‘Item, they ordain, that the bishop of Liege may, each year, at the expiration of the shrievalty, appoint such sheriffs as he shall please, or re-appoint those of the preceding year, or others according to his good pleasure, provided they are not any way connected by blood, as has been before mentioned. All disputes respecting the persons or fortunes of the inhabitants of the different towns having sheriffs, shall be brought before their jurisdictions,—and at the end of the year, the sheriffs shall be bound to render an account of their administration before their lord, the bishop of Liege, or his deputies, and before one commissary deputed by the chapter, and another on the part of the different churches.
‘Item, they ordain, that all guilds and fraternities in the city of Liege, and in all the other towns, shall henceforth cease and be annulled; and that the banners of the above guilds in Liege shall be delivered up to commissaries, on an appointed day that shall be made known to them; and the banners of the other towns shall be brought by the inhabitants to a certain place on an appointed day, to the commissioners named to receive them, and who shall do with them as they may judge expedient.
‘Item, they also ordain, that in the above city, and in the towns within the said bishoprick, no one shall be reputed a citizen unless he shall have really resided within such town in which he shall claim his right of citizenship. And all such rights of citizenship are for the present annulled; for although there may be resident citizens in the aforesaid towns, they cannot, in such right, claim any moveables by reason of inheritance, without the cognizance of the lords under whom such persons have lived, and in whose territory such inheritances are situated.
‘Item, they ordain, that from this moment, and in times to come, the towns of Huy, Dinant, and others within the territory of Liege, the country of Los, the country of Hasbane, and all within the jurisdiction of Liege, shall no longer call together any assembly, or congregation of people, under pretence of holding councils or otherwise, without the consent of their aforesaid bishop and lord, or of the chapter of Liege, should the bishoprick at the time be vacant.
‘Item, they ordain, that the bishop of Liege, or any others having the government of the said territory and its dependancies, shall never bear arms against the king or kings of France, their successors; nor against the two said dukes, their successors in the said duchies and counties; nor against the count de Namur for the time being, or his successors; nor against any of the countries, of the aforesaid, except when ordered by the emperor, and only when the emperor shall be himself present: provided, nevertheless, that the king of France and the above-mentioned persons do not invade the territories of the bishop and chapter of Liege.
‘Item, they likewise ordain, that in perpetual remembrance of this victory, and the conquest made over them by the above two dukes, they and their successors shall have a free passage, whenever they may choose to cross the river Meuse, through all towns in the territory of Liege, fortified or not, and with a body of men at arms or with few attendants according to their pleasure,—provided they do not permit any of the inhabitants of the said towns, villages, or country through which they shall pass, to be any way molested by their men,—and provisions shall be found them for their money, without demanding higher prices for the articles than they are usually sold for.
‘Item, they ordain, that the coin of the aforesaid dukes and their successors shall have free currency throughout the territories and dependancies of the bishop and chapter of Liege.
‘Item, they ordain, that a chapel shall be erected on the spot where the last victory was gained, and funds allotted for the support of four chaplains and two priests; and the said chapels shall be furnished with chasubles, chalices, and other ornaments for celebrating mass and such other divine services as shall be thought advisable for the eternal welfare of the souls of those who were slain in that battle. The nomination to the above benefices shall remain with the two dukes, according to regulations which they shall hereafter make between themselves,—the Liegeois only to be once at the expense of providing this chapel with sacred vessels and ornaments. The bishop of Liege shall allot from his revenues two hundred golden crowns of annual rent for the support of the four chaplains and two priests; that is to say, for each chaplain forty crowns, for each priest ten crowns, and for the repairs of the chapel twenty crowns.
‘Item, the said dukes will, that on the twenty-third day of every month of September, on which day the battle took place, a mass shall be celebrated to the blessed Virgin, with great solemnity, by the provost or dean of the church of St Lambert, in Liege, who shall chaunt it in the choir and at the grand altar, in commemoration of this victory, and for the welfare of the souls of those who fell in battle. The same shall be required of all the churches and chapels to monasteries, as well for men as women, within the said town of Liege, as of all others within its jurisdiction.
‘Item, the said dukes require from the bishop of Liege and the chapter, that they strictly enjoin such services to be regularly performed on every twenty-third day of September throughout the diocese; and that all priests, after the performing of this service, shall be suffered peaceably to return to their homes.
‘Item, they ordain, that the bishop of Liege and his successors, and such as may have the government of the country in times of a vacancy in the see, and the members of the chapter of Liege, shall appoint such governor of the castle of Huy as they shall approve of: in which castle, likewise, they shall not place a greater garrison, nor more stores of provision, than they shall judge expedient, like as an upright lord shall determine. They also insist on having a free ingress and regress into and from the town of Huy and the adjacent country. They likewise ordain the same regulations respecting the castles of Escoquehen15 and Bouillon, as to their governors, garrisons and stores.
‘Item, the aforesaid dukes ordain, that should any one, however high his rank, attempt, by force, or otherwise, to deprive those of such gifts and preferments in the church, or any other offices for life, as have been usually granted by the bishops of Liege and their predecessors, the members of the chapter of Liege shall be bound to restore, and defend them in, their possessions to the utmost of their power, without any fraud whatever.
‘Item, as there are still living many perverse conspirators, who are now fugitives from the territories of Liege and county of Los, and have retired into the neighbouring countries, where they have been received, the dukes aforesaid will appoint proper commissioners to make inquiry whither such wicked persons have gone, and publish their names. On the discovery of the places to which they have withdrawn, applications shall be made to the princes and lords thereof, that they may be surrendered to the bishop of Liege, for him to inflict on them the punishments due to their deserts, or at least that such princes and lords may drive them out of their respective countries. But should these lords refuse to comply, or to do justice on such conspirators, they shall be for ever banished from the bishoprick of Liege, the county of Los, and their dependancies, as conspirators and movers of sedition; and it shall be proclaimed throughout the above countries, that no one receive them within their houses, but deliver them up to justice, should any attempt to return, demanding assistance from their lord, should there be a necessity for it. Should they be unable to arrest them, they shall denounce them to the nearest officers of justice, under pain of suffering corporal punishment, and having their fortunes confiscated, as would have been done to such conspirators and rebels. While exerting themselves in the performance of this duty, should they accidentally put to death any of such rebels, no consequences shall ensue to their loss.
‘Item, they ordain that the walls of the castle of Thuin, with its gates and towers, be razed, as well the part toward the town as that toward the mountain, and the ditches filled up.
‘Item, the same to be done to the town of Fosse and to the town and castle of Commun,—which towns shall not be repaired. And in like manner shall all the posts on the river Sambre be destroyed, the ditches filled, and neither they nor the towns shall be ever again repaired, so that they may serve for places of defence to the inhabitants, on any pretence, in future times.
‘Item, the gates, walls and towers of Dinant shall be pulled down, as well on the opposite side of the Meuse as on this; and the inhabitants shall never rebuild them again.
‘Item, the inhabitants of the said towns of Thuin, Fosse, Commun and Dinant, or any persons from other towns, shall not rebuild or repair the fortified places between or on the two rivers Sambre and Meuse, on the road to Namur.
‘Item, one of the gates of Tongres shall also be razed, namely, that which leads to Maestricht, with forty feet of wall on each side of the said gate, without a possibility of its ever being re-erected. The town of Tongres shall likewise, at its own expense, cause to be filled up the trenches they had opened before the said town, when they besieged their lord within it, because they had put the country of Liege under heavy taxes, and had subjugated it.
‘And whereas it is notorious, that very great losses have attended this subjugation, the aforesaid dukes will, that an aid be levied on this city, and the towns before mentioned, to the amount of two hundred and twenty thousand golden crowns, which shall be raised as soon as may be, being levied in proportion to the comparative riches of each inhabitant.
‘Item, in case any of the hostages shall die before all the articles of this treaty are completed, the aforesaid lords will, that the town or district whence such hostage or hostages shall have been sent, do instantly furnish others of the same rank and property as those who have died.
‘Item, they ordain, that when this treaty shall be properly engrossed, the bishop of Liege, his chapter, and the principal inhabitants, shall come to sign it, and engage, that should any articles of it be not completed according to the exact tenor of the terms, then for each omission or neglect the bishop, his successors, the chapter and chief towns shall forfeit two hundred thousand golden crowns of the coin of the king of France, or other florins of gold of France, of the value of the aforesaid crowns. That is to say, fifty thousand to the then emperor or king of the Romans; to the king of France fifty thousand; and to each of the said dukes the like sum;—the whole to be levied on the lands and moveables of the said Liegeois, by seizure of their goods and bodies wherever they may be.
‘They are likewise to signify their consent, that should obstacles be thrown in the way by any of the said towns to prevent the articles of the said treaty from being carried into effect, the bishop of Liege, and the archbishop of Cologne for the time being, shall be the arbitrators between such towns,—and their decision shall be final.
‘When a legal pope shall be elected, and his authority over the whole church of God be acknowledged, then such as make opposition to the execution of the above treaty shall be laid under an interdict, which shall not be taken off, until sufficient reparation be made, and the aforesaid pecuniary forfeitures be paid.
‘Should any of the towns, or their inhabitants, offer any insult, in contradiction to the above treaty, to either of the said dukes or their successors, the bishop of Liege, or his vicar in his absence, the chapter and citizens shall be required to constrain the offenders to make full reparation within one month from the time of complaint being made. And should such reparation not be made within the month, as aforesaid, after the summons to that effect has been delivered, the country shall be liable to the same fines as before mentioned.
‘The dukes of Burgundy and of Holland order, that all these articles be fairly engrossed, and then sealed with their seals, and then given to the lord bishop of Liege, or to his chapter, with a copy for the city of Liege and one for each principal town. In return, the bishop and the towns shall give to the dukes aforesaid letters signed with their great seals acknowledging the receipt of the above treaty, and promising obedience to all the articles of it, and binding themselves to the fines therein mentioned.
‘As many noble persons and others, as well secular as ecclesiastic, have presented many petitions to complain of the great losses they have suffered during the late rebellion, and specifying their particular grievances,—the dukes aforesaid, not having had time to examine them with the attention they deserve, will have them examined with all possible speed, and will attend to each of them.’
The whole of the above, having been written out fair, was, by the command of the two dukes aforesaid, publicly proclaimed in the great hall at Lille, and in their presence, the 24th day of October, in the year 1408.
THE KING OF FRANCE HOLDS A GRAND COUNCIL AT PARIS, TO CONSIDER ON THE MANNER OF PROCEEDING AGAINST THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY FOR THE MURDER OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS.
During the expedition of the duke of Burgundy against the Liegeois, a great many of the principal lords were, by the king’s orders, assembled at Paris. Among them were, Louis king of Sicily, Charles king of Navarre, the duke of Brittany, the duke of Bourbon, and several others, the greater part of whom were friendly to the duchess-dowager of Orleans and her children in their prosecution of the duke of Burgundy. Many councils were held as to the manner in which the king should proceed against the duke of Burgundy, who was the principal actor in this murder, as has been before explained.
It was at length determined in these councils, that a most rigorous prosecution, in conformity to the laws, should be carried on against him; and should he refuse to obey, the king, with all his subjects and vassals, should march, with as great a force as could be raised, against him, to bring him and his abettors to due obedience.
At the same time, at the solicitations of the duchess of Orleans and her children, the king annulled all his letters of pardon which he had formerly granted to the duke of Burgundy, and declared them of no weight, in the presence of the queen, the duke of Acquitaine, the princes of the blood, and the whole of the council. The duchess demanded and obtained letters, confirming this renunciation of the pardon; after which, she and her daughter-in-law, wife to the young duke of Orleans, left Paris, and returned to Blois.
Not long after this, news came to Paris of the great victory which the duke of Burgundy had gained over the Liegeois. This was confirmed by the return of the king’s ambassadors, sir Guichard Daulphin and sir William de Tignonville, who, as has been related, were present at the battle, and gave to the king and the lords then in Paris a most circumstantial account of it. On hearing this, several who had been most violent against the duke of Burgundy, now hung their heads, and began to be of a contrary opinion to what they had before held, fearing the steadiness, boldness and power of the duke, who was said to have a mind equal to the support of any misfortunes that should happen to him, and which would encourage him to oppose and conquer all attempts of his adversaries. In short, all the measures that had been adopted against him were dropped, and the men at arms were ordered to return to the places whence they had come.
Ambassadors had arrived from England to treat of a peace, or a truce for one year, between the kings of England and of France, which having obtained, they set out on their return, through Amiens and Boulogne, to Calais. On the road, they heard of the grand victory of the duke of Burgundy, which surprised them very much,—and they gave him the surname of ‘Jean sans peur.’
The duke of Burgundy was very active in attaching to his party noblemen and warriors from all countries, to strengthen himself against his enemies, of whom he was given to understand that he had many. He held on this subject several consultations with his two brothers and brothers-in-law, namely, duke William of Holland and John of Bavaria, to which were admitted his most trusty friends; and they deliberated long on the manner in which he should now carry himself. It was at length finally concluded, that he should openly oppose all, excepting the king of France and the duke of Acquitaine; and those present promised him aid and support with all the power of their vassals, on these terms.
THE KING OF FRANCE IS CARRIED, BY THE PRINCES OF THE BLOOD, TO TOURS IN TOURAINE.——PEACE IS MADE IN THE TOWN OF CHARTRES.—THE DEATH OF THE DOWAGER DUCHESS OF ORLEANS.
The king of France left Paris, accompanied by the kings of Sicily and Navarre, the queen, the duke of Acquitaine, the dukes of Berry and Bourbon, who, with others of the blood-royal, conducted him, under the escort of a large body of men at arms, to Tours in Touraine, as his place of residence,—to the great displeasure of the inhabitants of Paris, who were so much troubled thereat that they barricadoed the streets with chains. They hastily sent to inform the duke of Burgundy, at Lille, of the king’s departure, giving him to understand that the greater part of those who had carried him away from Paris were not well inclined towards him.
This intelligence was not very agreeable to the duke, for he suspected that the king had only been conducted to Tours that his enemies might carry their measures against him more securely; for the lords who had the government knew well that the Parisians loved the duke of Burgundy, and would not that any other should have the government of the kingdom, believing, from the hints he had thrown out, that when in power he would abolish all gabelles and other taxes which oppressed the people.
The duke of Burgundy first consulted the dukes of Brabant and of Holland, and other steady friends, and then remanded his men at arms from Burgundy, who were on their march to their own country from Liege, and assembled another body from various parts. He advanced to Roye, in the Vermandois, where he mustered his men, and then marched them toward Paris. He quartered himself, on the 23d day of November, in the town of St Denis, and his forces in the adjacent country. On the morrow, as he was advancing with his men at arms in array toward Paris, two thousand or more combatants sallied out thence, and conducted him, with every mark of honour, to his hôtel of Artois.
Many of the Parisians sung carols in the squares, although all rejoicings had been strictly forbidden on his arrival, to avoid increasing the envy of the princes of the blood. Some of the king’s servants said to those who were singing carols, ‘You may otherwise show your joy for his arrival, but you ought not thus to sing.’ Notwithstanding this, all the principal citizens, and those in authority, showed him as much honour and respect as if he had been king himself.
A few days afterward, duke William, count of Hainault, arrived at Paris, well accompanied by unarmed men, and, at the request of the duke of Burgundy, set out for Tours, attended by the lords de Croy, de St George, de la Viefville, d’Olhaz, and others of the council of the duke, to negotiate his peace with the king, and the lords who had carried him from Paris. The count of Hainault was most honourably received at Tours by the king, the queen, and the other great lords; for the marriage had taken place between John duke of Touraine, second son to the king, and the daughter of the duke of Burgundy: he was also nearly related to the queen.
On the conclusion of the feasts made on his arrival, the count of Hainault and those who had accompanied him opened, in full council, the business of their mission, namely, to make peace for the duke of Burgundy. After many discussions, it was resolved, that the king should send certain persons, selected by him, to hold a conference with the duke of Burgundy at Paris, and point out to him the means of his regaining the good graces of the king.
Duke Louis of Bavaria, brother to the queen, Montagu grand master of the king’s household, and other experienced counsellors, were nominated for this purpose; and they returned with the count de Hainault to Paris, when what had passed was told to the duke of Burgundy.
As all the circumstances of this treaty were not agreeable to the duke, and as he had many suspicions respecting Montagu, he was not disposed to receive the negotiators in the way they were sent to him. He even personally made many reproaches to Montagu, who bore them patiently, excusing himself for any thing that had passed. The treaty, however, having been altered and corrected, was sent back to the king at Tours, and in the end agreed to in the manner you shall hear.
While these negotiations were going forward, and before their conclusion, the duchess-dowager of Orleans, daughter to Galeazzo duke of Milan, died in the town of Blois, broken-hearted at not having been able to obtain justice from the king and council against the duke of Burgundy for the murder of her late lord and husband, Louis duke of Orleans. The duke of Burgundy was much rejoiced at this event, for the duchess had bitterly carried on her prosecution against him.
Her heart was buried at Paris, near that of her husband, and her body in the church of the canons at Blois. After her death, Charles, her eldest son, was duke of Orleans and of Valois, count of Blois and of Beaumont, lord of Coni and of Ast, with many other lordships:—Philip, the second son, was count of Vertus,—and John, the youngest, was named count of Angoulême. These three brothers, and one sister, thus became orphans, but they had been very well educated; yet, by the deaths of the duke and duchess of Orleans, they were much weakened in support and advice,—and several of the king’s ministers were not so zealous to prosecute the duke of Burgundy as they had been. This was very apparent in the negotiations which took place some little time after the death of the duchess, between the duke of Burgundy and the children of Orleans; for although the treaty sent by the king was not wholly to the liking of the duke, as has been said, yet it was so corrected that the parties accepted of it, in the following terms:
First, it was ordered by the king and his great council, that the duke of Burgundy should depart from Paris with his men at arms, and return to his own country, where he was to remain until a certain day, namely, the first Wednesday in February, when he was to meet the king at the town of Chartres, accompanied only by one hundred gentlemen at arms, and the children of Orleans with fifty. It was also ordered, that duke William, count of Hainault, should have under his command four hundred of the king’s men at arms, to preserve the peace. It was also ordered, that the duke of Burgundy, when he appeared before the king, should be attended by one of his council, who should repeat the words he was to say; and the duke, in confirmation of them, was to add, ‘We will and agree that it should be thus.’
Afterward, according to the tenor of the treaty, the king was to say to the duke of Burgundy, ‘We will, that the count de Vertus, our nephew, have one of your daughters in marriage.’ The duke was by this treaty to assign over to his daughter three thousand livres parisis yearly, and give her one hundred and fifty thousand golden francs.
When this treaty had been concluded, duke William set out from Paris for Hainault; and shortly after, the duke of Burgundy disbanded his men at arms, and left Paris to go to Lille, whither he had summoned the duke of Brabant his brother, duke William and the bishop of Liege, his brothers-in-law, and many other great lords.
At this period, there was a great quarrel between the duke of Brabant and duke William. It was caused by the father of duke William having borrowed in former times from the late duchess of Brabant one hundred and fifty thousand florins to carry on a war against some of his rebellious subjects in Holland, which sum the duke of Brabant had claimed as belonging to him. He had in consequence, by the advice of his Brabanters, taken possession of a castle called Heusden16, situated between Brabant and Holland.
The duke of Burgundy took great pains to make up the quarrel between these two princes, that they might the more effectually assist him in his plans, which were very extensive. After this business had been settled, and the parties had separated, duke William assembled in Hainault, according to the king of France’s orders, four hundred men at arms and as many archers. The principal lords among them were, the counts de Namur, de Conversant and de Salmes. The duke of Burgundy, conformably to the treaty, set out, the day after Ash-Wednesday, attended by his son-in-law the count de Penthievre17, and lay at Bapaume. Thence he went to Paris, with duke William, the above-named lords, the count de St Pol, the count de Vaudemont18, and several others of the nobility.
On Saturday, the 2d day of March, they arrived all together at the town of Gallardon, four leagues distant from Chartres. The Wednesday following, duke William of Holland advanced with his body of forces to Chartres, where the king then was. On the ensuing Saturday, the duke of Burgundy set out from Gallardon, to wait on the king, escorted by six hundred men at arms; but when he approached Chartres, he dismissed them all, excepting one hundred light horsemen, in compliance with the treaty, and thus entered Chartres about ten o’clock in the morning, riding strait to the church as far as the cloisters of the canons, where he was lodged.
At this same time, the duke of Orleans, in company with his brother the count de Vertus, and, according to the treaty, attended by only fifty men at arms, entered the church of our Lady at Chartres, with the king their uncle, the queen, the duke of Acquitaine, and several princes of the blood.
That the king and lords might not be pressed upon by the spectators, and that all might plainly see the ceremony, a scaffolding was erected in the church, on which the king was seated near the crucifix. Round him were placed the queen, the dauphin and dauphiness, daughter to the duke of Burgundy, the kings of Sicily and Navarre, the dukes of Berry and Bourbon; the cardinal de Bar, the marquis du Pont his brother, the archbishop of Sens, and the bishop of Chartres, with other counts, prelates, and the family of Orleans were behind the king. At the entrance of the church, by the king’s orders, were a body of men at arms drawn up in battle-array.
It was not long before the duke of Burgundy entered the church, and on his advancing toward the king, all the lords, excepting the king, queen and dauphin, rose up from their seats. The duke, on his approach to the king, kneeled down with his advocate the lord d’Ollehaing, who repeated to the king the following words:
‘Sire, behold here my lord of Burgundy, your subject and cousin, who is thus come before you, because he has heard you are angry with him, for the action he has committed against the person of the late duke of Orleans your brother, for the good of yourself and your kingdom,—the truth of which he is ready to declare and prove to you, whenever you shall please. My lord, therefore, entreats of you, in the most humble manner possible, that you would be pleased to withdraw from him your anger, and restore him to your good graces.’ When the lord d’Ollehaing had said this, the duke of Burgundy himself addressed the king, saying, ‘Sire, I entreat this of you:’—when instantly the duke of Berry, seeing the king made no reply, bade the duke of Burgundy retire some paces behind,—which being done, the duke of Berry, kneeling before the king, said something to him in a low voice,—and immediately the dauphin, the kings of Sicily and Navarre, with the duke of Berry, knelt down to the king, and said, ‘Sire, we supplicate that you would be pleased to listen to the prayer of your cousin the duke of Burgundy.’ The king answered them, ‘We will that it be so,—and we grant it from our love to you.’
The duke of Burgundy then approached the king, who said to him,—‘Fair cousin, we grant your request, and pardon you fully for what you have done.’ After this, he advanced, with the lord d’Ollehaing, toward the children of Orleans, who, as I have said, were behind the king weeping much.
The lord d’Ollehaing addressed them, saying, ‘My lords, behold the duke of Burgundy, who entreats of you to withdraw from your hearts whatever hatred or revenge you may harbour within them, for the act perpetrated against the person of my lord of Orleans, your father, and that henceforward ye may remain good friends.’ The duke of Burgundy then added, ‘And I beg this of you.’ No answer being made, the king commanded them to accede to the request of his fair cousin the duke of Burgundy. Upon which they replied, ‘Sire, since you are pleased to command us, we grant him his request, and shall extinguish all the hatred we bore him; for we should be sorry to disobey you in any thing that may give you pleasure.’
The cardinal de Bar then, by the king’s orders, brought an open Bible, on which the two parties, namely, the two sons of the late duke of Orleans and the duke of Burgundy swore on the holy evangelists, touching them with their hands, that they would mutually preserve a firm peace towards each other, without any open or secret attempts contrary to the full meaning of their oaths. When this was done, the king said, ‘We will that henceforth ye be good friends; and I most strictly enjoin, that neither of you attempt any thing to the loss or hurt of the other, nor against any persons who are attached to you, or who may have given you advice or assistance; and that you show no hatred against any one on this occasion, under pain of offending against our royal authority,—excepting, however, those who actually committed this murder, who shall be for ever banished from our kingdom.’
After this speech of the king, these princes again swore they would faithfully abide by their treaty. The duke of Burgundy then advanced to salute the wife of the dauphin, the duke of Acquitaine; and about an hour after this ceremony had taken place the duke took his leave of the king, queen, and the lords present, and set out from Chartres for Gallardon, where he dined. Many who were there were very much rejoiced that matters had gone off so well; but others were displeased, and murmured, saying, that henceforward it would be no great offence to murder a prince of the blood, since those who had done so were so easily acquitted, without making any reparation, or even begging pardon.
The duke of Orleans and his brother shortly after took leave of the king, queen, dauphin, and the lords of the court, and returned, with their attendants, to Blois, whence they had come, not well satisfied, any more than their council, with the peace that had been made.
The marquis du Pont, son to the duke of Bar, and cousin to the duke of Burgundy, who before this day was not beloved by him, on account of the murder of the duke of Orleans, followed him to Gallardon, where they dined publicly together in great friendship and concord. About two o’clock in the afternoon duke William, the count de St Pol, and other great lords, visited the duke of Burgundy at his lodgings in Gallardon, and then returned together toward Paris.
The king, the queen, the dauphin, and the other kings, princes and cardinals, arrived at Paris on Mid-Lent Sunday; and the dukes of Burgundy and of Holland, with the cardinal de Bordeaux, who was at that time in Paris, on his way to the council of Pisa, went out to meet them, followed by upwards of two hundred thousand Parisians of both sexes, eager to receive the king, singing carols, as he entered the gates, and conducting him with great rejoicings to his palace.
They were very happy that the king was returned to Paris, and also that a peace had been concluded respecting the death of the late duke of Orleans. They attributed the whole to the great mercy of God, who had permitted that such strong symptoms of a civil war should be so readily extinguished; but they did not foresee or consider the consequences that ensued.
The greater part of the Parisians were obstinately attached to the duke of Burgundy, through the hope that by his means all the most oppressive taxes would be abolished; but they did not see clearly all the mischiefs that afterward befel the kingdom and themselves,—for in a very short time, as you shall hear, a most cruel contention broke out between the families of Orleans and Burgundy.
THE QUEEN OF SPAIN DIES DURING THE SITTING OF THE COUNCIL AT PISA.—THE MARRIAGE OF THE KING OF DENMARK, NORWAY AND SWEDEN.
In this year died the queen of Spain19, sister to Henry king of England, and mother to the young king of Spain and queen of Portugal. The Spaniards after her death sent home all the english servants, male and female, belonging to the late queen, who returned to England in much grief and sorrow at heart.
At this same season, great numbers of prelates, archbishops, bishops and abbots, set out from various countries of Christendom to attend the council at Pisa which was assembling to restore union to the church, which had for a long time suffered a schism, to the great displeasure of many princes and well-inclined persons.
About this same period, Henry20 king of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, took to wife the daughter of Henry king of England. These kingdoms were put into the hands of the king of Denmark by their queen, who divested herself of all power and profit over them in favour of king Henry.
THE KING OF FRANCE HAS A SEVERE RETURN OF HIS DISORDER.—THE MARRIAGE OF THE COUNT DE NEVERS WITH THE DAMSEL OF COUCY.—THE WAR OF AMÉ DE VIRY, A SAVOYARD, WITH THE DUKE OF BOURBON.
At the beginning of this year, Charles king of France was much oppressed with his usual disorder. On this account, when the kings of Navarre and Sicily, and the duke of Berry, had properly provided, in conjunction with the duke of Burgundy, for the state of the king, and the government of the realm, they went to visit their own territories. In like manner, the duke of Burgundy, went to the marriage of his brother Philip count of Nevers, who took to wife the damsel of Coucy, daughter to sir Enguerrand de Coucy21, formerly lord and count of Soissons, and niece by the mother’s side to the duke of Lorraine and to the count de Vaudemont; which marriage was celebrated in the town of Soissons.
This ceremony was performed on Saint George’s day, and the feasts and entertainments lasted for three days afterward. There were present the duchess of Lorraine22 and the countess of Vaudemont23, who had come expressly thither to do honour to the lady of Coucy and her daughter.
When these feasts were over, the duke of Burgundy, attended by his son-in-law the count de Penthievre, set out for Burgundy; and shortly after, the count de Nevers conducted his wife, and the duchess of Lorraine and the countess of Vaudemont, to his county of Rethel, where she was received with every token of joy.
During this time, the duke of Bourbon was challenged by Amé de Viry, a Savoyard, and a poor blade in comparison with the duke of Bourbon; nevertheless, he committed much damage by fire and sword in the countries of Bresse and Beaujolois. The duke was very indignant at this, and assembled a large body of men at arms and archers to punish and conquer him. He ordered his son, the count de Clermont, to lead on the van, and he speedily followed in person.
In his company were the counts de la Marche and de Vendôme, the lord d’Albret, constable of France, Louis de Baviere, brother to the queen, Montagu, grand master of the king’s household, the lord de la Heuse and many more great lords, who advanced with a numerous body of men to the county of Beaujolois.
Amé de Viry was informed of the great force which the duke of Bourbon was marching against him, and dared not wait his arrival; for he had not strength enough to garrison the forts he had taken. On his retreat, he marched to a town called Bourg-en-Bresse, which belonged to the earl of Savoy, his lord. The earl, however, would not support him against his great uncle, the duke of Bourbon, but gave him up, on condition that Amé should make every amends in his power for the mischiefs he had done, and should surrender himself to one of the prisons of the duke, until he should have completely made him satisfaction, but that no harm of any sort should be done to his person.
The duke of Bourbon gladly received him, and thanked his nephew for his friendship.—This caused a quarrel of some standing to be made up; for the earl of Savoy had declared his great uncle owed him homage for his lands of Beaujolois, which he would not pay,—but now the dispute was mutually referred by them to the duke of Berry.
When these matters were concluded, the duke of Bourbon returned to France, and disbanded his forces. Some time after, by means which Viry made use of with the duke, he obtained his liberty. Waleran count de St Pol intended being of this expedition with the duke of Bourbon, and raised a large force; but on marching near Paris, he was ordered not to proceed further, and to return to the frontiers of the Boulonois, where he had been specially commissioned by the king.
TWO COMBATS TAKE PLACE AT PARIS IN THE PRESENCE OF THE KING.——THE DEATH OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF RHEIMS.——THE COUNCIL AT PISA.
About Ascension-day, the king of France, who had been grievously ill, was restored to health,—and in consequence, the dukes of Berry, Burgundy, and Bourbon, with many other lords, instantly returned to Paris. Two combats were ordained to be fought in the square behind St Martin des Champs, in the presence of the king and the aforesaid lords. One was between a breton knight, called sir William Batailler, and an Englishman, named sir John Carmien, for a breach of faith.
When they were met, and Montjoye king at arms had proclaimed their challenges and the causes of them, in the accustomed manner, he bade them do their duty. Sir William, who was the appellant, issued first out of his pavilion, and marched proudly toward his adversary, who was advancing to meet him. They threw their lances without effect, and then made use of their swords: but in this last combat the Englishman was slightly wounded below his armour, when the king instantly put an end to the fight. They were both very honourably led out of the lists, and conducted to their lodgings.
The other combat was between the seneschal of Hainault and sir John Cornwall, an english knight of great renown, and who had married a sister to the king of England24. This combat was undertaken by the two knights at the desire of the duke of Burgundy, when at Lille, to show their prowess in running a few courses with the lance and giving some strokes with the battle-axe: but when the duke had caused the lists to be prepared, the two champions were ordered by the king to repair to Paris, and to perform their deeds of arms in his presence.
According to these orders, and on the appointed day, sir John Cornwall entered the lists first, very grandly equipped, and, galloping his horse around, came before the king, whom he gallantly saluted. He was followed by six little pages mounted on as many war-horses, the two first of which were covered with furniture of ermines, and the other four with cloth of gold. When he had made his obeisances, the pages retired without the lists.
Shortly after, the seneschal arrived, attended by the duke of Brabant and his brother, the count de Nevers, each holding a rein of his horse, on his right and left. The count de Clermont bore his battle-axe, and the count de Penthievre his lance. When he had made the circuit of the lists, and had saluted the king, as sir John Cornwall had done, they prepared to tilt with their lances; but as they were on the point of so doing, the king caused it to be proclaimed that they should not proceed in this matter, which was very displeasing to both of them, and forced them to return to their hôtels.
It was again proclaimed, by the king’s orders, that this deed of arms should not be carried further,—and that in future no one, under pain of capital punishment, should, throughout his realm, challenge another to a duel without a substantial cause.
When the king had magnificently feasted these two knights, and shown them much honour at his court, they departed, as it was said, for England, with the intention of completing their deed of arms.
During this time, the cardinal de Bar, son to the duke of Bar, and Guye de Roye, archbishop of Rheims, in company with master Peter d’Ailly, bishop of Cambray, and several other prelates and churchmen, were journeying to the general council which was to be held at Pisa, and took up their lodgings one night at a town called Voltri, on the sea-coast, about four leagues from Genoa. At this place the blacksmith of the archbishop had a quarrel with a blacksmith of the town, about the price of shoeing a horse, which proceeded from words to blows, and the archbishop’s blacksmith killed the other, and fled instantly for safety to the lodgings of his master.
The townsmen immediately rose,—and a great number of them came to revenge the death of their countryman. The archbishop, hearing of the cause of this tumult, left his chamber, and kindly addressed them, promising to have the injury immediately repaired, according to their wishes; and, the more to appease them, he delivered up his blacksmith into the hands of the magistrate of the place, who was a lieutenant of Boucicaut marshal of France, then governor of Genoa.
But this was of no avail,—for as the archbishop was speaking to them, without the door of his house, one of the mob thrust his javelin right through his body to the heart, so that he dropped down dead without uttering another word. It was a great pity, for he was a religious prelate, and of a noble family.
This deed, however, did not satisfy them; for instantly after they murdered the magistrate and the aforesaid blacksmith, and also endeavoured to force their way into the house, whither the cardinal de Bar and the greater part of the others had retired, in order to put them likewise to death.
They were, however, at length appeased by the principal inhabitants, and it was concluded that the cardinal should grant them his pardon for what they had done against him,—to which, indeed, he was induced by his attendants, from their fears of being all destroyed.
They never told him of the murder of the archbishop until he was gone two leagues from the town: on the hearing of it, he was so troubled, and sick at heart, that he was near falling off his mule. His attendants, notwithstanding, made him hasten his pace as much as they could; for they were alarmed for their lives, after the instances they had seen, and from the numbers of people they perceived descending the hills, and the accustomed signs they saw when a town is under any apprehension of danger, and the ringing of bells in the manner usual on these occasions.
These signals were sounded throughout the country, and the peasants were seen running down the hills to overtake them; but when they were arrived within a league of Genoa, the marshal Boucicaut25 came out with a handsome company to meet him. The cardinal made loud complaints to him of the outrages that had been committed on his people at the town of Voltri, and demanded that he would judicially inquire into it. The marshal replied, that he would make so severe an example of that town that all others should take warning from it.
The cardinal was then conducted into the city of Genoa, where he was made welcome by the churchmen and other inhabitants; and this same day the body of the archbishop of Rheims was brought thither, and honourably interred,—and his obsequies were performed in the principal church of Genoa.
Shortly after, the marshal Boucicaut punished most severely all whom he could apprehend that had committed these outrages, with their accomplices: they were put to death in various ways, and their houses also were razed to the ground, that these executions might serve for warnings to others never to commit such cruel murders.
The cardinal de Bar, with his companions, now set out from Genoa, and travelled, by easy day’s journies, to Pisa, where were assembled a prodigious number of cardinals, doctors in theology, and graduates in civil law and other sciences, ambassadors and prelates, in obedience to the two popes, from different kingdoms, and from all parts of Christendom.
After many councils had been held on the schism in the church, they came at last to this conclusion: they unanimously condemned the two rival popes as heretics, schismatics, obstinate in evil, and perturbators of the peace of our holy mother the church. This sentence was passed in the presence of twenty-four cardinals, at the gates of Pisa, before all the people, the 15th day of June, in the year aforesaid.
The same cardinals, after invoking the grace and assistance of the holy Spirit, entered into conclave, where they remained until the 16th day of the same month, when they finished their election. They chose Peter of Candia, so named from being a native of that island: he was of the order of Friars Minors, created a doctor in theology at Paris, archbishop of Milan and cardinal; and, when consecrated sovereign of the true and holy catholic church, he took the name of Pope Alexander V.
O, most powerful God! how great was the joy thus caused, through thy never-failing grace; for it is impossible to relate the shoutings and acclamations that resounded for more than a league round the city of Pisa. But what shall we say of the city of Paris? Why, when this joyful news was brought thither, on the 8th of July, they incessantly shouted, night and day, ‘Long live Alexander V. our pope!’ in all the squares and streets, and entertained all passengers with meat and drink, from their heartfelt happiness. When the ceremony of consecrating the pope was over, letters were sent to different persons, the more fully to explain the proceedings of the council. I shall insert the one written by the abbot of Saint Maixence to the bishop of Poitiers, the tenor of which was as follows.
‘Reverend father, and my redoubted lord, after my humble respects being accepted, I know that your reverence would gladly be informed of the proceedings of the council, which has been held in the city of Pisa, and any intelligence concerning it; and it is for this reason I have indited the following lines to your reverence.
‘First, then, on the 25th day of March all the cardinals, who had been created by both popes, and all the prelates then in Pisa, assembled in the church of St Martin, which is situated beyond the river, on the road leading to Florence, and thence being dressed in their robes, with mitres on their heads, they made a grand procession to the cathedral church, which is as distant from that of Saint Martin as our church of Nôtre Dame at Paris is from that of St Martin des Champs. There the council always afterward assembled; and on this first day, mass was celebrated with great solemnity: the sermon was preached by my lord cardinal of Milan, of the order of Friars Minors, a great theologian. When the service was over, the morrow was fixed on to open the council, and the two popes were summoned to attend on that day at the gates of the church by two cardinals; but neither of them appeared, nor any one for them.
‘The council continued to sit till the latter end of March, when the popes were again summoned to appear, but neither of them obeyed. The council therefore having required the two rival popes to come before them, on account of the schism that has reigned in the church, and neither of them appearing, or sending any one to make satisfactory answers for them, and the term allotted for their appearing being elapsed, declared them both guilty of the schism that distresses the church, and of contumacy, by their conduct, toward the council.
‘The council ordered prosecutions to be carried on against both of the popes, on the Monday after Quasimodo-Sunday, the 15th of April, when my lords cardinals celebrated together the service of the holy week. On Good Friday, my lord cardinal d’Orsini celebrated divine service in Saint Martin’s church; and a secular doctor of divinity, from Bologna la Grassa, preached an excellent sermon.
‘My lords cardinals were all present at the ceremonies of Easter Sunday. During the ensuing week they assembled in council, sometimes alone, at others they called in the prelates, to deliberate on the state of affairs, and what line of conduct should be pursued; and every thing was carried on with mutual good will on all sides. This week the ambassadors from the king of the Romans arrived at Pisa.
‘On the Sunday of Quasimodo, an italian bishop said mass before the cardinals; and a cordelier from Languedoc, a doctor in divinity preached the sermon, in which he greatly praised my lords cardinals from France, and such as were seeking to restore peace to the church,—but very harshly treated the two contending popes, calling them schismatics, heretics, and traitorous enemies to God and to his church. He chose for his text, ‘Jesus dixit, Pax vobis,’ which he handled extraordinarily well.
‘The following Monday, the cardinals, prelates, ambassadors, and procurators then present, made oath to obey the decisions of the council. Mass was then chaunted, and succeeded by many prayers; then the litany was sung, at which all the cardinals and prelates, dressed in their robes and mitres, attended, and so continued as long as the sittings of the council lasted, which made it a handsome sight to see.
‘This same day, the council gave audience to the ambassadors from Robert king of the Romans; and the bishop of Verdun, on the part of Robert, who favoured pope Gregory as much as he could, began his harangue, taking for his theme, ‘Pax vobis.’ He made many mischievous propositions, to divide and distract the council, in obedience to his master, and to serve the false pope Gregory. There were with this bishop an archbishop of a foreign order, and a numerous body of attendants. When the bishop had made his propositions, the ambassadors were required to deliver the same in writing, and to show their procurations from their lord. A day was then fixed to hear the answer of the council to their propositions; but before this day arrived, the ambassadors went away without taking leave of their host.
‘This week of Quasimodo, the lord Malatesta came to Pisa in great state: he had given to pope Gregory one of his castles called Rimini26, and made the following request to the cardinals assembled, as well on the part of pope Gregory as on his own,—namely, that it would please the members of the council to adjourn its sittings, and change the place of its meeting; that if they would so do, pope Gregory would attend personally, provided the situation were in a place of safety, and that he might have security for his coming to and going from it.
‘In consequence of this request, the cardinals summoned the prelates to notify it to them; but they unanimously declared, they would neither consent that the place of holding the council should be changed nor that the meetings of it should be adjourned. This answer was very agreeable to the cardinals. The lord Malatesta, therefore, returned without having succeeded in his object; but his anger was appeased by some of the cardinals, his friends and acquaintance.
‘From the 15th of April, the council continued sitting to the 23d of the said month,—when, after the solemnity of the mass, the advocate-fiscal demanded, that the council should declare, that the conjunction of the two colleges of cardinals of the holy church of Rome had been, and was, lawful and canonical at the time it was formed.
‘Item, that it should declare, that this holy council is duly canonical, by the cardinals of both colleges assembling for so excellent a purpose.
‘Item, that this holy council has been called together by the cardinals of both colleges with a good intent.
‘Item, that it has been assembled at a convenient opportunity.
‘Item, that it should declare, that this holy council, as representing the universal church of God, has a right to take cognizance of the merits of the two competitors for the papacy.
‘Item, that a narrative should this day be read of the introduction and commencement of the schism that took place from the time of the death of pope Gregory X. until the convention of this holy general council.
‘In this narrative were displayed all the tricks and deceits that had been made use of, either individually or conjunctively by the two rival popes.
‘After it had been read, the advocate fiscal drew several conclusions against the said rivals and their pretensions to the papacy, and ended his harangue by demanding that they should be deposed and punished corporally, and that the council should proceed to the election of a true and holy pope.
‘The sittings were prolonged to Saturday the 27th day of the same month, when the ambassadors from the king of England entered the council with a most magnificent state.—The bishop of Salisbury27, in the diocese of Canterbury, made a handsome speech, urging the necessity of peace and union in the church.
‘When he had finished, the advocate-fiscal made an interesting oration, and concluded by demanding, through the procurator of the holy council, that it would please to appoint a commission of certain wise, discreet, and experienced persons to examine witnesses as to the notorious sins charged on the two competitors for the papacy, and his request was granted.
‘The second Sunday after Easter, mass was celebrated before the cardinals, and the sermon was preached by the bishop of Digne in Provence: he was of the order of Friars Minors, a learned doctor in divinity, and had ever been a great friend to Pietro della Luna, and was well acquainted with the tricks and cavils of both popes. This bishop delivered a good sermon from his text of ‘Mercenarius fugit,’ in which he discovered many deceptions of the two rivals, in descanting on the words of his text.
‘The sittings were continued from this Sunday to the 2d day of May, when mass was said before the cardinals; and the sermon was preached by the cardinal Prenestin, more commonly called the cardinal of Poitiers.—He delivered a good discourse, and chose for his text, ‘Libera Deus Israel ex omnibus tribulationibus suis.’ He urged in his sermon eleven conclusive arguments against the two popes, for refusing to give peace to the church, and ended by requiring the council, in consideration of their obstinate contumacy, to proceed against them and provide a pastor for the flock of God.
‘On the 2d day of May, there was a general meeting of the council, when, after the usual solemnities, a very renowned doctor of Bologna made a reply to the insidious propositions of the bishop of Verdun, on the part of the emperor Robert. He condemned, by arguments drawn from divine, canon, and civil law, all that had been advanced by the bishop; and his reasoning was so just and clear that the council were much satisfied and comforted.
‘The ensuing Sunday, mass was said before the cardinals, and the sermon was preached by the general of the order of Augustins. He was a great doctor in divinity, and a native of Italy. He chose for his text, ‘Cum venerit ille arguet mundum de peccato, et de justitia, et de judicio.’ He discussed this subject very well, and with a good intent.
‘The sittings were prolonged from this 2d of May to the 10th.—The patriarch of Alexandria celebrated mass before the cardinals on the feast of the revelation of St Michael, the 8th of May; and he likewise preached a sermon, taking for his text, ‘Congregata est ecclesia ex filiis Israel et omnes qui fugiebant a malis additi sunt, et facti sunt illis ad firmamentum.’ These words are written in the 2nd and 5th chapters of the first book of Machabees. In the course of this sermon, he pressed six arguments against the two rival popes.
‘On Friday, the 10th of May, the council, after the usual solemnities, resumed its sittings, when the advocate-fiscal made the following requisitions: that the holy council would be pleased to confirm and approve the demands he had before made, namely, that it should declare that the union of the two colleges of cardinals has been and is legal; and that the council should pronounce definitively on the other demands he had made. The procurator fiscal made a request to the council, that eight days should be allowed for the production of witnesses; and the council was adjourned to the 16th of May.
‘On the Sunday preceding that day, mass was said before the cardinals by the bishop of Faenza; and the sermon preached by a native of Arragon, a learned doctor in divinity, who had always been of the party of Pietro della Luna. He chose his text from one of St Paul’s epistles, ‘Expurgate vetus fermentum ut sitis nova conspersio.’ He expatiated on this with such ability that all the doctors wondered. Drawing from it certain conclusions, he said that the two rivals were as much popes as his old shoes, calling them worse than Annas and Caiaphas, and comparing them to the devils in hell.
‘Such things passed in the council to the 23d day of this present month, as I have briefly related, on which day the ambassadors from the king of Spain were to come to Pisa. The number of prelates that were present cannot be estimated, for they were daily increased by new ones, who came from all parts of Christendom. I should suppose that at the last sitting of the council there were present of cardinals, bishops, archbishops, and abbots, wearing mitres, one hundred and forty, without counting the non-mitred members.
‘There were also ambassadors from the kings of France, England, Jerusalem, Sicily, Cyprus, and Poland; from the dukes of Brabant, Austria, Stephen of Bavaria, William of Bavaria; from the counts of Cleves and of Brandac28; from the marquis of Brandenbourg and de Moraine29; from the archbishops of Cologne, Mentz and Saltzbourg, and from the bishop of Maestricht; from the grand master of the Teutonic order; from the patriarch of Aquileia, and from many princes in Italy. Numbers of doctors in divinity, and in the canon and civil law, were present, as well from France as from other countries, and very many procurators from divers parts of the world, who, by the grace of God, have held instructive and charitable conversations together from the commencement of the council until this moment.
‘In the city of Pisa are abundance of all sorts of provisions, which are sold at reasonable prices; but they would be much cheaper, were it not for the gabelles and taxes that are levied in these countries. In my mind, Pisa is one of the handsomest cities existing: it has a navigable river, within a league distant, running into the sea,—and which river brings large vessels, laden with different merchandise, to the town. Around the city are vineyards of white grapes and many fine meadows.
‘We are very well lodged, considering the great number of men at arms quartered in it for its guard. The town has been conquered by the Florentines, who have banished many of the Pisans to prevent any treasons, and sent them to Florence, to the amount of two thousand; and they are obliged to show themselves twice every day to the governor at an appointed place, under pain of death.
‘Four or five thousand of the Pisans went to ask succour from king Lancelot30, who, in compliance with their request, advanced within five leagues of Pisa, with a force of twenty-three thousand combatants, as well horse as foot; but the Florentines, through the grace of God, are well able to resist all his power, and guard us. True it is, that this king Lancelot ran a risk of losing his kingdom by the union of the holy church, for he had tyrannically seized on a large part of the patrimony of St Peter.
‘It was said that there were certain ambassadors from Pietro della Luna at the council, not with the intent of forwarding the union, but of throwing every obstacle in its way.
‘There were nineteen cardinals of both colleges, at this council at Pisa, including the cardinal de Challan, whose attendants were arrived,—and the cardinal was to follow with the ambassadors from Savoy.
‘My lords the cardinals are much displeased with those bishops, abbots, and chapters of cathedral churches, who have neglected to send procurators to this general council. I have nothing more to send to you at present.—Written at Pisa the 15th day of May, by your humble monk and servant, the abbot of St Maxence.’
The direction was, ‘To the reverend father in Jesus Christ, and by the grace of God, lord bishop of Poitiers, and chancellor to my lord the duke of Berry.’