THE DEATH OF THE DUKE OF BAR.—THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS AN EMBASSY TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY,—AND OTHER MATTERS.
In this year died that valiant and wise man Henry duke of Bar, and was succeeded by his eldest son Edward, marquis du Pont, in the duchy of Bar and castlewick of Cassel, excepting a part which he had bequeathed as an inheritance, after his decease, to Robert de Bar, son to the deceased Henry de Bar, his eldest son, and to the lady de Coucy, namely, Varneston, Bourbourg, Dunkirk and Rhodes68. In consequence of his death, Edward was styled Duke of Bar, and began his reign prosperously.
At this period, the king of France sent ambassadors to the duke of Burgundy, who, beside what they delivered to him in speech, gave him the letters which the duke of Orleans had written to the king, containing his charges against him and his accomplices. He was much displeased at this conduct, and made reply by these ambassadors, that the charges brought against him by the duke of Orleans were untrue. When he had received the ambassadors with every honour, he took leave of them, and went to his county of Flanders: and they returned to Paris without any satisfactory answer to the matters concerning which they had been sent.
It was not long before the duke of Burgundy raised a large body of men at arms, whom he sent into the Cambresis, and toward St Quentin; but immediately after, by orders from the king and council, he dismissed them to the places whence they had come.
On the 15th day of July, master John Petit, doctor of divinity, whom the duke of Orleans had intended to prosecute, before the university of Paris, for heresy, died in the town of Hesdin, in the hôtel of the hospital which the duke of Burgundy had given him, beside large pensions, and was buried in the church of the Friars Minors in the town of Hesdin.
At this time, a tax was laid on the clergy of France and of Dauphiny, of half a tenth, by the pope, with the consent of the king, the princes, and the university of Paris, and the greater part of the prelates and cities, to be paid by two instalments; the first on Magdalen day, and the second at Whitsuntide following. It was so rigorously collected that the poorer clergy complained bitterly.
During this transaction, and while the duke of Burgundy was resident in his town of Bruges, on Saturday the 10th of July, sir Amé de Sarrebrusse, sir Clugnet de Brabant, and other captains of the duke of Orleans, came, with a numerous body of men at arms, before Coucy, in the Vermandois, and Ham sur Somme.
News of this was soon carried to the duke of Burgundy, who, suspecting they intended to invade and make war on his territories, gave commissions to several of his captains, namely, the lord de Heilly, Enguerrand de Bournouville, the lord de Ront, and some others, to march a body of men at arms towards Bapaume and Ham, to oppose the Armagnacs, should they attempt to penetrate further into the country.
During this time, the duke of Orleans and his brothers continued their solicitations for justice, and again sent letters to the king, princes, cities, and prelates, to engage them to unite with them in obtaining the object of their petitions. The tenour of the letter they wrote to the king is as follows.
THE DUKE OF ORLEANS AND HIS BROTHERS SEND LETTERS TO THE KING OF FRANCE, TO OTHER LORDS, AND TO SEVERAL OF THE PRINCIPAL TOWNS IN FRANCE, TO COMPLAIN OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.
‘Most redoubted and sovereign lord,—we Charles duke of Orleans, Philip count de Vertus, and John count of Angoulême, brothers, your very humble children and nephews, have, with all due humiliation and submission, considered it right to lay before you, jointly and separately, what follows.
‘Although the barbarous and cruel murder of our redoubted lord and very dear father, your brother, must for certain be most strongly impressed on your royal memory, and engraven on your heart,—nevertheless, most redoubted lord, our grief and the sense of what is due to us from all laws, human and divine, force us to renew in your memory all the minute transactions of that inhuman event.
‘It is a fact, most dear lord, that John, who styles himself duke of Burgundy, through a hatred he had long nourished in his breast, and from an insatiate ambition and a desire of governing your realm, and that he might have the office of regent, as he has clearly shown and daily continues to show, did, on the 14th day of November in the year 1407, most treacherously murder your brother, our most renowned lord and father, in the streets of Paris, and during the night, by causing him to be waylaid by a set of infamous wretches, hired for this purpose, without having previously testified any displeasure towards him. This is well known to all the world; for it has been publicly avowed by the traitorous murderer himself, who is more disloyal, cruel, and inhuman than you can imagine; and we do not believe you can find in any writings one of a more perverse or faithless character.
‘In the first place, they were so nearly connected by blood, being cousins-german, the children of two brothers, that it adds to his crime of murder that of parricide; and the laws cannot too severely punish so detestable an action. They were also brothers in arms, having twice or thrice renewed this confederation under their own hands and seals, and solemnly sworn on the holy sacrament, in the presence of very many prelates and nobles, that they would be true and loyal friends,—that they would not do any thing to the prejudice of each other, either openly or secretly, nor suffer any such like thing to be done by others.
‘They, besides, entered into various protestations of love and friendship, making the most solemn promises to continue true brothers in arms, as is usual in such cases, to demonstrate that they felt a perfect friendship for each other; and as a confirmation of their affection, they mutually wore each other’s colours and badges.
‘Secondly, he proved the perverseness of his heart by the manner in which this murder was committed. Under cover of his pretended affection for your aforesaid brother, he conversed frequently with him; and once when he was ill, a short time before his death, he visited him at his house of Beauté sur Marne, and in Paris, showing him every sign of love and friendship that brother, cousin, or friend could testify,—when, at the same time, he had plotted his death, had sent for the murderers to Paris, and had even hired the house to hide them in, which clearly demonstrates the wickedness and disloyalty of his heart.
‘In addition to what I have just stated, and the very day before the murder took place, after the council which you had held at the hôtel de St Pol was broken up, they both, in your presence and before the other princes of the blood who were there, drank wine and ate together; and your brother invited him to dine with him the Sunday following. The duke of Burgundy accepted the invitation, although he knew what a diabolical attempt he harboured in his heart, and that it would be put into effect the very first favourable opportunity. This is an abomination disgraceful even to relate.
‘On the morrow, therefore, notwithstanding all his fair promises and oaths, being obstinately bent upon his wicked purpose, he caused him to be put to death with more cruelty than ever man of any rank suffered, by those whom he had hired to waylay and murder him, and who had, for a long time, been watching their opportunity. They first cut off his right hand, which was found the next day in the dirt: they then cut his left arm so that it held only by the skin, and, beside, fractured and laid open his skull in several places that his brains were scattered in the street; and they then dragged his body through the mud, until it was quite lifeless.
‘It would be pitiful to hear of such barbarous conduct towards the meanest subject: how much the more horror must the recital cause, when it was practised on the first prince of the blood of France! Never was any branch of your noble race so cruelly and infamously treated,—and you and all of your blood, and such of your subjects as wish you well, ought not to suffer such a lamentable deed to be perpetrated without any punishment or reparation whatever, as is the case till this present time, which is the most shameful thing that ever happened, or ever could happen, to so noble a house; and additional disgrace will fall upon it, if you any longer delay justice.
‘Thirdly, he shows his perverseness and obstinacy by false and damnable hypocrisy; for after the horrid deed had been done, he came with the other princes dressed in black, to attend the body, pretending the utmost grief at the funeral for the loss of his brother in arms, thinking by this means to cover the wickedness of his sin. It would be tiresome to relate all the damnable and hypocritical arts he employed to hide the treacherous and murderous part he had acted, until he perceived that his crime must be brought to light by the diligence of your officers of justice.
‘He then, and then only, confessed to the king of Sicily, and to the duke of Berry, that he had perpetrated this murder, or at least had caused it to be committed; and that the devil had tempted him to do it, for that in truth he could not assign any other cause for having so done. But he was not contented with murdering his body: he wanted again, so great is his iniquity, to murder his fame and fair reputation by false and wicked accusations, when he was no more able to defend himself against them. The falsehood of these charges, through the grace of God, is notorious to you and to the whole world.
‘My late most redoubted lady-mother, whose soul may God receive! suffered the utmost tribulation, not only for the death of her much-beloved lord and husband, but also for the inhuman and cruel manner of it; and like one in despair, attended by me, John of Angoulême, she waited on you, as her king and sovereign lord, and her sole refuge in this her distress, and most humbly supplicated that you would, out of your benign goodness, have compassion on her and her children, and would order such prompt and just judgment to be executed on the perpetrators of this murder as the blackness of the case required; and as you are bound in your quality of king to administer strict justice to all your subjects without delay, as well to the poor as to the rich, so rather the more promptly ought you to exercise it in favour of the poor and deserted than for the rich and powerful; for this upright administration of justice is a great virtue, and on this account were kings chiefly appointed, and power intrusted to their hands. The case that was then and is now again brought before you requires the most speedy justice; for it not only concerns you as king, but affects you more sensibly and personally,—for her husband, our much regretted lord, who was so treacherously slain, was your only brother, and, consequently, strict justice ought to have been granted to her, and done on the murderers.
‘You did indeed appoint a day for doing her this justice; on which account, she constantly employed her agents near your person, to remind you thereof: she waited long after the appointed day had elapsed for the judgment which you had promised her,—and, notwithstanding all her diligence and exertions, she met with nothing but delays, caused by the means of the aforesaid traitor, his friends and adherents, as shall be more fully explained hereafter.
‘However, most redoubted lord, I know for certain, that your inclinations were very willing to do us justice, and that they still remain the same. Our most afflicted mother, attended by me Charles of Orleans, again returned; and we renewed our request to have judgment executed on the assassins of our late lord and father. We also caused to be most fully detailed before my lord of Acquitaine, your eldest son, and by you commissioned as your lieutenant on this occasion, and before the queen, every circumstance relative to the murder, and the infamous charges urged by way of exculpation by the murderer, and the causes why he had committed this atrocious crime. We, at the same time, fully replied to what had been argued in his defence; and after this, our lady-mother caused conclusions to be drawn against the aforesaid traitor, according to the usual customs of your reign, and required that your attorney should join with her in the further prosecution of the criminals, so that they might be brought to justice.
‘When this was done, our very redoubted lord the duke of Acquitaine, by the advice of the princes of your blood and divers others of your council, then present at the Louvre, made answer to our lady-mother, that, as your lieutenant, he and the princes of the blood, and the members of your council, were satisfied, and pleased with the justifications offered by our lady-mother in behalf of your brother, our much redoubted father, whose soul may God pardon! and that they considered him as fully innocent of the charges brought against him, and added, that substantial justice should be done to her satisfaction.
‘Notwithstanding all these promises, there was much delay in their execution, insomuch that she frequently renewed her solicitations to you, the princes of your blood, and to your council, and used various other means to obtain justice, the recital of which would tire you: nevertheless, she could never gain the assistance of your attorney-general in prosecuting the aforesaid criminals to judgment, which circumstance is lamentable to think on.
‘For the aforesaid traitor, well knowing your inclination to execute justice, knowing also that his crime could by no means be justified, in order to prevent matters being pushed to extremity, (notwithstanding your positive orders to him, to forbid his appearing at Paris, with any body of men at arms) came thither with a powerful force, composed of foreigners, and several who had been banished your realm, who did great mischief to the countries through which they passed, as is notorious to every one.
‘Your and our lady the queen, with the duke of Acquitaine, your son and heir, and the princes of the blood, were forced to quit your capital before he arrived there. He remained, therefore, in your town of Paris lord paramount, and conducted himself in a tyrannical manner, subversive of your dominion, and contrary to the interests of the people. To avoid greater inconveniences and oppressions on your subjects from him and his men at arms, it was judged expedient that you, the royal family and council of state should, according to his good pleasure, come to Chartres, and there grant him whatever he should ask. Thus he thought he should be acquitted of all the traitorous acts and murders which he had committed, by trampling your justice under his feet. Consequently he refuses to suffer any of your officers to take cognizance of his crimes, and has not condescended to humiliate himself before you, whom he has troubled and offended more than can be told. He is not, therefore, capable of receiving any grace by law or reason; nor worthy of being admitted to your presence, and having any favours shown to him or to his dependants and friends. He should have presented himself before you in all humility and contrition for his offences; whereas he has done precisely the contrary, and has so obstinately persisted in his wickedness that he has had the boldness to avow to yourself publicly, and before so great an assembly as met at Chartres, that he put your only brother to death for your welfare and that of the state.
‘He wishes also to maintain, that you told him you were not displeased that it had been done. This has shocked every loyal ear that has heard it, and will shock still more the generations to come, who shall read and learn that a king of France (the greatest monarch in Christendom) should not have been displeased at the most inhuman and traitorous murder of his only brother.
‘This is so manifestly treason of the deepest die against your own honour, and that of your crown and kingdom, that scarcely any punishments ordered by law and justice are capable of making reparation for it. It is also greatly prejudicial to the far-famed justice of your courts of law.
‘Notwithstanding the excuses which he made to you, that the murder of your brother had been committed for your personal security, and the good of your kingdom, it is notorious, that it had been plotted a very long time, through his immeasurable ambition of obtaining the government of your realm, as I have before stated. He has declared to several of his dependants and officers, that there never before was committed in this country so base a murder; and yet, in his defence, he says it was done for the public good, and for your personal safety.
‘It is therefore very clear, according to law and equity, that every thing done at Chartres on that day is null and void; and what perhaps is as deserving of punishment as the commission of the crime itself is, that he never deigned to pay you any honour, respect, or condolence for such a loss as that of your brother, nor ever once solicited pardon, or any remission for his offence whatever. And he wishes to maintain, that without confessing his guilt, and without demanding pardon, you have remitted all further proceedings against him, which is contrary to all equity and written laws,—a mere illusion, or rather a derision of justice, namely, thus to leave a murderer, without taking any cognizance of his crime, without penitence or contrition, and to prosecute no inquiry into his conduct, and, what is worse, when such a criminal obstinately perseveres in his wickedness, even in the presence of his sovereign lord. On that same day, however, he fell into a manifest and apparent contradiction; for he says that he has done well, and consequently he assumes to himself merit, and requires remuneration,—and, nevertheless, he pretends to say that you have given him pardon and remission, which circumstance implies not good deeds and merit, but a crime and offence.
‘He has never offered any prayers for the salvation of the soul of the deceased, nor any remuneration to those who have suffered from the loss caused by him; and this you ought not, and cannot in any manner pardon.
‘Thus it clearly appears, that what was done at Chartres was contrary to every principle of law, equity, reason and justice; whence it again follows, that from this, and other causes too long to be detailed, all the proceedings at Chartres are null and of no effect. Should any one maintain, that the treaty made at Chartres is good and binding, it may very easily be shown, that this aforesaid traitor has infringed the articles of it in various ways, and has been the first to violate it.
‘Although you had ordered, that henceforth he should in no way act to our prejudice, and although he had sworn to observe it,—nevertheless he did directly the contrary; for, thinking to damn the good fame of our very redoubted lord and father, he caused your grand master of the household, whose soul may God receive! to be arrested, thrown into close imprisonment, and inhumanly tortured, so that his limbs were broken, and made him suffer other martyrdom that he might, through the severity of torture, force him to confess that our ever-to-be-regretted lord and father, and your only brother, whose soul may God pardon! was guilty of some of the charges which he had falsely brought against him, so that his crimes might be excused, and that he might for ever destroy the honour of our family.
‘He had the grand master carried to the place of execution, who there, when death was before his eyes, declared, on the damnation of his soul if he told a falsehood, that he had never in his life seen any thing treasonable in the conduct of the late duke of Orleans, or any thing that tended to the hurt of any individual,—but that he had always most loyally served you: and should he have said any thing to the contrary when under torture, it must have been his sufferings that forced him to utter what he thought would please his tormentors. What he now said was the real truth, and he uttered it on the peril of damnation; and this he persevered in to the moment of his execution, in the hearing of many knights and other respectable persons.
‘This plainly demonstrates, that the duke of Burgundy’s conduct was precisely the reverse to what he had sworn to observe when at Chartres.
‘He has received into his hôtel and supported, and continues daily so to do, the murderers who slew your brother, although they were especially excepted out of the treaty concluded at Chartres. He likewise, as is notorious, troubles the officers and servants of our late lord and father, who now appertain to us, and dismisses them from all the employments which they held under your government, without any other cause whatever but his hatred to us and to our house, and to those servants who are attached to us. He even attempted not only to ruin them in their fortunes, but to take away their lives by means too tedious to relate; but the facts are notorious.
‘The traitor, therefore, sensible of the horror of his criminal cruelty, and that he could not by any means palliate it, has usurped the government of your kingdom (for the sole cause of his murdering your brother was his unbounded ambition),—and, by so doing, effectually prevents your officers of justice from taking cognizance of his crimes, and likewise creates infinite grief to all your loyal subjects and wellwishers.
‘He detains your royal person, as well as that of my lord the duke of Acquitaine, in such subjection that no one, however high his rank, can have access to you, whatever may be his business, without first having obtained permission from those whom he has placed around you, and has thus driven from you and your family several faithful and valiant servants long attached to you, and filled their places with his own creatures, and in great part with foreigners and persons unknown to you. In like manner, he has acted toward my lord of Acquitaine.
‘He has also displaced your officers,—in particular, such as held the principal posts in your realm; and as for your finances, he has lavished them here and there according to his will and pleasure, but greatly to his own advantage, and not at all for the good of yourself, or for the relief of your people, which has caused much discontent against you. The underlings in office he has sorely vexed, under feigned pretences of justice, and has robbed them of their fortunes, which he has applied to his own proper use, as is well known throughout Paris and elsewhere.
‘In short, he has introduced such a licentiousness of manners into the kingdom that all sorts of crimes are committed, without inquiry or punishment following them; and thus, from default or neglect of justice being done on this enormous and detestable murderer, many other murders have been committed with impunity in different parts of the realm, since the melancholy death of our much-regretted lord and father, murderers and other criminals saying, ‘Our crimes will be passed over, since no notice has been taken of him who slew the king’s brother.’
‘On this account, most redoubted lord, my lord of Berry your uncle, the duke of Bourbon, the count d’Alençon, the counts de Clermont and d’Armagnac, and I Charles of Orleans, wishing to testify our loyalty to you, as we are bound by parentage, and being your very humble subjects, had intended coming to you last year to lay before you the damnable government of your kingdom, and to remonstrate, that should it continue longer, it must end in the destruction of yourself, your family, and your realm.
‘In order, therefore, that you may hear us as well as such as may maintain the contrary, let there be chosen a sufficient number of discreet men to examine into the grievances we complain of; and let a remedy be applied to them, providing first for the security of your royal person, and for that of my lord of Acquitaine. This was more fully explained in the proclamations issued previously to our coming to Paris, when, for our personal safety, we were accompanied by our friends and vassals, all of them your subjects; and our only object in thus coming was the welfare of yourself and your kingdom.
‘We offered to wait on you with very few attendants, but we could never obtain access to you, nor have a single audience, through the obstructions of this traitor, who was alway by your side; and he alone prevented the goodness of our intentions being made known to you, from his persevering ambition and his boundless desire of seizing the government of yourself and realm.
‘We, therefore, finding all hopes of seeing you fruitless, in consequence of agreements concluded with your council, returned home; but to avoid, if possible, the destruction of your country, we must again confederate.—We faithfully observed all the articles of the agreement; but we were no sooner at a distance than our enemy violated them in the most essential part. It had been settled that your new ministry should be composed of men of unblemished characters, who were not partisans or servants, or pensioners to either side; but he has kept those that were attached to him in power, so that he has now a majority in the council, and consequently rules more despotically and more securely than when he held the reins of government in his own hand.
‘These grievances are increasing, and will increase, unless God shall direct your mind to provide a remedy to them.
‘Pierre des Essars, who had been provost of your good town of Paris, and minister of finance, was to be deprived of these offices, and of every employment he held under your name. This was done for a short time,—but he has since obtained for him, by letters sealed with your great seal, a re-appointment to the provostship, under pretence of which the said Pierre des Essars has returned to Paris, and has attempted by force to execute the duties of that office. He came, in fact, to the court of the Châtelet, seated himself on the judgment seat, and took possession of his office with the knowledge and connivance of the duke of Burgundy,—and it was not his fault, if he failed in success.
‘Hence it appears plainly, that the late arrangements have been by him, and those of his party, violated; and that he never had any real intentions of keeping the treaty is clear from his having consented to the dismission of Pierre des Essars, and then secretly procuring his restitution. It was also stipulated in this treaty, that all who had been deprived of their offices for having been in the company of me, Charles d’Orleans, and the other lords, at the hôtel of Winchester, should be restored to them; and that, by your orders, and those of your council, sir John de Charencieres was to be replaced in his government of your town and castle of Caen,—nevertheless, the duke of Burgundy, in opposition to these your orders, had him displaced, and solicited the appointment for himself, from hatred to sir John de Charencieres, and, having obtained it, now holds it, which is another infringement of the treaty.
‘Notwithstanding, most redoubted lord and sovereign, all the diligence and exertions made by our much-loved mother, whose soul may God pardon! to obtain justice on the murderers of our late very dear father, four years have now elapsed without any judgment being passed on such enormous criminals, although she pursued every means in her power.
‘In consequence of this failure or neglect, I, Charles of Orleans, have of late most humbly supplicated you to grant me warrants against these aforesaid murderers, addressed to all your justices, that they might, on due examination of the charges, imprison and punish, according to the exigency of the case, all or any who may have been implicated in this abominable crime. In this I made not any extraordinary request; for justice is due to all your subjects, and cannot be refused them: you cannot believe that any man, however low his rank, in your kingdom, would have a similar request neglected by your courts of justice, for I know it could not be refused. However, in spite of every exertion I could make, I have never yet been able to obtain these warrants, the reason of which is, as I suppose, that some of your new ministers are implicated in the crime I am anxious to have punished, and therefore will not suffer such warrants to be issued.
‘For this reason, therefore, most redoubted lord, have I of late earnestly supplicated you, that you would, from personal considerations, and for the good of your realm, dismiss from your service the persons named in my letter,—for I therein charged them with having obstructed public justice and disturbed the peace of the country. When this should be done, I declared to your ambassadors, that I was willing, from my love to your person and attachment to your kingdom, to make publicly known my future intentions, and that my conduct should be such as would have the approbation of God and of your majesty; but notwithstanding this, I have not yet had any satisfactory answer to all my repeated solicitations for justice on the murderers of my late regretted lord and father.
‘We, therefore, most redoubted lord, again make our petitions that the aforesaid criminals may be brought to that justice which is due to them for the enormity of their offences; the principal having made a public confession of his guilt in the presence of my lord of Acquitaine, who presided, in your absence, at the meeting held at his request in the hôtel de St Pol, and before a numerous body of the nobility, clergy and others; and the traitor cannot deny that this his confession was made before a competent judge, and in the presence of such witnesses as the king of Sicily and my lord of Berry your uncle.
‘He had before privately confessed to these two persons, that he had committed the murder without any cause whatever, but through the instigation of the enemy of mankind. This confession, according to every law, ought to be to his prejudice, nor should he be suffered to offer any excuse in extenuation of a crime thus publicly and privately avowed; for he has condemned himself, and ought to have judgment passed on him accordingly.
‘It is very apparent, that such confession requires not any further proceedings but the passing of that sentence which the enormity of the crime deserves. Notwithstanding this, our much-regretted lady-mother and ourselves have never been able, with all our exertions, to overcome the premeditated delays to obstruct justice; for three years and a half are elapsed since we first brought the matter before you, and we are not one step more advanced to the attainment of judgment than we were then. It is painful to consider what may be the consequence of this wilful delay of justice to the welfare of your kingdom, and that the most dangerous consequences may ensue, unless a speedy and decisive remedy be applied.
‘May it therefore please your grace to do your loyal duty, in executing this act of justice, in obedience to God your Creator, to whom judgment appertains, and from whom you hold your authority. Have regard also to the good government of your realm, and exert yourself to put an end to every obstacle in the way of a just punishment on the traitor. We most earnestly supplicate you to comply with this our request as soon as possible, for we are bounden to press you to it, to the utmost of our powers, under pain of not being reputed the children of our late lamented father, and of being disgraced, and unworthy of bearing his name and arms, and of succeeding to his honours and estates: such dishonour we will never endure, but would rather suffer death, as ought to be the determination of every man of noble heart, of whatever rank or estate he may be.
‘We therefore entreat you, with all possible humility, that for this purpose, and also in order to resist and oppose his wicked intention to destroy us by any means whatsoever, it may please you, from your benignant grace, to aid, assist and abet by your power, us to whom God hath vouchsafed so great favour as to cause us to be born your relations, even of your own kin, and your true nephews, children of your only brother,—or, to speak more properly, assist your only brother, who has fallen a martyr to the ambitious views of this traitor. Most redoubted lord, there is no man so poor, who, having had his brother murdered, will not prosecute the murderer to death, and the more earnestly as the criminal displays greater obstinacy. This is exemplified in the conduct of our traitor; for it is notorious, that he has dared to write, and to declare to many respectable persons, that he slew your brother, whom God pardon! our much-redoubted lord and father, fairly and meritoriously. In answer to which, I Charles of Orleans say, that he lies, and I at present decline to make a more ample reply,—for it is very manifest, as I have before explained, that he is a liar, and a false disloyal traitor, and that, through the grace of God, I am, and ever will be without reproach, and a teller of truth.
‘Since, therefore, such things cannot fail of being very prejudicial to your realm and to the public welfare, we beseech you most humbly to do us that justice which you are bounden to do, and to assist us by every means in your power, that we may have full and ample reparation for the wrongs done us and our family, and that this murder may be punished in the manner it deserves. In acting thus, you will acquit yourself toward God our Creator, and execute justice, of which you are the supreme head, to whom we must have recourse after God.
‘That you, our most redoubted lord, may be assured that the contents of this letter are from our free will and knowledge, we, Charles, Philip and John, your most humble children and nephews, have each of us signed it with our own hands. Written at Gergeau, the 10th day of July, in the year 1411.’
This letter was sent, by a herald of the duke of Orleans, to the king at Paris, and was laid before the whole of the council, where different opinions were held as to the contents. Some wished that the brothers should have their requests complied with, and that the duke of Burgundy should be summoned, that they might hear what he had to say in his defence to the charges which they should make against him. But at length the business was postponed, and the duke of Orleans could not obtain any favourable answer; for the greater part of those who ruled the king and the duke of Acquitaine were favourers of the duke of Burgundy, to whom they shortly after sent a copy of the above letter.
The duke of Burgundy, on reading it, was convinced that the family of Orleans and their friends would very soon declare war against him; and in consequence, he immediately began to make every preparation to oppose them, by forming magazines of stores, and engaging a numerous body of men at arms, in various parts of his possessions.
The duke of Orleans and his brothers had not only written to the king of France, and to the princes of the blood, but also to the principal towns, making complaint against the duke of Burgundy, and requiring their support. When they perceived that the king and his ministers did not intend to answer their letter, they again wrote to the great towns, giving them to understand, that if redress were not granted them in the legal manner, as they had demanded it, they should seek other means of obtaining it.
It was now ordered by the king, the queen, and the duke of Berry, and others of weight in the council, that measures should be adopted for appeasing the quarrels of the dukes of Orleans and of Burgundy. Ambassadors were sent to each of the parties, but without success, principally because the duke of Burgundy would not condescend to make any other reparation than what had passed at the treaty of Chartres; and his pride was increased by having the king and the duke of Acquitaine on his side.
The Orleans-party were much discontented, but not dismayed; for many very considerable lords were with them, and had promised them aid and support against the duke of Burgundy to the utmost of their powers. The queen, therefore, and the others employed to negotiate a peace between the two factions, finding their attempts fruitless, gave it up, and on a certain day made a report to the king of what they had done, and the answers they had received from both parties. Shortly after, the duke of Orleans and his faction resolved to make mortal war on the duke of Burgundy and his allies, and sent him their challenges by a herald.
THE DUKE OF ORLEANS AND HIS BROTHERS SEND A CHALLENGE TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, IN HIS TOWN OF DOUAY.
The following is the tenour of the challenge sent by the three brothers of Orleans to the duke of Burgundy, in consequence of the murder of their late father, the duke of Orleans.
‘Charles, duke of Orleans and of Valois, count of Blois and of Beaumont, and lord of Coucy, Philip count of Vertus, John count of Angoulême, brothers,—to thee, John, who callest thyself duke of Burgundy.
‘For the very horrible murder by thee committed (in treacherously waylaying by assassins) on the person of our most redoubted lord and father, Louis duke of Orleans, only brother to my lord the king, our sovereign and thine, in spite of all the divers oaths of brotherhood and fellowship thou hadst sworn to him; and for the numberless treacheries and disloyal acts that thou hast perpetrated, as well against our sovereign lord the king as against ourselves, we thus acquaint thee, that we shall make war upon and distress thee and thine by every possible means in our power.
‘And we appeal to God and justice against thy disloyalty and treason, and call for the assistance of every worthy man in this world. In testimony whereof, and to assure thee of its truth, we have subjoined the seal of me Charles of Orleans to these presents. Given at Gergeau, the 18th day of July.’
The above letter was delivered to the duke of Burgundy by a herald in his town of Douay, who, having considered its contents, wrote the following answer, which he sent by one of his heralds at arms to the aforesaid brothers.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS AN ANSWER TO THE CHALLENGE OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS AND HIS BROTHERS.
‘John duke of Burgundy, count of Artois, of Flanders, palatine of Burgundy, lord of Salines and of Malines,—to thee Charles, who stylest thyself duke of Orleans and Valois,—and to thee Philip, who signest thyself count of Vertus,—and to thee John, who callest thyself count of Angoulême, who have lately sent me your letters of defiance.
‘We make known to you, and to all the world, that to put an end to the abominable treasons and mischiefs that were daily plotted in various ways, against the person of our sovereign lord and king, and against all his royal offspring, by Louis your father, and to prevent your false and disloyal father from succeeding in his abominable designs against the person of our and his most redoubted lord and sovereign, which were become so notorious that no honest man ought to have suffered him to live, more especially we who are cousin-german to our lord the king, dean of the peerage, and twice a peer69, felt it incumbent on us not to permit such a person longer to exist on the earth, and, by putting an end to his life, have done pleasure to God, and a most loyal service to our sovereign lord, in destroying a vile and disloyal traitor.
‘And since thou and thy brothers are following the detestable traces and felony of your said father, thinking to succeed in the aforesaid damnable attempts, we have received your challenge with great gladness of heart. But in regard to the charges therein made against us, we declare ye have falsely and wickedly lied, like disloyal traitors as ye are; and with the assistance of our sovereign, who is perfectly well acquainted and satisfied with our loyalty and honour, and for the welfare of his people, we will inflict that punishment on you as such abandoned traitors and wicked rebels are deserving of. In witness of which, we have had this letter sealed with our seal. Given at our town of Douay, the 14th day of August, in the year 1411.’
This answer, as I have before said, was carried by one of the duke of Burgundy’s officers at arms to Blois, and there delivered to the duke of Orleans and his brothers, who were very indignant at the expressions contained therein. He nevertheless entertained the bearer well, and, having maturely considered the matter, exerted himself to the utmost in collecting men at arms to wage war on the duke of Burgundy.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY IS DISCONTENTED WITH SIR MANSART DU BOS.—HE SENDS LETTERS TO REQUIRE THE ASSISTANCE OF THE DUKE OF BOURBON.
When the duke of Burgundy was convinced that he could not avoid war with the family of Orleans and their adherents, for several of them had challenged him by letters and otherwise, he vigorously applied himself to collect forces to resist them. Among those who had sent him letters of defiance, he was more displeased with sir Mansart du Bos, a knight of Picardy, than with any of the rest; but of him, and his end, more shall be said hereafter.
He wrote a letter to the duke of Bourbon, which he sent by Flanders king at arms, the contents of which were as follow:
‘Very dear and well-beloved cousin, duke of Bourbon and count of Clermont,—John duke of Burgundy, count of Artois, Flanders and Burgundy, hopes he remains well in your good memory. In the year 1405, you and he formed certain alliances, which, three years ago, were, at your request, renewed and again sworn to, in the presence of many knights and of other persons well deserving credit. In consequence, you were to remain my good and true friend during your life, to promote to the utmost my welfare and honour, and to ward off any evil from me, as a sincere relation is bound to do; and likewise, whenever any thing should affect my own honour, or that of my friends, you were bound to assist them or me, to the utmost of your abilities, in council or in arms, and to aid me with money and vassals against all the world, excepting only the persons of my lord the king and of my lord of Acquitaine, or whoever may succeed to the throne of France, and of my late fair cousin, the duke of Bourbon, your father.
‘Should it have happened that a war took place between me and any enemy, whose side the late duke of Bourbon embraced, in that case you might have joined your late father, but only during the course of his life, without any way derogating from the articles of our said alliance. Now, as we both have most solemnly sworn to the observance of this alliance on the holy evangelists of God, and on sacred relics touched by us, to the damnation of our souls in case of failure, I inform you, very dear and well-beloved cousin, that Charles, who calls himself duke of Orleans, in conjunction with Philip and John, his brothers, have sent me a challenge, and intend to wage war on me to the utmost of their power; but I hope, through the will of God, and the assistance of my friends and allies, in council and in arms, and with the aid of my subjects and vassals, to make a successful defence of my honour against their attempts.
‘And since, very dear and well-beloved cousin, you have so solemnly bound yourself to assist me on every lawful occasion, I now, therefore, in virtue of this alliance, require and summon you to come personally to my aid, attended by as many of your friends and men at arms as you can collect, in opposition to the aforesaid Charles, Philip and John, and thus honourably acquit yourself of your oaths and promises,—knowing, at the same time, that on a similar occasion I would accomplish every article of my oaths, without any fraud whatever. And this I hope you will do.—Have the goodness to write to me by the return of the bearer, to inform me of your pleasure and intentions, as the necessity of the case requires it.
‘Given at my town of Douay, and sealed with my great seal appendant to these presents, the 14th day of August, in the year 1411.’
This letter was delivered by the aforesaid herald to the duke of Bourbon, who, having fully read and considered its contents, replied to the herald, that he would speedily send his answer to the duke of Burgundy. This he did; for in a few days he returned the articles of confederation, which he had formed with the duke of Burgundy, declaring them annulled, and strictly united himself to the duke of Orleans and his brothers, to the great displeasure of the duke of Burgundy, but who at that time could not redress it.
A ROYAL PROCLAMATION IS ISSUED, THAT NO PERSON WHATEVER BEAR ARMS FOR EITHER OF THE PARTIES OF THE DUKES OF ORLEANS OR OF BURGUNDY.—THE LATTER WRITES TO THE BAILIFF OF AMIENS.
The duke of Burgundy, fearful that many of his friends would desert him, in obedience of the royal proclamation which had been made in every town and bailiwick through France, strictly commanding all persons whatever not to interfere, or in any manner to assist the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy in their quarrels with each other, wrote letters to the bailiff of Amiens, to his lieutenant, and the mayor and sheriffs of that place, and to each of them, the contents of which were as follows:
‘Very dear and well-beloved,—we have heard from several of the declaration of my lord the king, by which you are forbidden, as well as all his other subjects, to arm in our defence, or in that of our adversaries. This proclamation has been issued by our lord the king, because he was very desirous of establishing peace and concord between us and our enemies; and for this purpose he had many times sent his ambassadors as well to them as to us, to which we have alway replied like a true and loyal subject and servant; and, through God’s mercy, all our answers have tended to a good end, and to peace and union, which has made them perfectly agreeable to our lord the king. But our adversaries having persisted in the same damnable and wicked purposes, which they have ever followed against the peace of my lord the king, his noble family, and the public welfare, by continuing to tread in the footsteps of their father, who, for a long time, persevered in his intentions of destroying my lord the king and his family, have acted quite contrariwise, and sent answers full of dissimulation and treachery, with the sole design of gaining time.
‘Whilst our much-redoubted lady the queen of France, our very dear lord and uncle the duke of Berry, and our very dear brother the duke of Brittany, were endeavouring, according to the king’s orders, to negotiate a peace between us and our adversaries, these false and disloyal traitors, and disobedient subjects, Charles, who calls himself duke of Orleans, and his brothers, sent to us their challenges, and, before that time, have often scandalously, and in violation of their oaths, defamed our person and character as they had before done. This, however, under God’s pleasure, will fail in having any effect, for he who knows all hearts is acquainted with the steady love and attachment we bear, and shall bear so long as we live, to our lord the king and to his family, and to the welfare of his kingdom; and we shall ever support the same with all the worldly possessions and powers that God has bestowed upon us.
‘With these views we have done and commanded such acts as have been done, without paying regard to the scandalous defamations that have been thrown out against us, or any way fearing a diminution of honour by such false, wicked, and disobedient traitors to our lord the king, as the aforesaid Charles and his brothers, the issue of that infamous traitor, their father, so notorious throughout the realm.
‘In truth, we hold it not to have been the intention of our lord the king to prevent any of our relatives, friends, allies, subjects, and well-inclined vassals, from joining us, in the defence of our honour, against our enemies, and to defend our countries from invasion.
‘We therefore entreat of you, and require most affectionately, that you will please to allow such as may be inclined to serve us, who live within your bailiwick, and all others of our friends who may travel through it, to pass freely without any molestation whatever; for you may be assured, that what we shall do will be for the welfare and security of my lord the king, his family, and the whole kingdom, to the confusion of all disloyal traitors.
‘Should there be any thing that we could do to give you pleasure, you have but to signify it to us, and we will do it with our whole heart.—Very dear and good friends, may the Holy Spirit have you under his care! Written in our town of Douay, the 13th day of August.’
These letters were very agreeable to Ferry de Hangest, then bailiff of Amiens, and to the others to whom they had been addressed, for they were well inclined to favour the duke of Burgundy.
THE PARISIANS TAKE UP ARMS AGAINST THE ARMAGNACS.—A CIVIL WAR BREAKS OUT IN SEVERAL PARTS OF FRANCE.
At this time the king of France, who had for a considerable time enjoyed good health, relapsed into his former disorder; on which account, and by reason of the discontents that prevailed throughout the kingdom, (the seat of government had been transferred to Melon,) the butchers of Paris, who have greater power and privileges than any other trade, suspecting that the government of the realm, through the intrigues of the queen and the provost of merchants, named Charles Cudane, would be given to the dukes of Berry and Brittany, in preference to the duke of Acquitaine, the king’s eldest son, waited upon the latter, and exhorted him, notwithstanding his youth, to assume the government for the good of the king and kingdom, promising him their most loyal aid until death. The duke of Acquitaine inclined to their request, and granted them their wishes.
This done, they ordered it to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet in all the squares of Paris, that the provost of merchants, and others in Paris, who were numerous, and whom they suspected of being favourable to the dukes of Berry, Bourbon, and Brittany, and to their parties, must quit the town before a fixed day, under pain of suffering death. In consequence of this proclamation, twelve persons, men and women, without including the domestics of the above lords, left Paris; and shortly after, the duke of Brittany, hearing of these commotions, took leave of the queen at Melun and retired into his duchy.
The butchers, and those who lived near the market-places, with the greater part of the Parisians, were strong partisans of the duke of Burgundy, and very desirous that only he, or those that were of his party, should govern the kingdom; and, to say the truth, it was now become dangerous for the nobility, of whatever party they might be, to dwell in Paris, for the common people had great sway in its government.
In the mean time, the duke of Orleans and his allies were strengthening themselves, by every means in their power, with men at arms. The duke of Bourbon and the count d’Alençon came in these days with a numerous body before the town of Roye in the Vermandois, which belongs to the king of France, and entered it about mid-day, more through fraud than by force of arms, for the townsmen did not suspect any warfare. When they had dined, they sent for the principal inhabitants, and ordered them, whether it were pleasing to them or otherwise, to receive a garrison from them. They then rode to Nesle, in the Vermandois, belonging to the count de Dammartin, wherein they also placed a garrison.
Thence they dispatched sir Clugnet de Brabant, who had joined them, sir Manessier Guieret, and other captains well attended, to the town of Ham in the Vermandois, belonging to the duke of Orleans: they returned by Chauni sur Oise, where they also left a garrison, and in many other places, as well belonging to themselves as to others attached to their party.
The duke of Bourbon, on his arrival from this expedition at his town of Clermont, strengthened it, and all his other towns in that country, with fortifications. When the garrisons had been properly posted, the war suddenly broke out between the two parties of Armagnacs and Burgundians.
The duke of Burgundy had not been idle in fortifying his towns with garrisons, and in collecting men at arms to resist his adversaries: he himself was in Flanders making preparations to march an army to offer them battle. The army of the Armagnacs had already made incursions into Artois, and had done much mischief to friend and foe, by carrying off prisoners and great plunder to the garrisons whence they had come. The Burgundians were not slow in making reprisals, and frequently invaded the county of Clermont and other parts.
When by chance the two parties met, the one shouted ‘Orleans!’ and the other ‘Burgundy!’ and thus from this accursed war, carried on in different parts, the country suffered great tribulation.
The duke of Burgundy, however, had the king on his side, and those also who governed him: he resided in his hôtel of St Pol in Paris, and the greater part of its inhabitants were likewise attached to the duke of Burgundy.
At that time, the governors of Paris were Waleran count de St Pol and John of Luxembourg70, his nephew, who was very young, Enguerrand de Bournouville, and other captains. They frequently made sallies, well accompanied by men at arms, on the Armagnacs, who at times even advanced to the gates of Paris. They were particularly careful in guarding the person of the king, to prevent him from being seduced by the Orleans-party, and carried out of the town.
SIR CLUGNET DE BRABANT IS NEAR TAKING RETHEL.—HE OVERRUNS THE COUNTRY OF BURGUNDY.—OTHER TRIBULATIONS ARE NOTICED.
Sir Clugnet de Brabant, who always styled himself admiral of France, one day assembled two thousand combatants, or thereabout, whom he marched as speedily as he could from their different garrisons, to the country of the Rethelois, having with them scaling ladders and other warlike machines. They arrived at the ditches of the town of Rethel about sun-rise, and instantly made a very sharp assault, thinking to surprise the garrison and plunder the town. The inhabitants, however, had received timely notice of their intentions, and had prepared themselves for resistance as speedily as they could.—Nevertheless, the assault lasted a considerable time with much vigour on both sides, insomuch that many were killed and wounded of each party.
Among the latter was sir Clugnet de Brabant, who, judging from the defence which was made, that he could not gain the place, ordered the retreat to be sounded; and his men marched into the plain, carrying with them the dead and wounded. He then divided them into two companies; the one of which marched through the country of the Laonnois to Coucy and Chauni, plundering what they could lay hands on, and making all prisoners whom they met on their retreat.
The other company marched through part of the empire, by the county of Guise, passing through the Cambresis, and driving before them, like the others, all they could find, especially great numbers of cattle, and thus returned to the town of Ham sur Somme and to their different garrisons.
When they had reposed themselves for eight days, they again took the field with six thousand combatants, and marched for the county of Artois. They came before the town of Bapaume, belonging to the duke of Burgundy, and, on their arrival, won the barriers, and advanced to the gates, where there was a severe skirmish. But the lord de Heilly, sir Hugh de Busse, the lord d’Ancuelles and other valiant men at arms, who had been stationed there by the duke of Burgundy, made a sally, and drove them beyond the barriers,—when many gallant deeds were done, and several killed and wounded on both sides; but the Burgundians were forced to retire within the town, for their enemies were too numerous for them to attempt any effectual resistance. The Orleans-party now retreated, and collected much plunder in the adjacent country, which they carried with them to their town of Ham.
During this time, sir James de Chastillon71, and the other ambassadors from the king of France, negotiated a truce at Leulinghen, in the Boulonois, with the english ambassadors, to last for one year on sea and land.
While these things were passing, the duke of Berry came with the queen of France from Melun to Corbeil, and thence sent Louis of Bavaria to the duke of Acquitaine in Paris, and to those who governed the king, and also to the butchers, to request that they would be pleased to allow him to attend the queen to Paris, and to reside in his hôtel of Neele, near to the king his nephew, since he was determined no way to interfere in the war between the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy.
But his request was refused, chiefly owing to the butchers of Paris, and others of the commonalty, who had great weight; and that he might give over all thoughts of coming, they broke every door and window of his hôtel de Neele, and committed other great damages. They sent back the queen’s brother with a message to her, to come and reside with her lord at Paris, without delay, but not to bring the duke of Berry with her.
The Parisians, fearful that the king and the duke of Acquitaine might be carried off from the hôtel of St Pol, made them reside at the Louvre, where they kept constant guard day and night, to prevent any attempts of the Orleans-party to carry them away.
The queen, on receiving the message by her brother from the Parisians, and suspecting the consequences of their commotions, set out from Corbeil, and returned to Melun with him and the duke of Berry. A few days after, the Parisians took up arms, marched in a large body to Corbeil, took the town, and placed a garrison therein. They then broke down all the bridges over the Seine, between Charenton and Melun, that the Armagnacs might not pass the river and enter the island of France.
While the queen and the duke of Berry were at Melun, with the count Waleran de St Pol, whom the marshal Boucicaut had sent thither, the master of the cross-bows and the grand master of the household came to them with few attendants. The duke of Bourbon and the count d’Alençon, on their road from the Vermandois and Beauvoisis, to join the duke of Orleans, who was assembling his troops in the Gâtinois, called on the queen and the duke of Berry, to require their aid and support against the duke of Burgundy, which was not granted,—because the king in full council, presided by the duke of Acquitaine, had just published an edict in very strong terms, and had caused it to be sent to all the bailiwicks and seneschalships of the kingdom, ordering all nobles, and others that were accustomed to bear arms, to make themselves ready to serve the king, in company with John duke of Burgundy, and to aid him in driving out of his realm all traitorous and disobedient subjects, commanding them to obey the duke of Burgundy the same as himself, and ordering all towns and passes to be opened to him, and to supply him with every necessary provision and store, the same as if he were there in person. On this proclamation being issued, very many made preparations to serve under the duke of Burgundy with all diligence. In addition, the duke of Acquitaine wrote the duke letters in his own hand, by which he ordered all the men at arms dependant on the crown to serve personally against his cousin-german, the duke of Orleans, and his allies, who, as he said, were wasting the kingdom in many different parts, desiring him to advance as speedily as he could toward Senlis and the island of France.
THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY ASSEMBLES A LARGE ARMY TO LAY SIEGE TO THE TOWN OF HAM, AND LEADS THITHER HIS FLEMINGS.
The duke of Burgundy, being now assured that the duke of Orleans and his allies were raising a large force to invade his countries, and that they had already placed garrisons in towns and fortresses belonging to him or his allies, whence they had made frequent inroads to the despoiling of his country, was highly discontented. To oppose them, he had sent his summons to all his territories in Burgundy, Artois and Flanders, and elsewhere, for all nobles, and others accustomed to bear arms in his behalf, to prepare themselves to join him with all speed, well accoutred and armed, in obedience to the king’s commands, and to oppose his and the king’s enemies.
He also solicited the assistance of his good towns in Flanders, and requested that they would powerfully exert themselves in his favour, to which they readily and liberally assented. They raised a body of forty or fifty thousand combatants, well armed and provided with staves according to the custom of the country. They had twelve thousand carriages, as well carts as cars, to convey their armour, baggage and artillery, and a number of very large cross-bows, called ribaudequins, placed on two wheels, each having a horse to draw it. They had also machines for the attack of towns, behind which were long iron spits, to be used toward the close of a battle,—and on each of them was mounted one or two pieces of artillery.
The duke of Burgundy had also summoned to his assistance the duke of Brabant, his brother, who attended him with a handsome company; as did likewise a valiant english knight, named sir William Baldock, lieutenant of Calais, with about three hundred english combatants.
Their places of rendezvous were at the towns of Douay and Arras, and the adjacent country. The duke of Burgundy, on quitting Douay with his brother of Brabant and great multitudes of men of rank, advanced to Sluys, belonging to the count de la Marche, where he lodged. On the morrow, the first day of September, he marched away early, and fixed his quarters on the plain near to Marcouin, where he had his tents and pavilions pitched, and waited there two days for the arrival of his whole army, and particularly for his Flemings, who came in grand parade, and drew up to their quarters in handsome array.—So numerous were their tents that their encampments looked like large towns; and in truth, when all were assembled, they amounted to sixty thousand fighting men, without including the varlets, and such like, who were numberless,—and the whole country resounded with the noises they made.
With regard to the Flemings, they thought that no towns or fortresses could withstand them; and the duke of Burgundy was obliged, on their setting off, to abandon to them whatever they might conquer; and when they went from one quarter to another, they were commonly all fully armed, and in companies, according to the different towns and the custom of Flanders,—and even when they marched on foot, the greater part wore leg-armour.
As to their mode of marching through a country, whatever they could lay hands on was seized, and, if portable, thrown into their carts; and they were so proud, on account of their great numbers, that they paid not any attention to noble men, however high their rank; and when the army was to be quartered, or when they were on a foraging party, they rudely drove away other men at arms, especially if they were not their countrymen, taking from them whatever provision they might have collected, or any thing else that pleased them. This conduct created great disturbances and quarrels, more especially among the Picards, who would not patiently endure their rudeness, insomuch that the duke of Burgundy and his captains had great difficulty in keeping any kind of peace between them.
The duke, after waiting some days for the whole of his army, saw it arrive; and then he marched off triumphantly, and in handsome array, and fixed his quarters on the river Scheldt, near to the town of Marcouin.
On the morrow, he advanced to Mouchi la Garhe, between Peronne and Ham, and halted there. At this place, a Fleming was hanged for stealing a chalice and other valuables from a church. He thence marched toward the town of Ham sur Somme, where his enemies were.
On his approach to the town of Athies, belonging to the count de Dammartin, one of his adversaries, the inhabitants were so terrified that they came out in a body to present him with the keys of the gates, on the condition of being secured from pillage. The duke liberally granted their request, seeing they had thus humbled themselves before him of their own free will, and gave them a sufficient force to guard their town from being any way molested.——The duke then advanced with his army near to Ham, but sent forward some of his best light troops to observe the countenance of the enemy. The Orleans-party sallied out against them, and a sharp skirmish took place; but they were compelled, by the superior number of the Burgundians, to retire within the town. The next day he marched his whole army before the place in battle-array, and had his tents pitched on an eminence in front of one of the gates, and about the distance of a cannon shot. The Flemings were likewise encamped according to the orders of their marshals and leaders, during which the garrison made some sallies, but were repulsed, in spite of their valour, by superior numbers, and many were killed and wounded on each side.
When the duke had surrounded this town on one side only, he ordered battering machines to be placed against the gate and wall, to demolish them; and the Flemings pointed their ribaudequins, and shot from them so continually, day and night, that the enemy were greatly annoyed. Breaches were made in the wall and gate within a few days; but though the garrison was much harrassed, they repaired both in the best manner they could, with wood and dung.
At length, the besiegers fixed on a day for a general attack on the gate, intending to force an entry: the engagement continued very sharp for three hours, but the garrison defended themselves so valiantly, wounding and slaying so many of the assailants, that they were forced to retreat. This happened on a Thursday; and on the Friday, the duke of Burgundy, I know not for what reason, had it proclaimed that no one should, on any account, make an assault on the town, but that all should labour in forming bridges over the Somme, that a passage might be obtained for the army, and that the place might be besieged on all sides,—but events turned out very far from his expectations.
On the Friday morning, the besieged were expecting that the attack would be renewed; but hearing of the duke’s intentions to cross the river with his army and surround the town, they packed up all their valuables and fled, leaving within the walls only poor people and peasants, who had retired thither for safety. Those persons not having ability or inclination to defend themselves, the duke’s army, headed by the Picards, entered the place without any danger. The Flemings, observing this, rushed so impetuously to gain admittance that many were squeezed to death. When they had entered, they instantly began to plunder all they could lay hands on, according to the liberty which their lord the duke had granted them; for, as I have said, he had been necessitated so to do before they would march from home. Part placed themselves on one side of the street, leading to the gate which they had entered, and part on the other; and when the Picards, or others not of their country, were returning, they stopped and robbed them of all they had: they spared no man, noble or otherwise; and in this riot several were killed and wounded.
They entered a monastery of the town, and took away all they could find, and carried to their tents many of both sexes, and children; and, on the morrow, having seized all they had, they set fire to several parts of the town,—and, to conclude all, the churches and houses, with many of the inhabitants, were burnt, as well as a great quantity of cattle that had been driven thither as to a place of security.
Notwithstanding this cruel conduct of the Flemings, six or seven of the monks escaped from the monastery, by the assistance of some noblemen, particularly the prior, who most reverently held in his hands a cross, and were conducted to the tents of the duke of Burgundy, where they were in safety.
Such was the conduct of the Flemings at the commencement of this war. There were many towns beyond the Somme that belonged to the duke of Orleans and his allies, who, hearing of what had passed at Ham, were, as it may be readily believed, in the utmost fear and alarm; and there were few people desirous of waiting their coming, lest they should be besieged in some fortress, and suffer a similar fate,—for sir Clugnet de Brabant and sir Manessier Guieret, as I have said, had already abandoned Ham, which was well supplied with stores and provision, and had retreated to Chauni and to Coucy.
The inhabitants of the town of Neelle, belonging to the count de Dammartin, seeing the smoke of Ham, were greatly perplexed, for their garrison had fled; but they, following the example of the town of Athies, waited on the duke of Burgundy, and, with many lamentations, presented him with the keys of their town, offering to submit themselves to his mercy. The duke received them into favour, in the name of the king and his own, on their swearing not to admit any garrison, and to be in future true and loyal subjects to the king, their sovereign lord.