Rivera’s successor, Lope de Ulloa, had to encounter a daring adversary in the Toqui Lientur, who was invariably successful in his encounters with the Spaniards, till, worn out by age and fatigues, he resigned his command, in 1625, to Putapichion, who pursued a like daring course. The war continued, with occasional successes on either side, for many years longer. A new governor was appointed to Chili in the person of Don Francisco Laso, who, having failed to obtain peace, carried on hostilities continuously, until at length, in 1632, Putapichion was slain in battle.

Laso had greatly at heart the fulfilment of the promise which he had made to his King of putting an end to the war. From his talents and experience no one was more capable of doing so; but he had to do with an invincible people. Their love of their country has probably never been exceeded, and was so strong that life had no charm for them beyond the limits of Araucania. All prisoners were after a time deported by Laso to Peru. When they came in sight of land they threw themselves overboard, in the hope of swimming ashore, and many succeeded in this manner in effecting their escape. Even from Callao many escaped, following, with incredible fatigue, the immense line of coast which separated them from their native country.

The court of Spain, owing to the long duration of the war and the great losses on their side, declined to retain Laso any longer in command, and appointed as his successor Don Francisco Zuniga, to whom was reserved the honour of concluding peace. Zuniga arrived in Chili in 1630, and sought a personal conference with Lincopichion, the Toqui of the Araucanians. On the 6th of January of the following year a solemn treaty was concluded, putting a period to a war which had lasted for ninety years. The Marquis de Baydes was attended by ten thousand persons to the village of Quillin in Puren, the place fixed for the ratification; whilst Lincopichion came at the head of four hereditary Toquis and a large number of Ulmenes. The ratification was celebrated by a three days’ festival on either side, all prisoners being released.

Amongst the clauses of the treaty was one by which the Araucanians engaged not to permit the landing of any strangers upon their coast, nor to furnish such with supplies, and the prudence of this clause was not long in being made apparent. Three years previously the Dutch had made a second fruitless attempt to form an alliance with the Araucanians. Their squadron, consisting of four ships, was dispersed by a storm; and two boats’ crews were put to death. In 1643 the Dutch made a last attempt to possess themselves of Chili. Having set out from Brazil with a numerous fleet, they took possession of the deserted harbour of Valdivia, and began to fortify the entrance to the river. The Araucanians were invited to an alliance; but they honourably adhered to the terms of their treaty with the Spaniards, thus forcing the Dutch to retire in consequence of hunger. On their retreat a fleet under the command of the Marquis de Mancura, son of the Viceroy of Peru, arrived with ten ships of war, and fortified the harbour and the island which bears his family name.

From some cause which is not recorded hostilities once more broke out, after an interval of fifteen years, between the Chilians and their neighbours. They were continued with great violence for ten years, but were terminated, in 1665, by a more permanent peace; and from this time the records of this portion of South America are of a less stirring nature. In consequence of the war of the Spanish succession the French obtained, for a time, all the external commerce of Chili, its ports having been crowded with their vessels between the years 1707 and 1717. At this period many of this nation settled in the country, which possesses, in consequence, a portion of French blood.

A peace of upwards of fifty years’ duration had naturally given room for the development of a country possessed of such abundant natural advantages as is Chili. Its interruption was owing to the missionaries who were sent amongst the Araucanians, and to the officers who were appointed to protect them, whose presence and pretensions the Araucanians resented; and, in 1722, it was determined to have recourse to arms. The Toqui, Vilumilla, even at this late date adopted so vast a project as that of the expulsion of the Spaniards from Chili. Having killed three or four of the missionaries’ protectors, he despatched messengers to the Chilians in the Spanish provinces, inviting them to rise on the appearance of signal-fires. The native Chilians, however, declined to respond to the Toqui’s invitation. The Toqui, nothing daunted, set out at the head of his troops to attack the Spanish settlements; but he was careful to give information to the missionaries, in order that, by retiring from the country, they might avoid ill-treatment. It is unnecessary to give the details of this short war, which was terminated by the peace of Negrete, where the treaty of Quillin was once more confirmed, and the title of Captain of Friends or protector of missionaries abolished.

Chili was ruled over for fifteen years with wisdom and humanity by Don Gabriel Cano; and his successor received instructions to gather the Spanish inhabitants into more compact societies. For this purpose he founded, in 1742, the cities of Copiapo, Aconcagua, Melipilla, Rancagua, St. Fernando, Curico, Talca, Tutuben, and Angeles, and was rewarded by the dignity of Viceroy of Peru. From 1753 date Santa Rosa, Guasco-alto, Casablanca, Bella-Isla, Florida, Coulemu, and Quirigua; whilst at the same time a settlement was formed on the island of Juan Fernandez, which till then had been the retreat of pirates.

Don Antonio Gonzaga, whilst governor of Chili, undertook to bring the Araucanians to live in cities, with the only result, however, of forcing that brave people to take up arms once more in defence of their liberties. An accommodation was at length arrived at, by which things reverted to their previous state, the Araucanians, in acknowledgment of their autonomy, being conceded the right of keeping a minister-resident in St. Iago. Thus has this brave people, although inconsiderable in point of numbers, succeeded in maintaining its independence, after having cost Spain a greater sacrifice of blood and treasure than sufficed for all her conquests in the New World.

The Spaniards in Chili now confined their views to consolidating their settlements in the region lying between the southern frontiers of Peru and the Bio-bio, a sufficiently extensive area, since it occupied the space between degrees 24 and 36½ of southern latitude. This territory was divided into thirteen provinces. The Captaincy-General of Chili likewise included the fortress of Valdivia, the archipelago of Chiloë, and the island of Juan Fernandez. The Captain-General[12] was responsible to the King alone, unless in case of war, when he had to act in subordination to the Viceroy of Peru. The provinces were respectively governed by prefects, who possessed jurisdiction over both civil and military affairs. In each provincial capital there existed a municipal magistracy called the Cabildo. The inhabitants were divided into regiments, which were obliged to march to the frontier or to the sea-coast in case of war. In the year 1792 there were in the royal service fifteen thousand eight hundred and fifty militia troops; and besides this regular force there were likewise city bands of militia; and in addition to both there was a sufficient force of imperial troops to provide for the defence of the country.

Chili was divided into the two dioceses of St. Iago and Conception, the bishops resident in these cities, respectively, being suffragans to the Archbishop of Lima. The Court of Inquisition of Lima had a commissioner at St. Iago. The first ecclesiastics in Chili were the monks of the Order of Mercy, who were soon followed by Dominicans and Franciscans, and later by Augustins and Hospitalers of St. John of God. The Jesuits who were introduced in 1593, with the nephew of their founder, were expelled in 1767. St. Iago and Conception were the only cities which, in the colonial period, contained convents of nuns. The churches were more remarkable for the wealth which they displayed than for their architecture.

The population of Chili presented the usual mixture of Europeans, Creoles, Natives, Negroes, and Mustees, or half-castes. The Creoles, or colonial Spaniards, displayed a laudable desire for education, to complete which they, in many instances, proceeded to Lima. The peasantry, though for the greater part of Spanish origin, wore the Araucanian costume. Their lot was a happy one. Possessed of perfect liberty, and dwelling in a delightful climate, they lived on the produce of a fertile soil, and were robust, healthy, and lively. The language of the country was Spanish, excepting on the frontiers, when Araucanian or Chilian was likewise spoken. Lima was the Paris of South America, and prescribed the fashions for Chili. It may be added that Chili alone, of all the American provinces, could boast of two of its citizens being exalted to the dignity of Grandee of Spain.

The Chilians had the reputation of being exceedingly hospitable to strangers, and of having been such good masters to their negro slaves that the greatest punishment which could be inflicted on these latter was to lose their protection; and it is stated that in many instances they refused to avail themselves of the liberty afforded to them. The masters exercised over them an authority similar to that of the Roman pater-familias over his familia. In correcting their faults the degree of punishment was left to the master, unless in cases of capital crime. The word slavery, so repugnant to our ears, may imply widely different conditions of existence. Domestic slavery amongst the Turks, for instance, may mean that the slaves are treated merely as children—that is to say, that although a certain restriction is placed upon their movements, they receive every kindness and care, whilst as Moslem they may appeal to the laws of the Koran, &c. Very different, however, was the lot of the field labourer in the transatlantic colonies or of the mines in Peru. By all accounts the lot of the Chilian slave was of the former character, and affords a pleasing contrast to that of the natives of Mexico in the hands of the conquerors.

This chapter may conclude with some notice of the native tribes which have been repeatedly alluded to as taking part in the war between the Spaniards and the Araucanians. The Pehuenches inhabit that part of the Chilian Andes lying between the 34th and 37th degrees of south latitude, to the east of the Spanish provinces of Calchagua, Maúle, Chillan, and Huilquilemu. The dress is very similar to that of the Araucanians, except that instead of breeches they wear round the waist a piece of cloth after the fashion of the Japanese. Their boots, or shoes, are all of one piece, and made from the skin of an ox. These mountaineers, although having occasionally shown themselves to be valiant soldiers, are nevertheless fond of decorating themselves like women. They wear ornaments of glass beads upon their arms and amongst their hair, and suspend around their heads little bells. Although possessing herds of cattle and sheep, they prefer, like the Tartars, horseflesh to any other, but, more delicate than that people, will only eat it when cooked. They dwell in tents made of skins, disposed in a circular form, leaving in the centre a spacious field in which the cattle graze during the continuance of the herbage. When that begins to fail they remove to another situation, and in this manner they traverse the valleys of the Cordilleras.

Each village or encampment is governed by an Ulmen. In their language and religion they differ not from the Araucanians. They are fond of hunting, and often, in pursuit of game, traverse the vast plains lying between the river Plate and the Straits of Magellan. In these excursions, which sometimes extend as far as to Buenos Ayres, they plunder the country in that vicinity, and frequently attack the caravans of merchandise going thence to Chili, with such success that commerce is said to have suffered severely thereby. Their favourite weapon is the laque or lasso, which they carry fastened to their girdles. Although of a wandering and restless disposition, the Pehuenches are the most industrious and commercial of any savages. The women work cloths of various colours; the men occupy themselves in making baskets and a variety of beautiful articles of wood, feathers, or skins, which are highly prized by their neighbours. Assembling every year on the Spanish frontier, they hold a kind of fair, that usually continues for fifteen or twenty days, when, in exchange for fossil salt, gypsum, pitch, bed-coverings, ponchos, skins, wool, bridle-reins beautifully wrought of plaited leather, baskets, wooden vessels, feathers, ostrich eggs, horses and cattle, &c., they receive wheat, wine, and the manufactures of Europe. Being very skilful in traffic, they can with difficulty be overreached; and when indulging in the pleasures of wine, a portion of them is set apart to guard their property from plunder. They are generally humane, complacent, lovers of justice, and possess all those good qualities that are produced or perfected by commerce.

The Chiquillanians, whom some have erroneously supposed to be a part of the Pehuenches, live to the north-east of them, on the eastern border of the Andes, and are the most savage and least numerous of any of the Chilians. They go almost naked, merely wrapping around them the skin of the guanaco. It is observable that all the Chilians who inhabit the eastern valleys of the Andes, namely, the Pehuenches, the Puelches, the Huilliches, and the Chiquillanians, are much redder than their countrymen dwelling westward of those mountains. All the mountaineers dress themselves in skins and paint their faces; and, living in general by hunting, lead a wandering and unsettled life. They are, generally speaking, of a lofty stature and of great strength.

CHAPTER XI.

BRAZIL: DISCOVERY OF THE MINES; ATTEMPT OF THE FRENCH ON RIO DE JANEIRO.

1702-1720.

In anticipation of the finding of gold and silver, a code of regulations had long since been issued relative to mines. Of the regulations in question, one provided that all persons in authority were bound to afford discoverers the necessary assistance; but when, about the middle of the seventeenth century, Marcos de Azevedo and a companion brought back from the Rio Doce samples of silver and emeralds, the only result to the discoverers was that they were thrown into prison at Bahia and detained there for life, because they obstinately refused to communicate the scene of their discovery to the Government. On their death renewed search was made for these mines, but in vain. A veteran, named Fernando Diaz, however, at the age of eighty, obtained permission to undertake a fresh search; and he explored the entire country now included in the captaincy of Minas Geraes, where he formed a number of settlements.

The court of Lisbon had so often been excited by hopes which proved delusive, and so many searching expeditions had failed, that its patience was now exhausted. The old man, during four years, underwent a series of privations and hardships such as wore out his more youthful companions; but he was at length rewarded by his being shown by a young Indian the spot where emeralds were found. The explorer, however, did not live to return to St. Paulo, having been overtaken by a fever, which cost him his life. The first gold known to have been produced from this district was found about the year 1691, and in the following year an expedition was formed to explore the district (now called Villa Rica) where it had been found. Some further specimens having been obtained, they were exhibited at Rio de Janeiro in 1693, in which year a commission was granted to one Carlos Silveria as Capitam Mor of Taboate and Provedor of the royal fifths, with orders to establish a smelting-house in that town.

Happily for the natives of Brazil, the discovery of the precious metals had been deferred until an age somewhat more humane than that which had witnessed the occupation of Hayti and the conquest of Peru. The preaching of humanitarians, from Las Casas down to Vieyra, had not been in vain; and when at length the day came when Minas Geraes was first to yield its treasures, the effect, as regarded the condition of the Brazilian Indians, was, contrary to expectation, rather beneficial than otherwise. The lust for gold superseded the lust for slaves.

The Brazilian explorers had expended unbounded energy throughout long years in searching for the mines; but the work of procuring their contents was far less toilsome. It was for the most part sand-washing taken from rivers, or surface mining; the soil containing the ore was broken up by pick-axes and exposed to the action of running water. In the natural course of things a large concourse of adventurers soon gathered from far and near; a road was opened to Rio de Janeiro, and at this time the foundations were laid of many considerable towns—amongst them the city of Mariana. At a few miles’ distance stands Villa Rica, the capital of the captaincy. In another direction were found the mines of Sabara; and their discovery led to the first colonization towards the sources of the San Francisco. In short, the presence of gold lent its invariable allurement to the large proportion of human beings who dream that they may be amongst the exceptional persons who obtain wealth without undergoing the slow process of long labour; and thus one of the least-inviting portions of Brazil was rapidly colonized. The town which for so many years has so largely supplied the Bank of England with its staple owes its foundation to Thomé Cortes d’El Rei.

It was soon found necessary to alter the laws then in existence as regards mining. On the discovery of gold, persons of influence had lost no time in securing grants of land. These they were in many cases unable to work; and thus they either disposed of them to others or left them unused. It was therefore enacted that no second grant should be made to any person until he should have worked the first; and if ground were remaining after all applicants had received allotments, it should be divided amongst such as possessed more than twelve slaves. On the other hand, when there were more claimants than there were shares upon the prescribed scale, the proportions were to be lessened in order that all might be satisfied. Besides its fifths, the Crown kept for itself an allotment, to be marked out after the discoverer had taken his first grant. If within forty days an explorer had not begun to work his ground, a third of it, on information being given, was assigned to the informer, the remaining two-thirds falling to the Crown,—unless sufficient reasons were to be pleaded for delay. The Crown allotments were let by auction; but if the biddings were not thought high enough, the superintendent was to see them worked for the Treasury by Indians. No officer of the Treasury or of justice might possess or share in a grant, either directly or indirectly.

The salary of the superintendent was fixed at three thousand five hundred cruzados;[13] that of the chief guardian at two thousand; whilst the subordinate guardians received one thousand each. The treasurer likewise received three thousand cruzados. There were also deputy-treasurers, receiving each five hundred cruzados. The above salaries were paid on taxes levied upon those who profited by the mines. Various other regulations were likewise made with a view to meeting fresh cases as they arose. The civil and military authority was vested in the superintendent. It was not permitted to bring slaves to the mines from any other locality than Rio de Janeiro; but it was allowed to import cattle from Bahia. All commodities were to be sent from Rio, by way either of Taboate or of St. Paulo; these restrictions being in order to prevent the clandestine exportation of gold-dust.

The passion of gambling is nowhere more consuming than in a mining district; and such did not fail to be the case in Brazil. Even the governor of Rio de Janeiro so far forgot his official character as to set out for the mining district and eagerly engage in the pursuit. It was, therefore, not without reason that in the new laws it was laid down that the governor was forbidden to visit the district unless by express orders from Lisbon, or unless in the case of some unforeseen emergency. The attraction of the mines soon told upon Bahia, from which captaincy many prosperous settlers betook themselves to the golden region, leaving their farms to run waste. The cultivator who was sure of wealth by a little patience could not lose the chance of winning it by a possible piece of luck. As negroes were in great demand, the owners of sugar-plantations could not stand the competition with mining adventurers. This state of things proved most injurious to Brazil; for the price of sugar naturally rose in proportion to the cost of producing it, many works being abandoned and their owners ruined. Hitherto Europe had been supplied with this article almost exclusively from the Brazilian provinces; but, as exportation rapidly diminished, the French and the English, who were at this time learning to cultivate the sugar-cane in their respective islands, took advantage of the opportunity to occupy the markets. The staple commodity being thus reduced, the general trade was diminished to a corresponding extent.

The alarming consequences of the depopulation of the interior induced the Government to prohibit the passage of slaves from Bahia to the mines. Troops were employed to intercept them, and many seizures were made. But in spite of all efforts the illicit importation was carried on; and at length the Government revoked the prohibition and allowed enterprise to take its spontaneous course. The court of Lisbon was even converted to the opinion of the Brazilian colonists that mining was more profitable than sugar-raising. Brazil had become the most important portion of the Portuguese dominions. Its Church had hitherto been governed by the Constitution of that of Lisbon; but a synod was now convened at Bahia, and a constitution suited to the circumstances of the country was drawn up for the Colonial Church.

It was not to be expected that the motley crowd of adventurers of all classes which thronged to the mines should long continue to live together with the same harmony that might be expected from a more settled community; and Minas Geraes soon acquired the unenviable notoriety, which had hitherto belonged to Maranham, of being the most turbulent settlement in Brazil. Its people were divided into two classes, called, respectively, Paulistas and Florasteiros or strangers. Before very long the ill-feeling between these culminated in their taking up arms. A report arose that the Paulistas had combined for the purpose of exterminating all strangers at the mines, and a civil war broke out, which was of so serious a nature as to call forth the presence of the governor with troops from Rio de Janeiro. The Florasteiros had, however, been fortunate in their choice of a commander, named Manoel Muñes, through whose prudence some degree of order was ere long restored; and, on the arrival of a new governor, a general amnesty was proclaimed.

The governor, having left things in a most satisfactory condition at the mines, set out to restore good government in the district of St. Paulo, where he found the people in a violent state of agitation. The Paulistas who had returned home from Minas Geraes were violently taunted by their wives with pusillanimity in having failed to avenge their comrades who had fallen; and the result was the formation of a strong force, which set out for the scene of struggle, and which declined to listen to the remonstrances of the governor. Albuquerque, having learned that there was an intention to seize his person, consulted his safety by escaping to Rio, whence he lost no time in sending messengers to the Florasteiros to warn them of their danger. The latter, in turn, made hasty preparations to resist an attack, which was wholly unexpected. After withstanding a siege for several days, they were relieved from danger by the news of an approaching force to their assistance, the Paulistas at the same time retreating in haste. Albuquerque took steps to ensure the tranquillity of the district, and was himself soon afterwards appointed governor of St. Paulo and of the mining country, which was now separated from the captaincy of Rio de Janeiro.

To turn to a more northerly region:—after the protracted war which had for so many years desolated the province of Pernambuco, it will readily be conceived that it was by no means an easy task to restore the order which had existed previous to the arrival of the Dutch; and it is said that much latitude was allowed to the inhabitants on account of the devoted patriotism which they had shown during the struggle, and the sacrifices to which they had so cheerfully submitted. Two generations had now passed away since the expulsion of the Dutch, and Recife had become an important entrepôt of trade, its influence being regarded with jealousy by the landed proprietors of Pernambuco. In Olinda and the surrounding district the descendants of the heroes of the war now constituted an aristocracy, who prided themselves, with justice, on the fact that it was to the exertions of their ancestors that Portugal owed the province. The people of Recife, not unreasonably, demanded that that important place should be granted the privileges of a town; but this request was long resisted by the jealousy of Olinda. The name of S. Antonio do Recife, or St. Anthony of the Reef, was, however, at length conferred upon a place which had become the third, or perhaps the second, port of greatest importance in Brazil.

The state of public security in the province left, certainly at this time, much to be desired. Murder was so common an occurrence that it was thought an act of oppression upon the part of the governor to arrest two persons for having murdered a gentleman in his house at night. The sympathies of the people were not with the victim, or with the law, but with the offenders; and a conspiracy was entered into to assassinate the unreasonable governor. That functionary, having ordered the people to deposit their arms in the arsenal, was shortly afterwards attacked by three armed men wearing masks, and was wounded in four places. This incident was merely the prelude to a general insurrection; and the governor consulted his own safety by taking refuge in a vessel which was ready to set out to sea. He took with him to Bahia those persons who were reputed to be marked for popular vengeance, they being some of the principal inhabitants of Recife.

Two days after his departure that town was entered by the insurgents, when its recently-acquired privileges were declared to be annulled. After having broken open the prison at Olinda and released the prisoners, they proceeded to deliberate as to what steps should next be taken; when it was determined to summon the bishop, who was named Provisional-Governor. His first act was to proclaim a full and general pardon in the name of the King, after which processes were made out, and depositions sent to Lisbon. It is scarcely necessary to add that meanwhile public security was not greatly increased. The streets of Recife became so unsafe that the inhabitants found it necessary to shut up their houses at the hour of the Ave Maria bell.

Vieyra de Mello, who had commanded the expedition against the negroes of the Palmares, at this time appeared upon the scene; and an instance which occurred in his family will show the shocking state of manners then prevailing in the province. His son, rightly or wrongly, suspected the fidelity of his wife, who resided at a sugar plantation in the interior. To this place the husband repaired with a numerous following. He lost no time in putting to death the man whom he accused. As, however, the lady was at the time enceinte, she was sent to be placed under the care of his mother until her child should be born, when she was to share the fate of her lover. Thus a whole family became participators in the cold-blooded affair. The younger Vieyra appeared openly in Recife, not only avowing the crime which he had committed, but announcing that his vengeance was not yet completed. As the matter was notorious, a worthy friar called upon the bishop-governor to beg him to prevent the intended crime; but the cautious prelate declined to interfere in the private affairs of noblemen, who ought not to live, he said, under disgrace.

The object of Vieyra’s arrival at this juncture was to become the leader of the republican party, which was numerous in the province. He proposed to gain possession of the forts; and if the new governor, who was daily expected, should fail to bring out a full pardon, to refuse him admittance, and proclaim a republic. The inhabitants of Recife, however, were loyal subjects. Suspecting the intentions of Bernardo Vieyra, they apprised the governor of Paraïba of his designs, and of their readiness to help in the King’s service. The governor of Paraïba wrote to the bishop, putting him on his guard. The prelate appears to have been not unfavourably disposed towards him; but, as his designs were notorious, he was obliged to request that he would depart from Recife—a request which was met by evasion.

A quarrel which arose between some soldiers of the Recife regiment and a party of Bernardo Vieyra’s men was the means of bringing affairs to a climax. The Recife soldiers, sallying from the church in which they had taken sanctuary, caused the drummer to beat the rendezvous, while they raised the cry of “Down with the traitors!” The officers putting themselves at their head, the bishop retired to the Jesuits’ college, and Bernardo Vieyra was speedily arrested. The forts were now secured by trustworthy men. A proclamation was issued by the troops, vindicating their own conduct and their loyalty to the King. But, meanwhile, the opposite party gathered their forces at Olinda; and the land-holders, who were joined by the bishop, prepared to besiege Recife, intercepting the supplies of food for that town. In this critical state of affairs the prudent bishop thought fit to resign the government.

A civil war thereupon commenced. The independent party hoped to reduce Recife by famine; but the Royalists, like the Dutch before them, had command of the port. The insurgents had the superiority in the field; and the garrison of Recife had to despatch a vessel to Bahia to represent their danger and to request the aid of the Governor-General. After the siege had continued for three months, the Portuguese fleet fortunately made its appearance, having on board the new governor. The authorities of Olinda lost no time in sending on board to inform him that Recife was in the hands of mutineers; but the commandant of that place had been beforehand with them in going on board in person. Machado entered Recife, and on the following day took possession of his government at Olinda. He then proceeded to institute a fair inquiry into past circumstances, listening impartially to all parties. The principal offenders were then arrested and sent to Lisbon, where two of them received the sentence of banishment for life to India, the others being permitted to return to Brazil. The consequences of this civil war were severely felt by many of the chief families of Pernambuco.

Hitherto Rio de Janeiro had for many years escaped its share of the troubles with which the other chief centres of Brazilian colonization were visited in turn. In the year, however, preceding that which witnessed the above-mentioned events at Recife, the future capital of Brazil had been the scene of war. Five large ships were reported as being seen off Cape Frio. As they approached the shore the customary signals were given, but were left unanswered; and all doubts as to their nature were removed upon the capture by them of a small vessel, within sight of the forts. They indeed proved to be a French squadron under the command of M. du Clerc, the object of which was to plunder the city which had at one time seemed destined to belong to France, and which was now supposed to contain much of the produce of the recently-found mines.

There was at this time at Rio de Janeiro a force of no less than eight thousand troops, not including five thousand armed negroes and mulattoes and six hundred Indians. Yet no attempt was made to prevent the French from landing at a spot about forty miles from that city, although their force consisted of only about twelve hundred and fifty marines. They were permitted to march leisurely through the woods, the governor contenting himself with taking up an entrenched position near the hill of S. Antonio. His proceedings had the effect of giving the French a false confidence. They were, however, attacked by one scouting party and lost a few men. On arriving near the city, they were allowed to pass the night undisturbed at the plantation of the Jesuits. Next morning, however, they met with a resolute resistance from a detachment headed by a Friar named Menezes, who greatly distinguished himself on this occasion.

On entering the city, the French force was divided into two parties, the smaller of which was cut off, the men being quickly dispersed and yielding to panic. The governor’s palace was defended by a number of students, and was vigorously attacked by the main body of the French, in the hope of capturing the governor. A sharp conflict ensued, and the French leader was glad to retire with the remainder of his men into a large warehouse on the quay. He was under the belief that his other detachment had gained the city, being deluded by the ringing of the bells on account of its defeat. In this condition he had no alternative but to surrender at discretion. The success of the Portuguese was soiled by much cruelty towards their prisoners. A number of men who asked for quarter were killed by the rabble; whilst about a hundred and fifty were massacred in the streets. In all, about four hundred of the French were killed; two hundred and fifty were wounded; and six hundred were made prisoners. Of the Portuguese, one hundred and twenty fell; many, it is said, at the hands of their own countrymen in the confusion.

The whole history of this affair reflects very little credit either on the Portuguese governor or on the inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro. With so large a force at his disposal, it should have been easy for the former to bring the invaders to account in a much shorter time and with far less loss to himself; as regards the populace, they are even charged by the French with having murdered the surgeons who were sent on shore from the French ships, by permission of the governor, to attend their wounded countrymen; whilst, some months later, M. du Clerc himself was found murdered in his house. The latter act was probably the result of private vengeance; but much blame was attached to the Portuguese authorities for having failed to institute any inquiry into the matter.

The inhumanity with which the prisoners had been treated, together with the supineness of the provincial authorities in the matter of M. du Clerc’s death, roused, as might have been expected, much indignation in France. The celebrated Du Guay-Trouin proposed to undertake an expedition to Brazil, to assert the national honour. The force placed at his disposal consisted of fifteen vessels in all, the two largest carrying seventy-four guns each. The French admiral set sail from La Rochelle on the 9th of June 1711; but he did not arrive off Bahia until the 27th of the following August, and it was the 11th of September before he reached his destination.

The preparation of so extensive a naval force, although it was got ready with as much secrecy as possible, could not be unknown to the Portuguese Government; and accordingly the departure of the Brazilian fleet had been expedited, under a strong convoy. The fleet had reached Rio early in September; and thus the arrival of the French might have been looked for. Yet, after the lapse of some days, the Portuguese admiral, Da Costa, concluding that he had received a false alarm, relanded the men whom he had placed on board of the ships for the protection of the city, and relapsed into a false security. On the 10th, it was known that the enemy’s fleet had passed Cape Frio; and on the morning of the 12th, in the midst of a thick fog, their artillery was heard at the bar of the magnificent bay. The French, who were led by an officer acquainted with the port, passed the forts with the loss of three hundred men, and by noon were off the city. The incapable admiral, who had not had sufficient patience to persevere in the measures necessary to withstand an invasion of which he had ample warning, now lost his presence of mind. The commanders of his vessels received orders to cut their cables and to set fire to their ships when they had run them on shore.

The French commander took advantage of the ensuing night to make his preparations; and on the following morning he took possession of the island of Cobras, which the Portuguese were preparing to abandon. On the 14th he landed his troops, three thousand three hundred in number, not including five hundred suffering from scurvy, who were soon able to resume their duties. The governor renewed his tactics of the preceding year. Although his force was double that of the French, he allowed the latter to pursue their measures without the slightest opposition. He probably looked for a similar result, should the French admiral follow the example of Du Clerc in allowing his men to engage in a street fight; but the latter was warned by the fate of his countrymen.

Having erected one battery on shore, and another on the island of Cobras, Du Guay-Trouin summoned the governor to surrender at discretion, stating that he had been sent by his master to exact vengeance for the cruelties committed by the Portuguese in the preceding year. To this De Castro replied that the preceding expedition had been treated according to the laws of war, to which they had no claim, seeing that they had invaded Brazil as pirates, and without the King’s commission. He had saved six hundred lives from the fury of the people; nor had he been wanting in any respect towards his prisoners. It had, he said, been impossible to discover the murderer of M. du Clerc. To the summons to surrender he made answer that he was ready to defend to the last the city which had been entrusted to him by his King.

On the day after the receipt of this reply, the French admiral bombarded the Portuguese intrenchments, and prepared to assault them on the following morning. An accidental discovery of his movements during the night, which was due to the vivid lightning, induced him to anticipate his plan; and the cannonade continued throughout the entire night. The inhabitants, notwithstanding the fury of a violent tropical thunderstorm, preferred to seek refuge in the country. The whole population fled, the troops likewise being seized with panic; and in the morning Rio de Janeiro fell without resistance into the hands of the French, five hundred of their lately-imprisoned countrymen being now engaged in pillaging the city, which was given up to a general sack. Notwithstanding all the efforts of the commander, three-fourths of the houses and magazines were broken open in the first twenty-four hours. So great was the confusion, that the Portuguese, had they taken advantage of the opportunity, might have a second time made a good account of their invaders; but no such effort was made on their part, and the forts were surrendered with disgraceful readiness.

The governor meanwhile intrenched himself about a league from the city, sending for assistance to the governor of Minas. The French commander, however, who had come for the sake of reprisals and of plunder, was only anxious to depart. Perceiving the difficulty of obtaining a store of provisions, he sent to inform the governor that unless the city were immediately ransomed he would burn it to the ground. As there was nothing to prevent the French admiral from carrying his threat into execution, De Castro offered to ransom the city for six hundred thousand cruzados. This proposal was at first rejected, but was ultimately accepted, with the additional condition of supplying a large number of cattle; the whole to be paid within fifteen days. De Castro had shown, as might have been expected from him, but little discretion in the matter; for on the day following the signature of the agreement, Albuquerque arrived from Minas with one thousand five hundred horsemen, and as many foot-soldiers carried behind them; they were followed at a day or two’s distance by six thousand negroes. It is somewhat surprising that this able and independent officer, commanding a force double that of the French in number, should not have attacked them on his own account. The terms of the agreement, however, were punctually observed; and, on the 4th of November, the French re-embarked.

It may be of interest to recount the subsequent fate of this expedition, which, it should be remarked, was fitted out, not at the expense of the Crown of France, but at that of six persons who entered into it as a speculation; five of them being merchants of St. Malo, and the sixth the Comptroller of the King’s Household. The expenses of the outfit had been calculated at 1,200,000 livres. The project had been duly approved by the Government, whose ships and troops were placed at the commander’s disposal. This officer was so elated with his success at Rio de Janeiro, that he set sail for Bahia, with the intention of laying that place likewise under requisition. It was saved by the contrary winds against which Du Guay-Trouin had to struggle for six weeks, when, on account of the state of his provisions, he found it necessary to make for France. In the tempestuous weather which they encountered on the homeward voyage, two vessels of the squadron foundered, one of them being the finest ship of the fleet, and commanded by M. de Courserac, who had led the way into the harbour of Rio, and whose vessel contained a very large amount of treasure. A third vessel was driven to Cayenne, and there sank. There remained, however, to the partners a profit of ninety-two per cent. on their capital.

Francisco de Castro, the governor of Rio de Janeiro, was not at the end of his troubles with the departure of the French. The people, who had lost so much property as well as honour owing to his ill-fortune or mismanagement, declined to be any longer ruled by him, and insisted that Albuquerque should assume the authority until the King’s pleasure should be known. The King’s pleasure was, that De Castro should be superseded and placed upon his trial; he was degraded, and sentenced to perpetual imprisonment in a fort in India. Two other officers were likewise severely punished.