On the first day of June, the pope held an open court, and signed many graces and benefices, and all such things as with honour and justice he could sign. He continued from that time to hold public audiences, and to do whatever business appertained to the papacy.
THE GRAND MASTER OF PRUSSIA MARCHES A POWERFUL ARMY OF CHRISTIANS INTO LITHUANIA.
This year, 1410, the grand master of the Teutonic order, accompanied by his brother knights and a numerous army of three hundred thousand Christians, invaded the kingdom of Lithuania, to destroy the whole of it. The king of Lithuania was soon ready to meet him; and, aided by the king of Sarmatia, he assembled an army of four hundred thousand infidels, and offered battle.
The Christians gained a complete victory,—for there remained dead on the field full thirty-six thousand infidels, the principals of whom were the grand general of Lithuania and the constable of Sarmatia. The remnant, with the other officers, escaped by flight. Of the Christians, only two hundred were slain, but a great many were wounded.
Shortly after, the king of Poland, who was a determined enemy to the grand master of Prussia, (and who had but faintly accepted of Christianity in order to obtain his kingdom) marched his Polanders to the assistance of the infidels, whom he strongly pressed to renew the war against Prussia, insomuch that, eight days after this defeat, the king of Poland, in conjunction with the aforesaid two kings, assembled an army of six hundred thousand men, and marched against the grand master of Prussia, and other Christian lords. A battle ensued, which was lost by the Christians, who had more than sixty thousand killed and wounded. In the number of dead were the grand master of Prussia, with a noble knight from Normandy, called sir John de Ferriere, son to the lord de Ferriere, and another from Picardy, son to the lord du Bos d’Ancquin.
It was currently reported that the day had been lost through the fault of the constable of Hungary, who commanded the second squadron of the Christians, by running away with all his Hungarians. The infidels, however, did not gain the glory without loss,—for without counting the Polanders, who had ten thousand men slain, they lost upward of six-score thousand men, according to the reports of the heralds, and the bastard of Scotland, called the count de Hembe60.
The lord de Kyeuraing and John de Grez, Hainaulters, were there, and with them full twenty-four gentlemen, their countrymen, who were unhurt at this battle, and returned home as speedily as they could.
After the engagement, the infidels entered Prussia, and despoiled many parts of it, and took twelve inclosed towns in a short time and destroyed them. They would have persevered in their wickedness, and have done further mischief, had not a valiant knight of the Teutonic order, named Charles de Mouroufle61, rallied a great number of the Christians who had fled, and by his prudence and vigour regained the greater part of these towns, and finally driven the infidels out of the country62.
THE DUKE OF BERRY QUITS PARIS, AND RETIRES TO HIS OWN ESTATES.—HE GOES AFTERWARD TO ANGERS, AND UNITES WITH THE DUKE OF ORLEANS AND THE OTHER PRINCES OF HIS PARTY.
The duke of Berry, finding that he had not that government of the king and the duke of Acquitaine to which he had been accustomed, became very discontented, and retired to his estates, indignant at the ministers, and particularly at his nephew and godson, the duke of Burgundy. Shortly after, he went to Angers, where the dukes of Orleans and of Bourbon, and all the principal lords of that party, were assembled.
They went in a body to the cathedral church, and there made oath, in the most solemn manner, to support each other, and mutually to defend their honour against all who should attempt any thing against it, excepting the king, and ever to remain in strict friendship united, without acting to the contrary in any kind of measure.
Many great lords in France were not pleased with this confederation; and when, shortly after, news of it was brought to the king and his council, he was much astonished and dissatisfied therewith.
The king, in consequence of the advice of the duke of Burgundy and his friends, marched out of Paris, accompanied by him, the duke of Brabant, the count de Montagu, and a large body of chivalry, and went to Senlis: thence to the town of Creil, to regain the castle of that place, which the duke of Bourbon held, and had given the government of it to some of his people.
The governor made so many delays before he surrendered it that the king became much displeased; and because they had not obeyed his first summons, the garrison were made prisoners, and carried bound to the prisons of the Châtelet in Paris. The countess of Clermont, cousin-german to the king, soon after made application for their deliverance, and obtained it; and on the morrow the king appointed another garrison, and returned to Paris.
This expedition was not very agreeable to the Orleans-faction,—and they continued to collect daily, and inlist in their party as many as they could.
The duke of Burgundy became very uneasy at their proceedings; for he suspected the duke of Orleans and his party would infringe the peace which had so lately been patched up between them at Chartres, or that they would march a large force to Paris, to seize the government, together with the persons of the king and duke of Acquitaine.
To obviate this, he caused several royal summons to be proclaimed in various parts of the realm, for the assembling of men at arms and quartering them in the villages round Paris, to be ready to defend the king and his government against the ill-intentioned. By the advice of his brothers and the king of Navarre, he resolved to defend himself by force against his adversaries, and caused it to be proclaimed throughout the kingdom, in the king’s name, that no one should dare to assemble armed in company of the dukes of Berry and Orleans, and their allies, under pain of corporal punishment and confiscation of goods.
The Orleans-faction, however, continued their meetings in spite of this proclamation, and even forced their vassals to serve under and accompany them: I mean, such of them as were dilatory in obeying their summons. There were, therefore, at this time, great and frequent assemblies of armed men in different parts of France, to the prejudice of the poor people.
Those lords that were well inclined to the king came to Paris, and their men were quartered in the flat country of the island of France. The Orleans-party fixed their quarters at Chartres and the adjacent parts; and their forces might amount, according to the estimate of well-informed persons, to full six thousand men in armour, four thousand cross-bows, and sixteen hundred archers, without counting the unarmed infantry, of which there were great numbers.
In regard to the army which the duke of Burgundy had assembled by orders from the king, it was estimated to consist of upward of sixteen thousand combatants, all men of tried courage. During this time, the king of Navarre and his brother, the count de Mortain, at the request of the duke of Burgundy, negotiated a peace between the duke of Brittany, their nephew, and the count de Penthievre, son-in-law to the duke of Burgundy.
This was done in the hope that the duke of Brittany would be induced to assist the king with his Bretons, and give up the Orleans-party, to whom he had engaged himself. On the conclusion of this peace between the two parties, twenty thousand golden crowns were sent the duke, to defray the expenses he had been at in raising men at arms.
Large sums of money were also sent to the lord d’Albreth, constable of France, that he might collect a numerous body of men at arms, and march them to Paris, to serve the king. He had not any great desire to perform this, for he was wholly inclined to the duke of Orleans and his allies, as was perfectly notorious shortly afterward.
THE DEATH OF THE DUKE OF BOURBON.—THE PROCLAMATION OF THE KING OF FRANCE.—THE DUKE OF ORLEANS AND HIS ALLIES SEND LETTERS TO THE PRINCIPAL TOWNS IN FRANCE.
During this troublesome time, Louis duke of Bourbon, uncle to the king of France by the mother’s side, being full sixty years of age, feeling himself oppressed with years and sickness, caused himself to be conveyed to his residence at Moulins63 in the Bourbonnois, where he departed this life, and was buried in the church of the canons, which he had founded.
He was succeeded by his only son, the count de Clermont, who, after some days of lamentation, had the funeral obsequies of his father performed, and, having arranged his affairs, returned to the duke of Orleans and the other lords at Chartres, and firmly united himself with them, treading in the steps of his late father. The duke of Bourbon had long held the office of great chamberlain of France, from the friendship of the king, and was in possession of it even at the time of his death; but at the entreaty of the king of Navarre and the duke of Burgundy, the king now gave it to the count de Nevers, to exercise the duties of it in the usual manner.
At this time, the duchess of Brittany, daughter to the king of France, was brought to bed of a son; and she sent to request the duke of Acquitaine, her brother, to stand godfather. He sent, as his proxy, sir David de Brimeu, knight, lord of Humbercourt, with a handsome present of jewels, which sir David gave her on the part of the duke of Acquitaine.
The king again issued his summons to the different bailiwicks and seneschalships in the realm, for all persons to arm without delay who were bounden so to do from the tenure of their fiefs or arriere fiefs, and to march instantly to Paris to serve the king against the dukes of Orleans, Berry, Bourbon, the counts d’Armagnac, d’Alençon, and others their allies, who, notwithstanding the king’s positive orders to the contrary, continued daily to assemble large bodies of men at arms, to the destruction of his country and subjects.
The above dukes wrote letters to the king, to the university of Paris, and to many of the principal towns, to explain the causes why they had thus confederated and collected men at arms; one of which, signed with their signs-manuel, they sent to the town of Amiens, and the contents were as follows:
‘To our well-beloved and very dear citizens, burgesses, and inhabitants of the town of Amiens, health and affection. We have written to our most redoubted and sovereign lord the king of France in manner following:—We dukes of Berry, of Orleans, and of Bourbon, counts of Alençon and of Armagnac, your humble uncles, relations and subjects, for ourselves and all others our adherents, wellwishers to your person,—as the rights of your domination, your crown and royal majesty, have been so nobly instituted, and founded on justice, power, and the true obedience of your subjects,—and as your glory and authority are resplendent through all parts of the world, you having been worthily consecrated and anointed by the holy roman see, and considered by all Christendom as sovereign monarch and equal distributor of justice, as well to the poor as to the rich, without owing obedience to any other lord, but God and his Divine Majesty, who has been pleased most worthily to have gifted you,—may all those who are connected with you by blood, by their frank and loyal affections, guard and defend your sacred person as your relations and subjects.
‘And may we, in particular, as your near relations, and for that cause more obliged to it, set an example of due obedience to your other subjects, and exert ourselves in preserving to you free liberty of action in every part of your government, insomuch that you may have power to reward the good and punish the wicked, and to preserve every one in his just rights, and likewise that you may execute justice in such wise that your kingdom may remain in peace, first to the honour of God, and then to your own honour, and to the example of your good friends and subjects, by following the paths of your predecessors, the kings of France, who, by this noble way of governing their great kingdom, have ever preserved tranquillity and peace, insomuch that all Christian nations, far and near, and even infidels, have had recourse to them in their disputes, and have been perfectly contented with their decisions on the cases referred to them, as the fountains of justice and loyalty.
‘And, most sovereign lord, that your power, justice, and the state of your government may not suffer at present any wound or diminution, and that public affairs may be managed according to the principles of reason, in such wise as may be apparent to all men of sound understanding;—
‘For this effect, most redoubted sovereign, we, the above-written, have confederated and assembled, that we may most humbly lay before you the real state of your situation, in regard to your royal person, and also that of my lord of Acquitaine, your eldest son. We have likewise to lay before you the manner in which you are enthralled, and the government carried on, that justice may be restored, and the public weal no longer suffer, as we can more fully explain. Should any persons deny this, let your majesty, by the advice of your council, appoint some of the princes of your blood, and other impartial and unprejudiced persons, to inquire into it, in whatever number you in your wisdom may select. But we advise that you speedily and effectually provide for the safety of your own person, and for that of my lord of Acquitaine, your eldest son, so that your state may enjoy justice and a good government, to the advancement of the public welfare, and that the power and authority may be exercised by you alone, freely and uncontrolled by any other person whatever; and that such a desirable object may be obtained, we, the above-named, offer our earnest prayers, and, at the same time, our lives and fortunes, whatever they may be, which God has graciously granted us in this world, for the just defence of your rights, and in opposing all who may attempt to infringe on them, if any such there be.
‘Most redoubted lord, we also inform you, that we shall not break up our confederation until you shall have listened to us, and until we shall see that you have properly provided against the inconveniences we have mentioned, and until you be fully and wholly reinstated in that power which is your right. To this, most redoubted lord, are we bound, as well in regard to what we have already said, as from fear, honour and reverence to our Creator, from whom originates your royal authority, and also to satisfy justice, and then yourself, who are sovereign king on earth, and our sole lord. To your support we are urged by our kindred and by our love to your person; for in truth, most redoubted sovereign, there is nothing we dread so much as having offended God, yourself, and wounded our own honour, by leaving for so long time unnoticed the aforesaid grievances, which are notorious to every one.
‘In like manner as we signify the above to you, we shall do the same to all prelates, lords, universities, cities and principal towns of your realm, and in general to all your wellwishers.
‘Most redoubted lord, we humbly supplicate that you will deign to hear us, and consider of what we have written,—for the sole object we aim at personally affects yourself and your government; and we earnestly beg that you will speedily adopt the most effectual measures for the enjoyment of your own freedom of action, and that your government may be carried on to the praise of God first, and your own glory, and to the advantage of all your good subjects who are anxious for your welfare.
‘We have written this, that you may know our intentions, and the cause of our assembling, which is solely for the preservation of the personal liberty of our lord and king, and the affranchisement of his government from any hands but his own. For this object we have sought the advice of the most prudent men, and shall follow their counsels, with all the means God has put in our power, to obtain so desirable an end, for the general welfare of the realm; and we intend so to act toward our lord the king that God and the world shall be satisfied with us.
‘And we most earnestly entreat that for so praiseworthy an object you will join us, and exert yourselves in the same cause; for it is not properly us but the king your lord that you will serve, whom by your oaths you are bounden to assist,—and know that for so doing you will be commended by all men of understanding and prudence. Given at Chartres the 2d day of December, 1410.’
This letter, when received by the council of the town of Amiens, produced very little sensation,—for all, or the greater part of the inhabitants, were inclined to the duke of Burgundy. When a similar one was read in the council of state, it did not make any impression on the king, nor did it seem advisable that the dukes should have an audience; but, on the contrary, orders were sent to them to disband their forces without delay, on pain of incurring the royal indignation.——They refused to obey this order, and bade the messenger tell the king, that they would not cease assembling until he should grant them an audience, and hear their complaints. At this period, the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy paid a visit to the queen of France at her residence in the castle of Melun, and left there a garrison, having brought back with them the queen and her children to the castle of Vincennes.
The duke of Brabant at this time left Paris, to go to his country, and assemble his Brabanters to serve the king. Many able ambassadors were sent, in the king’s name, to the lords assembled at Chartres; and among them was the grand master of Rhodes, to signify to them that they must disband their army, and that, if they pleased to wait on the king in their private capacity, he would see them.
This they refused; and as they continued disobedient, the king took possession of the counties of Boulogne64, Estampes, Valois, Beaumont, Clermont, and other lands belonging to the said dukes, counts, and their adherents, of whatever rank they might be. The king’s officers appointed governors to the castles and fortresses within these countries, whom they ordered to govern them at the expense of the aforesaid lords.
So very numerous were the forces that assembled near Paris, in obedience to the summons from the king and the duke of Burgundy, that the oldest persons had not for a long time seen so many men at arms together.
Among the number was the duke of Brabant, with a great force. He was quartered in the town of St Denis, where he lived at the expense of the greater part of the inhabitants, as if he had been in the open country. The count de Penthievre, son-in-law to the duke of Burgundy, was there with him, accompanied by a large body of Bretons.
Two thousand men belonging to the count Waleran de St Pol were quartered at Menil-Aubry, and the adjacent villages.—Because the count himself resided in Paris, he one day ordered his troops to be assembled under the lord de Chin, for him to march them to Paris to be mustered and enrolled for pay; but it happened, as they were marching through St Denis to obey the order, that a dispute arose between them and the Brabanters, on account of some enterprise which the last had made against the lord de Carlian, a native of the Boulonois, so that the two parties armed and drew up in battle-array to decide matters by combat. The duke of Brabant was soon informed of this tumult, and hastened from Paris to check his own men, and acted so prudently with both parties that an end was put to it; but he was very wroth with the first promoters of it, for he was married to the daughter and heiress of the count de St Pol.
When they had marched through Saint Denis, they came before their lord, the count de St Pol, in Paris, who having reviewed them, and paid many compliments to their captains, dismissed them to the quarters whence they had come. In order to pay these troops which had been levied, as has been said, by orders from the king and the duke of Burgundy, and which amounted, by the muster-rolls, to fifteen thousand men with helmets, seventeen thousand cross-bows and archers, very heavy taxes were levied throughout the realm, and particularly on the city of Paris. It will be impossible to relate one half of the mischiefs the armies of both parties committed: suffice it to say, that churches, churchmen, and the poor people were very great sufferers.
The Orleans-party, shortly after this, marched from Chartres to Montlehery, seven leagues from Paris, and there, and in the neighbouring villages, quartered their army, ruining the whole country on their line of march. The lords and adherents of this faction, as well clergy as seculars, wore, as their badge, a narrow band of white linen on their shoulders, hanging over their left arm, like to a deacon when celebrating divine service.
When the king of France and his council learnt that they had approached so near the capital, they hastily dispatched to the leaders the count de la Marche, the archbishop of Rheims, the bishop of Beauvais, and the grand master of Rhodes, with some others, to persuade them to disband their army, and come before him at Paris, in consequence of his former orders, without arms, in the manner in which vassals should wait on their lords, and that he would do them justice in regard to their demands; but that, should they refuse, he would instantly march his forces against them.—The princes made answer, that they would not act otherwise than they had said in their letter to the king; and the ambassadors, seeing they could not gain any thing, returned to Paris.
In like manner, the university sent to them an embassy of learned men, headed by Noeétz, abbot of Povegny and doctor in divinity, who harangued them very ably and gravely. They were very handsomely received by the princes, especially by the duke of Berry, who, among other grievances, complained much that his nephew, the king, should be counselled by such fellows as the provost of Paris, and others of the same sort, who now ruled the realm, which was most miserably governed, as he was ready to explain, article by article, when they should be admitted to an audience.
They could obtain no other reply than that, with God’s pleasure, they would accomplish, to the utmost of their power, the matters contained in their circular letters to the university and principal towns.
On this repeated ill success, the king, by the advice of his council, sent another embassy, composed of the queen, the cardinal de Bar, the count de St Pol, and others. The count de St Pol had lately accepted, with the king’s approbation, the office of grand butler of France, which the provost of Paris had held, through the interest of the count de Tancarville, by a gift from the king.
Notwithstanding the queen and her companions were received with every honour, she did not remain with their army, but went to the castle of Marcoussi, which is not far distant from Montlehery, with her attendants, and remained there some time negotiating with them, and some of the princes daily visited her. Although she acted with much perseverance, she failed in her object,—for the princes were firm in their resolution of marching with their army to the king, and requiring that he would execute justice and attend to the affairs of government, and choose another set of ministers than those now in power.
Finding she was labouring in vain, she returned with her companions to Paris, and related to the king all that had passed. He was very indignant, and much troubled thereat; and on the morrow, the 23d September, he ordered all the men at arms that were come to serve him to be drawn out, and the baggage and artillery waggons to be made ready instantly to march against the Orleans-party, to give them battle.
When all were ready, and as he was going to attend mass and afterward to mount his horse, he was met by the rector of the university, magnificently accompanied by all the members and supporters of it, who remonstrated with him, that his daughter, the university of Paris, was preparing to leave that city, from the great want of provisions, which the men at arms of the two parties prevented coming to Paris,—for no one could venture on the high roads without being robbed and insulted; and, likewise, that all the low countries round Paris were despoiled by these men at arms. They most humbly requested, that he would provide a remedy, and give them such answer as might seem to him good. The chancellor, namely, master Arnauld de Corbie, instantly replied, ‘The king will assemble his council after dinner, and you shall have an answer.’ The king of Navarre, being present, entreated the king that he would fix an hour for hearing them again after dinner; and the king, complying with his request, appointed an hour for the rector to return.
When the king had dined, he entered the chambre verde, attended by the following princes: the dukes of Acquitaine, Burgundy and Brabant, the marquis du Pont, the duke of Lorraine, the counts de Mortain, de Nevers and de Vaudemont, with many other great lords, as well ecclesiastical as secular. The king of Navarre made four requests to the king: first, that all the princes of the blood, as well on the one side as on the other, should retire to their principalities, and never more interfere in the king’s government, and likewise that henceforth they should not receive any profits or pensions, as well from the subsidies arising from their lands as from other exactions, but live on their own proper revenues until the public treasury should be in a better state than it was at that moment: however, should the king be inclined to make them presents of any thing, or call them near his person, they should be alway ready to obey him.
His second request was, that some diminution should take place in those taxes that most aggrieved the people.
The third, that as some of the citizens of Paris had lent different sums of money to the king, of which repayment had been promised, but not made, sufficient assignments on the treasury should be given to them.
The fourth, that the affairs of the king and realm should be governed by prudent men, taken from the three estates of the kingdom. When the king of Navarre had ended, the king himself replied, and said he would take advice on what he had proposed, and then give him such answers as ought to satisfy him and every one else.
When this was over, the king showed the same determination as before to march, on the morrow morning, against the rebellious lords; but he was overruled, and the queen, with the former ambassadors, were again sent to negotiate a peace. On their arrival at the army of the princes, she exerted herself, as it was said very much and loyally; for it was commonly reported that she was in her heart inclined to the Orleans faction.
During the time of this embassy, the count Amé de Savoye, who had been sent for by the king, arrived at Paris with five hundred men at arms. His brothers-in-law the dukes of Burgundy and Brabant, and the count de Nevers, attended by many other lords, went out to meet him beyond the gate of St Anthony, and thence conducted him to the palace to the king, who very kindly received him.
Some days after, the queen, not having more success than before, returned to the king, and told him that she could not any way bring them to terms, for they were obstinate in their original intentions. She then hastened to the castle of Vincennes as speedily as she could.
On the ensuing morning, the aforesaid lords quitted Montlehery; and the duke of Berry came to his hôtel of Vinchestre65, which he had rebuilt, and was there lodged. The duke of Orleans fixed his quarters at Gentilly, in the palace of the bishop, and the count d’Armagnac at Vitry; the rest as near to each other as they could; and at vespers, they had advanced as far as the suburbs of St Marcel and the gate de Bordelles.
The king, the duke of Burgundy, and the other princes, were greatly surprised at this boldness; and the Parisians, at their own expense, collected a body of a thousand men armed with helmets to serve as a guard during the night, and they also made great fires in very many of the streets. To prevent them from crossing the Seine at Charenton, they sent two hundred men at arms to defend that pass.
The third day, Arthur count de Richemont, brother to the duke of Brittany, joined the dukes of Berry and Orleans, with six thousand breton horse, to the great displeasure of the king, and especially of the duke of Burgundy; for the duke of Brittany had lately been summoned by the king to attend him with his Bretons, and had, for this purpose, received a very large sum of money. The duke, in consequence, having other business in hand, sent his brother to serve the king in his room.
It was also said, that the lord d’Albreth, constable of France, had disposed of the money sent him in the same manner, and had employed it in the service of the duke of Berry. The army of the princes marched to Saint Cloud, and to the adjoining towns, which they plundered, taking by force whatever they were in need of. Some of the worst of them ravished and robbed many women, who fled to Paris, and made clamorous outcries against their ravishers, requiring vengeance from the king, and restitution, were it possible, of what they had been plundered of.
The king, moved with pity, and by the importunity of his ministers, ordered a decree to be drawn out, which condemned the whole of the Orleans-party to death and confiscation of goods. While this was doing, the duke of Berry, uncle to the king, hastily sent ambassadors to Paris to prevent it from taking effect, and in the name of their lord requested that the decree might be a little delayed, when other means of accommodation, through God’s grace, would be found.
This request was granted, and the proclamation of the decree put off: a negotiation was entered into warmly by both parties, although the king was very much displeased that the princes of his blood were thus quarrelling with each other, so that he should be forced to proceed with rigour against them. To prevent the effusion of blood, the king desired his chancellor and others of his privy council to exert themselves diligently that peace might be established; and he likewise spoke to the same purpose to the duke of Burgundy, the count de St Pol, and other princes, who promised faithfully that an accommodation should take place.
While these matters were going on, the lord de Dampierre, the bishop of Noyon, the lord de Tignonville, master Gautier de Col, and others, ambassadors from the king of France, were sent from Paris to Boulogne, to meet an embassy from the king of England, consisting of the lord Beaumont, the bishop of St David’s, and others, who had arrived at Calais to treat of a truce. It was prolonged from All-saints-day, when the former one expired, to the feast of Easter ensuing.
IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES OF BURGUNDY AND OF ORLEANS, PEACE IS MADE BETWEEN THEM, AND CALLED ‘THE PEACE OF WINCHESTER,’ WHICH WAS THE SECOND PEACE.
After the ambassadors from both parties, namely those of the king and duke of Burgundy on the one hand, and those of the dukes of Berry, of Orleans, and of Bourbon, on the other, had held several conferences, the following treaty was at length concluded, on the 2d of November.
The princes of the blood on each side, with the exception of the count de Mortain, were to retire to their principalities, and lead back their forces, committing as little damage as possible to the countries they should pass through, without fraud or deception. The duke of Berry had liberty, if he pleased, to reside at Giens-sur-Loire, and the count d’Armagnac might stay there with him for fifteen days. The king of Navarre was to depart for his duchy of Nemours. The duke of Brabant might, if he so pleased, visit his sister, the duchess of Burgundy, in that country.
The aforesaid princes were to conduct their men at arms so that all trespassing might be mutually avoided on each other’s lands,—nor should they suffer any of their adherents to commit waste or damage, so that all inconvenience or source of quarrel might be avoided.
Item, in whatever garrisons there shall be more men than are usually kept, the same shall be reduced to the accustomed number of men retained therein for its defence, without any fraud or deception. And that these terms may be faithfully observed, the aforesaid lords shall promise, on their oaths, made before such princes as the king may nominate, that they will punctually and loyally keep every article.
Item, the captains of their troops shall make oath also to the due observance of this treaty; and if it be the good pleasure of the king he may appoint some of his knights as conductors to the men at arms, and superintendents on their leaders, to prevent them and their men from delaying their march, and also from committing waste in the countries through which they shall pass.
Item, the aforesaid lords will not return near the person of the king, unless they be sent for by him, by letters patent under the great seal, confirmed by his council, or on urgent business,—nor shall any of the aforesaid lords intrigue to obtain orders for their return; and this they shall especially swear to before commissioners nominated for the purpose. The king shall make the terms of this treaty public, and all the articles they shall swear to observe.
Should the king think it necessary to send for the duke of Berry, he shall, at the same time, summon the duke of Burgundy, and vice versa; and this he will observe, in order that they may both meet at the same time on the appointed day, which will hold good until the ensuing Easter in the year 1411; and from that day until the following Easter in 1412, no one of the aforesaid shall proceed against another by acts of violence or by words.—Every article of this treaty to be properly drawn out and signed by the king and his council, with certain penalties to be incurred on the infringement of any of them.
Item, the king shall select certain able and discreet persons, of unblemished characters, and no way pensioners, but such as have solely given their oaths of allegiance to the king, to form the royal council; and when such persons have been chosen, a list of their names shall be shown to the princes on each side.
Item, the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, having the wardship of the duke of Acquitaine, shall agree together as to the person who shall be their substitute in that office during their absence; and powers for so doing shall be sent to the duke of Berry, as he is at present without them.
Item, the provost of Paris shall be dismissed from all offices which he holds under the king, and another shall be appointed according to the king’s pleasure, and as he may judge expedient.
Item, it was ordained, that no knight, or his heirs, should in future suffer any molestation because he had not obeyed the summons sent him by either of the parties; and should they be any way molested, the king would punish the offender by confiscation of his property. Letters, confirming this last article, shall be given by the king and the aforesaid lords to whoever may require them.
This treaty was concluded on All-saints day, and on the ensuing Monday confirmed; and four days after, the greater part of the articles were fulfilled. Sir John de Neele, chancellor to the duke of Acquitaine, was, by the king’s command, appointed to receive the oaths of the lords on each side.
The king dismissed his provost of Paris, sir Peter des Essars, knight, from all his offices, and nominated sir Brunelet de Sainct-Cler, one of his masters of the household, to the provostship. He also sent letters, sealed with his great seal, to the duke of Berry, appointing him to the guardianship of his son, the duke of Acquitaine.
In consequence of one of the articles above recited, twelve knights, four bishops, and four lords of the parliament, were appointed to govern the kingdom,—namely, the archbishop of Rheims, the bishops of Noyon and Saint Flour, master John de Torcy, lately one of the parliament, but now bishop of Tournay, the grand master of the king’s household sir Guichart Daulphin, the grand master of Rhodes, the lords de Montenay, de Toursy, de Rambures, d’Offemont, de Rouvroy, de Rumacourt, Saquet de Toursy, le vidame d’Amiens, sir John de Toursy, knight to the duke of Berry, and grand master of his household, and the lord de St George. The two last were nominated, by the dukes of Berry and Burgundy, guardians to the duke of Acquitaine during their absence.
The two parties now left Paris and the adjoining fortresses and castles; but on the following Saturday, the king was again strongly seized with his usual malady, and confined in his hôtel of St Pol. The queen and her attendants, then at Vincennes, returned to Paris with her son, the duke of Acquitaine, and fixed their residence, with her lord, in the hôtel de St Pol.
The duke of Burgundy went to Meaux, where he was met by the king of Navarre;—and thence the duke went to Arras and Flanders, accompanied by sir Peter des Essars, late provost of Paris, and his most confidential adviser; and he always gave him the title of provost of Paris, as though he had still retained the office.
Conformably to the treaty, all the men at arms on each side returned to the places whence they had come, but plundering the poor people on their march. A number of Lombards and Gascons had formed part of the army of the duke of Orleans, who were mounted on terrible horses, that were taught to wheel round when on full gallop, which seemed very astonishing to the French, Flemings, Picards, and Brabanters, who had not been accustomed to such movements.
Because the count d’Armagnac had joined the duke of Orleans with a large body, his men were called Armagnacs; and in consequence, the whole of that faction were called Armagnacs. Although there were many princes of much higher rank in either party than the count d’Armagnac, they were not pleased if they were not called by this name, which lasted a very considerable time.
As the treaty before mentioned had been concluded at the hôtel de Winchester, where the dukes of Berry and Orleans, with others of their party were amusing themselves, it was called ‘The Peace of Winchester.’
All who had come to these meetings at Paris now departed, and those to whom the government had been intrusted remained near the person of the king and the duke of Acquitaine. The people expected, that by this means they should enjoy more peaceable times; but it happened just the contrary, as you shall shortly hear.
A MEETING OF THE UNIVERSITY AND CLERGY IS HELD ON THE XXIII. OF NOVEMBER, IN THE CHURCH OF ST BERNARD AT PARIS, ON THE STATE OF THE CHURCH.
When peace had been established, a large congregation was held, by order of the university, on the 23d of November, in the church of the Bernardins in Paris,—to which were called, the bishop of Puy in Auvergne, many other prelates, and in general all bachelors and licentiates in canon and civil law, although in former times doctors only had been summoned.
This assembly was holden at the request of the archbishop of Pisa, and other legates from the pope, on the subject of tythes, the vacant benefices, and the effects of the dead. But it was opened by the adoption of a solemn ordinance, which had been ordained during the papacy of Pietro della Luna, respecting the liberties of the french church, in the year 1406, and since confirmed by the king, his great council, and the parliament, namely, that the said church shall be maintained in all its ancient privileges. It was thus freed from all tythes, procurations, and subsidies, or taxes whatever. And as the object of these legates was to establish the above impositions, it was resolved that the aforesaid ordinance should be strictly conformed to; and the more effectually to have it observed, they sent deputations to the king, to his council, and to the parliament, to whom the guard of this ordinance belonged, to obviate the inconveniences that might follow should any article of it be infringed.
It was also concluded, that should the legates attempt, by menaces of ecclesiastical censures or otherwise, to compel payment of any tribute, an appeal should be made from them to a general council of the church.
Item, should any collectors or sub-collectors exact subsidies to the church, they shall be arrested, and punished by confiscation of property, and, when they have no property, by imprisonment.
It was also concluded, that to settle this matter, the king’s attorney, and other lords, should be requested to join the university. But it was at last resolved, that should the pope plead an evident want of means to support the church, a council should be called, and a charitable subsidy granted, the which should be collected by certain discreet persons selected by the council, and the amount distributed according to the directions of the said council.
On the ensuing Monday was held a royal sessions, at which the duke of Acquitaine, the archbishop of Pisa, and the other legates from the pope, the rector and the members of the university were present. In this meeting, the archbishop declared, that what he demanded was due to the apostolic chamber, by every right, divine, canon, civil and natural, and that it was sacred and simple justice,—adding, that whoever should deny this right was scarcely a Christian.
The university was greatly displeased, and said, that such expressions were derogatory to the king’s honour, to that of the university, and consequently of the whole kingdom. From what had passed, another general assembly was holden on Sunday the 30th of November, in the place where it had been held the preceding Sunday; and it was then determined that the university should send a deputation to the king, to lay before him the words uttered by the legates, and to demand that they should be publicly recanted by them. It was proposed, that in case they should refuse so to do, the faculty of theologians should bring accusations against them, on the articles of faith, and they should be punished according to the exigence of the case. It was also resolved, that the university of Paris should write letters to all the other universities in the realm, and to the prelates and clergy, to invite them to unite in their opposition to such tenets.
Many other things were agitated in this meeting, which I pass over for the sake of brevity. It was, however, finally concluded to send an answer to the pope, that he could not have any subsidy granted him in the way which had been proposed. The meeting came to the resolution, that the university of Paris should require from the archbishop of Rheims, and those of the members of the king’s government who, as members, had given their oaths to the university, to join in the measures they had adopted, otherwise they should be expelled the university.
It should be known, that while these things were passing, the legates, fearful of the consequences, hastily left Paris, without taking leave, as is usually done. The holy father, however, sent ambassadors to the king, to demand payment of the tenth imposed on the french church. When they declared the object of their mission to the council of state, and in the presence of the duke of Acquitaine, they said, that not only was the french church bound to pay this subsidy to the pope, but all other churches which were under his obedience,—first, from the divine law in Leviticus, which declares that all deacons shall pay to the high priest a tenth of their possessions,—and, 2dly, by natural and positive law.
Whilst these things were passing, the university came to the council, and on the morrow a congregation was held in the monastery of the Bernardins. It was then resolved that the manner of demanding this subsidy should be reprobated, for that it was iniquitous, and contrary to the decree of the king and his council in the year 1406, for the preservation of the franchises of the french church. The university insisted on this decree being preserved inviolate, and declared, that if the pope or his legates attempted to constrain any person to pay this subsidy by censures of the church, it would appeal to a general council on this subject. Should any of the new ministers attempt any thing against this decree, the university would appeal to the king and the whole council of state; and should any members of the university urge the payment of this tenth, they should be expelled; and if any persons, guilty of the above offence, should have any property of their own, the university would require that the said property should be confiscated to the king’s use, otherwise they should be imprisoned.
Should the holy father adopt the manner of raising this subsidy by way of charity, it would be agreeable to the university that the king should call together the prelates of his realm,—first, to consider what subjects should be discussed in the general council of the church to be holden on this occasion; secondly, to deliberate on the demands made by the ambassadors respecting the tenth. Should it be determined for the pope to receive this subsidy, the university expressed its wish that some sufficient person should be deputed from this kingdom to receive the amount of the same, for the peace and union of the greek and latin churches, and from England for aid of the holy land, and the preaching the gospel to all the world; for such were the purposes for which the legates declared the holy father raised this subsidy. The university solicited the members of the parliament to unite themselves with them, for it was in support of their decree made on the demand of the king’s attorney-general.
Juvenal des Ursins66 was deputed by the university to reply to what the pope’s ambassadors had advanced before the council; but at length the archbishop of Pisa, perceiving he could not otherwise gain his object, humbled himself much before the university, and spoke privately to some of the principal members to prevail on them to assist him. However, on the 28th day of January, it was declared, that no subsidy whatever should be granted to the pope without the previous consent of the french church; and the deliberation on this matter was deferred to the 10th of February, when many prelates were summoned to give their opinions thereon. Through the active diligence of the university, the legates could not obtain consent that a subsidy in any shape should be granted to the pope, although the greater part of the lords, and in particular the princes, were very agreeable to it.
While these matters were transacting at Paris, the holy father sent letters to the king of France and to the university, to say that the Florentines refused any longer to obey him, from fear of king Ladislaus; that this king Ladislaus was assembling an immense army, as the pope wrote word, to conquer Rome and the adjacent country, that he might place in the chair of St Peter a pope according to his pleasure. Should this happen, a more ruinous schism might befal the church than the former one,—to obviate which, he requested from the king, the princes, and university, aid and support. This was, through the intercession of the archbishop of Pisa, complied with, and in the manner that shall be hereafter related.
THE LORD DE CROY IS MADE PRISONER WHEN GOING ON AN EMBASSY FROM THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY TO THE DUKE OF BERRY, TO THE GREAT DISPLEASURE OF THE LATTER.
The duke of Burgundy, shortly after he had left Paris, sent three of his counsellors, namely, the lords de Croy and de Dours, knights, and master Raoul, head canon of Tournay and of Amiens, licentiate of law, as ambassadors to the king at Paris, and to his uncle and godfather, the duke of Berry, at Bourges. But when they were travelling between Orleans and Bourges, the lord de Croy was arrested by the officers of the duke of Orleans on the last day but one of January, without any molestation being given to the other two ambassadors or their attendants.
He was carried to a castle within three leagues of Blois, and, on the morrow, strictly interrogated respecting the murder of the late duke of Orleans, and put to the torture to confess if he had been any way consenting to it, or an accomplice in it; but they could not discover any thing to his prejudice. On the following Sunday, he was carried to Blois, and confined in the dungeons of a prison.
The other ambassadors continued their route to Bourges, where, having explained to the duke of Berry the object of their mission, they humbly entreated that he would exert himself with the duke of Orleans that the lord de Croy might obtain his liberty. When they related to him the manner of the lord de Croy being arrested, the duke was filled with indignation, and instantly sent letters signed with his hand to the duke of Orleans, to say that he must immediately give up his prisoner, whom he had illegally arrested when coming to him; and that if he did not do it, he would have him for his enemy.
The duke of Orleans, on the receipt of this letter, considered it well, and replied at length most courteously to the duke of Berry, excusing himself for what he had done, but putting off the setting the lord de Croy at liberty. The king and the duke of Acquitaine were soon made acquainted with this arrest,—and they sent letters to the duke of Orleans, commanding him instantly to deliver the lord de Croy from his imprisonment, on pain of incurring their indignation.
Notwithstanding these letters, the duke of Orleans would not give him his liberty, but kept him in close confinement, where he was very often most rigorously treated, and at times examined and put to the torture.
In the mean time, the other ambassadors sent messengers to the duke of Burgundy, to notify to him this conduct and the means they had taken in vain for the deliverance of the lord de Croy.
The duke was much surprised and vexed at this news, for he greatly loved the lord de Croy. Having considered this insult, and others that had been offered to his friends, he thought it time to take effectual measures for his security, and in consequence amassed as large a sum as he could: to this end, he sold his right to all confiscations within the town of Ghent to the townsmen, and yielded for money several other privileges to the Flemings. He likewise carried his son, the count de Charolois, to show him to many of the principal towns as their future lord, who, on this occasion, made him considerable presents. He afterward held a grand council on his affairs, in the town of Tournay, which was attended by his brothers-in-law duke William and the bishop of Liege. The count de Namur was also present, and several great lords from the borders of the empire. The duke of Burgundy solicited their aid against his enemies, should need be, and in particular against the duke of Orleans, his brothers and allies. This service they offered him liberally, to the utmost of their power. Having obtained their promises, he went to Lille, whither the marshal Boucicaut, late governor of Genoa, came to meet him. He received him very kindly, and carried him with him to his town of Arras, whither he had convoked all the lords and nobles of the county of Artois and its dependancies.
When they were assembled in the great hall of his residence, he addressed them himself, and caused them to be harangued by master William Bouvier, knight, licentiate of law, to explain how his enemies were plotting daily to arrest and imprison his friends, and had actually arrested and imprisoned the lord de Croy; for which cause he had now assembled them, to request that they would remain loyal, and that, should there be a necessity, they would enter into his pay and serve him,—for they might be assured it would be solely in his own defence, and for that of the king and the duke of Acquitaine, that he would ever take up arms. He declared, that it was merely for the preservation of the crown to his present majesty, and to his heirs, that he had slain the duke of Orleans, father to the present duke. This death had been lately pardoned, and peace established by the king in the town of Chartres, and proclaimed by letters patent. He added, that should any of the conditions of that treaty of Chartres be unaccomplished by him, he was ready to fulfil them, and willing to do any thing else that would afford satisfaction.
When he had concluded his speech, the nobles and knights present unanimously replied, that they would serve him to the utmost of their power. The meeting then broke up, and each man returned to his own country and home.
The marshal Boucicaut went to Paris, and in full council, presided by the duke of Acquitaine in the place of his father, he accused the Genoese of various crimes, and exculpated himself for having lost that town; and ended by entreating, that he might be sufficiently supplied with men and money to offer them battle and regain it.
The council deferred giving an answer at the moment, but appointed a day for him to receive it. In the mean time, Boucicaut waited on all the principal lords, to interest them in his cause, and to beg that they would press the king and council to hasten a compliance with his request. It was ordered by the council, conjunctively with the three estates, that the Genoese should be summoned to appear before them at Paris, at the feast of Easter, when many of the nobles would be there assembled on other weighty affairs, particularly to have their consent that the duke of Acquitaine should be appointed regent of the kingdom, for the Parisians were extremely pressing that this should be done.
The duke of Berry, however, was much displeased when he heard of it, and, to prevent it, wrote urgent letters to the duke of Acquitaine, to the queen, and to the great council, giving substantial reasons why this could not and ought not to be done, considering how very young the duke of Acquitaine was,—adding, that he and his brother Philip duke of Burgundy, of good memory, had sworn on the holy sacrament that they would support and defend, to their last drop of blood, their nephew, the king now on the throne, against all who should attempt any thing to his dishonour or disadvantage.
While these things were in agitation, the king recovered his health,—and of course, the duke of Acquitaine was not regent, to the great satisfaction of the duke of Berry, who was much rejoiced thereat.
In consequence of the quarrel that had now again broken out between the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy, the king issued a proclamation to all the bailiwicks, provostships, seneschalships and governments in his realm, to forbid all nobles, of whatever rank they might be, and every other person, to obey the summons or join in arms either of the above dukes, under pain of their property being confiscated.
On the Wednesday of the holy week, the duke of Bourbon and the count de Vertus, brother to the duke of Orleans, marched five hundred men at arms to Clermont in Beauvoisis, and thence invaded Normandy. The count de Vertus did not remain long there, but, taking a part of the men at arms, left the duke of Bourbon, and hastened to the countries of the Soissonnois and Valois, to the territory of Coucy, which belonged to his brother, and there placed a good garrison.
True it is, that when the duke of Burgundy heard this, he was much troubled, and, as speedily as he could, ordered his men at arms to meet him at Château-Cambresis the last day but one of April. But when these transactions came to the knowledge of the king and council, he sent able ambassadors to each of these dukes, to forbid them, under pain of having all their lands confiscated, and being declared enemies to their king and country, to attempt any expeditions against each other, and commanded them instantly to disband their forces. For this time they very humbly obeyed his orders, and deferred proceeding further for a considerable space.
THE DUKE OF ORLEANS SENDS AMBASSADORS TO THE KING OF FRANCE, WITH LETTERS OF ACCUSATION AGAINST THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY AND THOSE OF HIS PARTY.
At the commencement of this year, the duke of Orleans was displeased that those ministers who had been nominated by the duke of Burgundy had greater influence than any of the others, and that they daily deprived such as had been attached to the late duke of Orleans, and were now his friends, of their offices. In consequence, he sent ambassadors to the king to complain of this conduct, and to require that the murderers of his father should be punished conformably to the articles of the treaty, but who were now residents within the kingdom. To these ambassadors promises were made, on the part of the king, that proper remedies should be applied to give them satisfaction.
On their departure, the king sent to his uncle, the duke of Berry, at Bourges, to require that he would interfere between his two nephews of Orleans and Burgundy, and make peace between them, which he engaged to do; and in consequence, he sent his chancellor, the archbishop of Bourges, to Paris, well instructed by the duke how he was to act.
Shortly after, this chancellor, the marshal Boucicaut, with others, were dispatched to the duke of Burgundy, then at St Omer, who, having heard all they had to say, replied, that it was no fault of his, nor should it ever be so, that any articles of the late treaties were infringed; for that in this, and in every thing else, he was very desirous of obeying the king. And this his answer they laid before the king and council.
But as the proceedings against the murderers of the late duke of Orleans did not seem to his son, and his advisers, to be carried on with sufficient vigour, he wrote letters, signed with his own hand, to complain of this and other matters to the king, the contents of which were as follows:
‘Most redoubted lord, after offering my humble recommendation,—lately, very redoubted lord, two of your counsellors came to me, namely, sir Collart de Charleville, knight, and sir Simon de Nanterre, president of your parliament, whom you had been pleased to send me to signify and explain your good will and pleasure touching certain points, which they have clearly and distinctly declared, according to the terms of their commission.
‘First, they require and entreat of me, in your name, who may command me as your loyal subject and humble servant, that I should submit the quarrel that subsists between me and the duke of Burgundy, for the inhuman and cruel murder of my very redoubted lord and father, and your own brother, on whose soul may God have mercy! to my lady the queen, and to my lord and uncle the duke of Berry, who has been in like manner solicited by your ambassadors to labour diligently to establish a firm peace, for the general good of the kingdom.
‘They have informed me, that you have also made a similar proposal to the duke of Burgundy,—and that, to effectuate so desirable an object as peace, I should send four of my friends to my said uncle of Berry, who will there meet the same number from the duke of Burgundy.
‘The second point mentioned by them is, that you entreat I would desist from assembling men at arms.
‘Thirdly, that I would accept of letters from you similar to those which had been formerly sent me at my request, respecting the murderers, and their accomplices, of my late father and your brother.
‘Having very maturely weighed and considered the above points, I reply, that I most humbly thank you, very redoubted lord, for your grace and kindness in thus sending to me; and I can assure you, that I have no greater pleasure than in hearing often from you, and of your noble state; that I was, and am always ready to serve and obey you in body and fortune, to the utmost extent of my own and my subjects’ abilities.
‘But as the matters which they have mentioned to me in your name are of very high consideration and importance, concerning yourself and your noble state, and as I shall ever be most anxious to show my ready obedience to your will, I was unable at the moment to make them any reply, excepting that I would send you an answer as speedily as I could. This I have hitherto deferred, for I know you have near your person, and in your council, several of my bitter enemies, whom you ought to regard as yours also, and to whom I am unwilling that my answer, or my future intentions, should be made known: neither is it right they should be made acquainted with what concerns me, or have the opportunity of giving their opinions in council, or elsewhere, relative thereto.
‘I therefore assure you, most redoubted lord, in the fullest manner, that I am your humble son and nephew, ready at all times to obey you as my sovereign lord, and most heartily anxious to honour and exalt to the utmost of my power your crown and dignity, as well as that of the queen, the duke of Acquitaine, and all your other children and kingdom, and to advise you most loyally and faithfully, without ever concealing any thing from you that may tend to the glory of your crown, or to the welfare of your realm.
‘I have some time hesitated to denounce to you such of my enemies, and yours also, as are in your council and service, namely, the bishop of Tournay, the vidame d’Amiens, John de Neelles67, the lord de Heilly, Charles de Savoisy, Anthony des Essars, John de Courcelles, Peter de Fontenay and Maurice de Railly, who, by force or underhand means, are capable of doing me great mischief, insomuch that they have dismissed certain very able men from their offices, who were your trusty servants, and have done them very great and irreparable damages: they are guilty also of insinuating very many falsehoods, to keep myself and others, your relations and faithful servants, at a distance from you, by which, and other means equally dishonourable and iniquitous, long followed by them and their adherents, have they troubled the peace of the kingdom: nor is it very probable that so long as such persons shall remain in power, and in your service, any firm or lasting peace can be established; for they will always prevent you from doing justice to myself or to others, which ought indifferently to be done to all,—to the poor as well as to the rich.
‘This conduct they pursue, because they know themselves guilty of many crimes, and especially John de Neelles and the lord de Heilly, who were accomplices in the murder of my late honoured father, and your only brother, under the protection of the duke of Burgundy, the principal in this crime. They are his sworn servants and pensioners, or allies to the said duke, whence they may be reputed actors and accomplices in this base and cowardly assassination. These accomplices, most redoubted lord, appear daily in your presence, and you ought to consider their crimes in the same light as if done personally against you, for indeed your authority was set at nought.
‘That I may now say all that I know, I am satisfied, that had not the course of your justice been checked by the aforesaid persons and their accomplices, ample justice would have been done for the death of my lord and father, and your brother, with the aid of your officers and loyal subjects, as I know for certain that they were well inclined to it.
‘For this I am very thankful; and I most earnestly pray you, for your own honour, for that of the queen and of the duke of Acquitaine, as well as for the honour of your kingdom, that you would do good and fair justice, by causing these guilty persons to be arrested and punished, since they are equally your enemies as mine,—and that you would not longer admit to your presence and councils the partisans of the duke of Burgundy, but select in their places good, loyal, and able men, such as may be found in abundance in your kingdom.
‘When these things shall be done, I will then, under God’s pleasure, send you such answer, that you may clearly know my inmost thoughts, and which shall prove satisfactory to God, to yourself, and to the world. For the love of God, I pray you, my most redoubted lord, do not neglect doing this; otherwise I see plainly, that whatever supplications or requests I make to you will never be attended to, although they be conformable to reason and justice, and that you will be prevented from acting in the manner you have proposed, through your ambassadors to me, nor shall I be able to do what they have required from me on your part.
‘Therefore, my most redoubted lord, I beg you will not disappoint me; for what I have required is but just and reasonable, as will be apparent to any one. My very dear lord, may it please you to order me according to your good pleasure, and, with the will of God, I will obey you faithfully in all things.’
When the duke of Orleans had sent this letter to the king, he wrote others of the like tenour to the chancellor of France, and to such of the ministers as he knew were favourable to him, to entreat that they would earnestly exert themselves in pressing the king, queen, and duke of Acquitaine, to dismiss those of the council who governed under the name of the duke of Burgundy, and whose names have been already noticed,—and that he might obtain justice on the murderers of his late father. Notwithstanding the many attempts he made by repeated letters to the king and to others, he could not at that time, through the interposition before mentioned, obtain any answer which was satisfactory.