march a body of men into that County, to carry into execution certain resolutions of my superiors, and to contravene those dangerous designs.
"Influenced, Sir, by motives of humanity, I wish to comply with my orders in a manner the most peaceable, that no blood may be shed. I therefore request that you will please to meet me to-morrow, at any place on my way to Johnstown, to which I propose then to march. For which purpose I do hereby give you my word of honour, that you, and such persons as you may choose should attend you, shall pass safe and unmolested to the place where you may meet me, and from thence back to the place of your abode.
"Rutgers Bleecker and Henry Glen, Esqrs. are the bearers hereof, gentlemen who are entitled to your best attention, which I dare say they will experience, and by whom I expect you will favour me with an answer to this letter.
"You will please to assure Lady Johnson, that whatever may be the result of what is now in agitation, she may rest perfectly satisfied that no indignity will be offered her.
"I am, Sir, Your humble Servant, Ph. Schuyler. "To Sir John Johnson, Baronet."
General Schuyler resumed his march on the morning of the 17th—his forces constantly increasing, until before nightfall they numbered upward of three thousand. Having proceeded about sixteen miles from Schenectady, the expedition was met by Sir John, attended by several of his leading friends among the Scotchmen, and two or three others. The result of the interview was the proffer, by General Schuyler, of the following terms to Sir John and his retainers:—
"Terms offered by the Honourable Philip Schuyler, Esq., Major-general in the army of the thirteen United Colonies, and commanding in the New-York department, to Sir John Johnson, Baronet, and all such other persons in the County of Tryon as have evinced their intentions of supporting his Majesty's ministry, to carry into execution the unconstitutional measures of which the Americans so justly complain, and to prevent which they have been driven to the dreadful necessity of having recourse to arms.
"First: That Sir John Johnson shall, upon his word of honour, immediately deliver up all cannon, arms, and other military stores, of what kind soever, which may be in his own possession, or which he has caused to be delivered into the possession of any persons whatsoever, either directly or indirectly, or that to his knowledge may be concealed in any part of the said County. That he shall distinguish all such military stores of what kind soever as belong to the Crown, or were furnished with the design of arming the Indians or the inhabitants of Tryon County, from those which may be private property, in order that a proper inventory may be taken of the last articles, that the same may be restored, or the value of them refunded, when this unhappy contest shall be over.