CHAPTER V
Tells how the King of Aragon took up Conradin’s glove; how the Pope’s curses went home to roost; and how En Pedro kept his tryst

For fifty years after the death of Jayme I. we have the guidance of that delightful old chronicler En Ramon Muntaner, who had seen many years of active service in the field before he took up his pen to record the events of which he had personal knowledge. He was born in his father’s house at Peralada, near the frontier of Catalonia and Roussillon, and thought he could just remember the great King Jayme having been his father’s guest for one night. But he left his home when only eleven years of age, having been born in 1275, the year before the death of the ‘Conquistador.’ After knocking about the world for half a century and doing much faithful and honourable service by sea and land, the old warrior retired to a farm in the ‘garden’ of Valencia, called Xiluella. There, in the year 1335, and at the age of sixty, he tells us that a vision appeared to him when he was sleeping on his couch. It was revealed to him that it was God’s will that he should arise and write the story of his life and of the great marvels he had witnessed, that they might be made manifest. So the veteran wrote his story for the honour of God, of His blessed Mother, and of the House of Aragon. Muntaner is the Froissart of Catalonia.5

Transparently honest and trustworthy, the warrior-historian is a sure guide through the very complicated events in which Jayme II., the first separate King of Majorca, and his sons were more or less concerned during those fifty years of which Muntaner treats.

Pedro III. succeeded to the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia and the county of Barcelona. His brother Jayme was present at the coronation at Zaragoza. Jayme then proceeded to Majorca, and was crowned King in the cathedral. He had practically ruled the Balearic islands for several years before his father’s death, and was very popular with the islanders. He also took possession of his Continental dominions of Roussillon, Cerdaña, Conflent, and Montpellier.

The two brothers appear to have had very different dispositions. Pedro was ambitious, bold almost to rashness, and enterprising. Jayme was more inclined to a life of quiet and peace. Both had been devotedly loyal to their great father during his life. Circumstances almost forced upon Pedro a very glorious career of successful warfare in a good cause. The same circumstances placed Jayme in a position of extreme difficulty as regarded his relations with his brother.

Jayme I. was scarcely in his grave when the troubles commenced in the south of Italy and Sicily with which the House of Aragon became so closely connected. They arose entirely from the malignant hatred of the Popes for that great and enlightened Emperor, Frederick II., King of Sicily, and from their unscrupulous ambition. When the Emperor was succeeded by his son Manfred, the papal enmity was transferred to him; and the Pope appealed to all the Christian kings to drive him from his dominions. St. Louis of France refused to perpetrate this iniquity, being a friend of the late Emperor. King Edward of England refused, his aunt having married Frederick II. The King of Castille refused. Above all, the King of Aragon denounced the scheme, his wife Constance being a daughter of Manfred.

Still the Pope succeeded in his wicked design in an unexpected way. The Kings of England, France, and of the Romans, and Charles of Anjou, brother of the King of France, had married four sisters, the daughters of the Count of Provence.6 All were queens except the wife of Charles of Anjou, and she was the eldest. This filled her with envy and jealousy, and she tormented her husband until he bethought him of a way to make her a queen by doing the Pope’s dirty work and becoming the papal King of Sicily. So, without his brother’s knowledge or consent, he went to Rome, and made the offer on condition that the treasure of the Church was placed at his disposal. The compact was made, the Pope crowned Charles, and he raised an army to invade the territory of King Manfred.

Muntaner says truly that Manfred was one of the most valiant kings in the world. He assembled his army and met the invading host under Charles of Anjou near the frontier of his dominions. The battle raged fiercely, and Manfred would have been victorious had not bribes, applied with the help of the treasure of the Church, turned the scale. There was treachery. The gallant King was slain, his army was scattered, and the Pope’s protégé was enabled to occupy Naples and overrun Sicily, which was occupied by the licentious soldiery of Charles of Anjou. The papal nominee used his success with unrelenting cruelty. The wife and children of Manfred were shut up in a dungeon. Conradin, the nephew and heir, came from Germany with a small force, but was defeated and taken prisoner. Charles caused him to be beheaded at Naples, and, as is well known, the young prince, when on the scaffold, threw his glove into the crowd, praying that some one would take it to King Pedro of Aragon, who would avenge his wrongs.

Pedro III. took up Conradin’s glove to some purpose. His death was the last success of Charles of Anjou. The Pope had cursed the family of the good Emperor. Never did curses more persistently come home to roost.

The Catalans were fast becoming an important naval power in the Mediterranean, and their King fostered its growth with care. He established arsenals and dockyards at Barcelona, Tortosa, Cullera, and Valencia, and ordered smaller yards to be formed at every port where there was anchorage for his galleys. Cullera and Tortosa were his principal dockyards. The men were so well trained, the galleys and arms were kept in such a state of efficiency, that Pedro was well able to take up Conradin’s glove and to avenge the death of Manfred, the father of his beloved wife Constance.

The call soon came. The King of Aragon was moved to anger when he heard of the death of his father-in-law and of young Conradin. Before taking any steps against the usurper, he thought it well to secure himself from attacks on the side of France. His brother of Majorca was also anxious for his Continental dominions. St. Louis of France had been succeeded in 1270 by his son Philip le Hardi, who had married Pedro’s sister. An interview was arranged between the Kings of France, Aragon, and Majorca at Toulouse. The negotiation which followed was so far satisfactory that Philip solemnly swore never to interfere in the affairs of Montpellier, and professed warm friendship for both the Aragonese Kings.

At this juncture the tyranny of the French led to the ‘Sicilian Vespers.’ The people rose throughout Sicily while Charles of Anjou prepared to wreak vengeance upon them, collecting a large army and fleet. The Sicilians turned to the King of Aragon, whose wife was the heir to their King, for help in their sore need, and their appeal was not in vain. He was engaged in some successful operations on the coast of Barbary, with a large, well-appointed fleet, when the message reached him. Pedro did not hesitate. He would take up Conradin’s glove and defend the right. With a fair wind, he caused his fleet to shape a course for Sicily.

The King of Aragon landed at Trapani on August 28, 1282. The whole population of Sicily was overjoyed. The march from Trapani to Palermo was a triumphal procession. Pedro was crowned King of Sicily at Palermo, and immediately afterwards he marched to Messina, to resist any attempt to invade the island on the part of the French forces of Charles of Anjou.

Charles arrived before Messina with his army, where he received envoys from the King of Aragon. They told him, in the name of their master, that he was a usurper; that he knew well that he had no right to the kingdom, which belonged to the Queen of Aragon and her sons as heirs of King Manfred, and demanded that he should leave it. Charles replied defiantly, and Pedro, calling all the able-bodied men of Sicily to arms, prepared to advance to Messina and attack the usurper, who was besieging the town, by sea and land.

It is here necessary to give some account of a peculiar body of light infantry which formed an important part of the Aragonese army, and was now destined to take a very active lead in sending the Pope’s curses home to roost.

The origin of these troops, called Almogavares, is said by Desclot and others to be as follows: After Spain was overrun by the Arabs, many of the fugitive inhabitants took refuge in fastnesses of the mountains, whence they made incursions into the open country, their necessities obliging them to make no distinction between friends and enemies. In course of time these outlaws were organised into tribes, and generations of men who were always leading lives of danger and hardship produced a race of most formidable fighting soldiers. The Kings of Aragon transformed these fierce wanderers into a new military organisation. They became fanatically loyal troops, while retaining their old customs and habits. They were divided into companies, each under a captain, named almogadan. They also had officers named adalid,7 who were guides for the routes, and who also had authority to judge of what occurred in the forays, and to divide the spoils. The dress of an almogarave consisted of a smock, breeches, leather gaiters, hide sandals called abarcas, a sort of knapsack on the back to hold a day’s food, and a belt round the waist with a dagger, and a small bag containing flint and steel. The almogarave never shaved and never cut his hair, which was confined in a net. His arms were a short lance and a few darts slung on his back. In an ambush or night-attack they first made innumerable sparks with their flints and steels in all directions, then rushed furiously upon their enemy with the war-cry of ‘Desparte ferres!’8 and shouts of ‘Al mugabar.’ This word may be allied to the Hebrew ‘muhavar,’ which means a companion.

The almogavares were an exceedingly formidable body of light infantry. Pedro sent 2,000 to Messina by forced marches, while he followed with the main strength of his army. Arriving at Messina, they were received into the town, but the inhabitants were in despair at their ragged and wild appearance, and feared that men like these could never cope with the soldiers of Charles. Their answer was, ‘We will show you what we are like’; and at dawn they sallied out of Messina and attacked the besieging army with such fury that it was thrown into confusion. Charles of Anjou thought the whole Aragonese army was upon him. He hastily ordered his troops to embark, and fled to the opposite coast; but his rearguard was cut to pieces and all his baggage was captured. The galleys of Aragon then attacked the usurper’s fleet off Nicotera, capturing many vessels and driving the rest on shore. A body of almogavares was next taken over to the coast of Apulia, where they defeated a French force at Catona, the Comte d’Alençon, brother of the King of France, being among the slain. Thus was Sicily permanently delivered from the yoke of Charles of Anjou, and restored to its rightful heir, the daughter of Manfred. King Pedro himself crossed the Strait of Messina and captured several towns in Apulia, including Reggio.

Charles of Anjou, beaten in every encounter, sent a challenge to the King of Aragon, proposing that their quarrel should be settled by one combat, a hundred on each side. Pedro consented, and it was arranged that the battle should take place at Bordeaux, King Edward I. of England being the umpire.

Before returning to Aragon to prepare for this duel, En Pedro made a very important appointment. En Roger de Lauria had been brought up with the King as a boy, and his mother was for many years in attendance on Queen Constance. En Roger had since proved himself to be a valiant and enterprising commander and an expert sailor. The King appointed him Admiral of Catalonia, Valencia, and Sicily; and he was by far the greatest admiral of the thirteenth century. When it was known that En Roger had received his bâton there was great rejoicing in the fleet and in the city of Messina, a week of holidays, dancing, and festivity, ending with a General Council, when the King delivered a farewell speech. Next to En Roger de Lauria, the most trusted naval captains were En Ramon Marquet and En Berenguer Mallol. Leaving the kingdom of Sicily in peace and well ordered, King Pedro sailed from Trapani with his two captains and only four galleys, arriving safely at Barcelona. The rest of the great fleet remained under the command of En Roger.

The beaten usurper went crying to Pope Martin for more curses against the rightful heirs of Sicily, and for more treasure from the coffers of Holy Church. The requests of Charles of Anjou were promptly complied with. The King of Aragon was excommunicated, a crusade was declared against him, and more funds were supplied to the papal King, who then left Rome and proceeded to his nephew of France. Pedro III., with all his bishops and a loyal and united people at his back, cared nothing for the Pope’s curses. The Pope further gave orders to his Legate to absolve King Philip of France from all the promises he had ever made to the Aragonese kings; and to call upon him to engage in an iniquitous crusade against his neighbour and brother-in-law.

The first act of hostility was the equipment of a fleet at Marseilles with the object of seeking out and destroying the galleys commanded by En Roger de Lauria. The Provençal Admiral Cornut had with him twenty-two well-armed galleys, and shaped a course to Malta, where he encountered the fleet of Lauria, numbering only eighteen sail. The two fleets, in order of battle, rammed each other, and then came to close quarters. The Catalans were well trained in the use of the crossbow. Every shot told, and before long the decks of the Provençal ships were cleared. The admiral of the Marseilles fleet, with his friends and officers, perished in the thick of the fight. All the twenty-two galleys became prizes to Lauria, and the glorious news was at once sent to Syracuse, spreading joy and gladness throughout the island. The castle and town of Malta surrendered, and both Malta and Gozo were transferred from the possession of Charles of Anjou to that of the Aragonese rulers of Sicily. The return of the fleet to Sicily was the occasion of great rejoicing. En Roger was received as a hero at Syracuse, Aci Reale, Taormina, and most of all at Messina, where the victorious fleet finally anchored. Such was the next reply to the Pope’s curses.

Very earnest requests had been made by both parties to King Edward of England to act as umpire for the proposed duel, for he was known to be the most upright and just prince in Christendom. Both Pedro and Charles had sworn to be on the spot on the day appointed. But it came to the knowledge of King Edward that his cousin of France and his papal uncle were not playing the game. Instead of a hundred knights, they were coming to the neighbourhood of Bordeaux with an army of twelve thousand men, intending to kill En Pedro and all who came with him. Edward therefore resolved not to come, for he would be unable to ensure fair play; and he sent to tell the King of Aragon that, under the circumstances, he was absolved from his oath. En Pedro then set out upon the wildest and most romantic adventure that ever was undertaken even in that age of romance. The French King and his uncle of Anjou had actually come to Bordeaux with a large army; had set out the field of combat, with a stand at one end for the King of England as umpire, and a chapel at the other. The English Seneschal of Bordeaux received them with courtesy, but told them the reason why his master would not be present. In spite of the warnings from King Edward and of his own intelligence, En Pedro was determined that nothing should prevent him from keeping his oath to be at the appointed place on the appointed day. He knew that his own people would never consent to his entering upon such a madcap adventure. Whatever was done must be done in profound secrecy. Pedro had an envoy in Bordeaux, named Gilbert de Cruilles, who was empowered to treat with the English Seneschal; but even he was not in the secret at first, though he constantly sent reports of the French proceedings.

The King of Aragon went to Jaca, in the heart of the Pyrenees, with a few attendants, and sent for a horse-dealer of his acquaintance, upon whose secrecy and probity he could rely. This merchant, named Domingo de la Figuera, was a man of considerable influence, carrying on an extensive trade in horses between Bordeaux and Navarre, Castille, and Aragon. He knew intimately every road and path in the Pyrenees, every man who frequented them, and every post and tavern. The King explained his wild scheme to En Domingo. The horse-dealer was to provide twenty-seven horses, nine to be stationed along the road from Jaca to Bordeaux, nine on the route from Bordeaux to Navarre, and nine for a return journey in Castille. En Domingo was to ride post as master, while the King and a young knight named Bernardo de Peratallada, son of the envoy Gilbert de Cruilles, were to follow as his servants, suitably dressed, with light saddle-bags. They were to ride at a great pace all day, stopping at an inn at dusk. At early dawn they were to mount fresh horses, which were to be ready saddled. The King was to act as a squire, holding the stirrup of En Domingo when he mounted, serving him at table, while En Bernardo fed the horses; and then the King and En Bernardo were to sup together at a table apart, before lying down to sleep. En Domingo was to post the horses at proper distances in charge of men on whom he could rely, but who were not to be in the secret. En Domingo undertook to arrange all these details, and a day was fixed for departure which would bring them to Bordeaux on the eve of the appointed time. Not a soul was in the secret save the King himself, En Domingo, and En Bernardo.

All being settled, the King went to Zaragoza to pass a few days with his wife and children, taking a tender farewell of them on his departure; but they little knew why he took leave of them with more affection than usual and to what risks he was about to expose himself.

All being prepared, the three companions started from Jaca. The King wore strong gaiters, a doublet of canvas, and over all a very old and shabby smock, with a cap, and a kind of hood concealing his face. En Bernardo was dressed in the same way; while En Domingo rode as their master in a handsome dress and broad hat, fine gauntlets, and with a smart saddle-cloth. En Bernardo carried a great sack, containing six loaves of bread to be eaten during the day, without stopping. At the first inn the people asked En Domingo why he came so late, to which he replied that it was to keep the horses out of the sun; and while he conversed with people outside, the King got the supper ready and En Bernardo fed the horses. The King then held the ewer of water for En Domingo’s hands, served him at table, and when En Bernardo came in, he and the King had their suppers together at another table, then lying down and sleeping until dawn. Fresh horses were ready, and they went off at a gallop. On the third evening they were within a league of Bordeaux, where they stopped at a house whose owner was a friend of En Domingo. Here they had supper and rested for the night. At dawn they were mounted again and riding to the field, it being the actual day appointed for the duel. The master of the house went to Gilbert de Cruilles, who was lodged near, to tell him what had happened, and both rode off to the field, where, to his amazement, Gilbert saw the King and his own son. En Pedro took him aside and told him to go at once to the English Seneschal of Bordeaux and tell him that a knight from the King of Aragon had arrived and wished for speech with him; and to ask him to bring with him his notary, six knights whom he could trust, and no one else.

En Gilbert went at once to the Seneschal, who was with the King of France, and delivered his message. The Seneschal then told the King that a knight of Aragon had come who desired to speak with him. ‘Go,’ said the King, ‘and afterwards come and tell me what he had to say.’ So the Seneschal went at once, with the best notary at the English Court and with six knights of distinction. He found the King on the field, who saluted him courteously, saying: ‘Sir Seneschal, I am here on the part of the King of Aragon, this being the day on which he and King Charles have sworn to encounter each other in this field. I therefore ask you whether the King can come in safety, in the event of his appearing this day?’ The Seneschal replied, in the name of the King of England, that he could in no way guarantee his safety; for he knew for a certainty that, if he came, he, and all who came with him, would be killed, that being the intention of the King of France and his uncle Charles, who were here with twelve thousand armed horsemen. ‘Very good,’ replied En Pedro. ‘Let this be written down by the notary and witnessed’; and the Seneschal gave the order for this to be done. The notary wrote it down, and when he came to the name of the Aragonese knight the Seneschal asked him for it. ‘Can all here be trusted?’ asked En Pedro. ‘Certainly,’ was the answer, ‘on the faith of the King of England.’ ‘Then, Seneschal, you know me,’ said the King of Aragon, and he threw back his hood. The Seneschal recognised him at once, and went down on his knee, saying, ‘Oh, sir, what is this that you have done?’ ‘I have come here,’ replied the King, ‘to keep my oath; and I desire that all you have told me and all I do may be written down in full by the notary, certifying that I have come this day in person, and that I have searched out all the field.’ He then rode down the field and to every part of it, in the presence of the witnesses, and while the notary was writing. After he had galloped up and down several times, he dismounted at the chapel and offered up thanks to God that he had been enabled to keep his oath. They then all rode back to the house of the host of the previous night, and the King dismounted and went in to thank and take leave of his hostess, who was overcome by the honour when she heard who her guest was. En Pedro sent a request through the Seneschal to the King of England that his host might receive a suitable reward. He also requested that fair copies of the notary’s statement might be drawn up, one to be delivered to the Seneschal for transmission to the King of England, and the other to Gilbert de Cruilles for the King of Aragon. The perilous return journey was then commenced, the Seneschal accompanying the party for about a league. On taking his leave he told En Domingo on no account to return by the way he came, nor even by Navarre, because the King of France had sent orders in all directions to seize anyone in the service of the King of Aragon.

The travellers took the road to Castille, travelling with great speed, not a single arrangement made by En Domingo failing them in their need. They went by Soria and crossed the Aragonese frontier at Moanquels. On reaching Calatayud the King found that the news of his gallant adventure had preceded him, and the people were in transports of joy. At Zaragoza there were processions headed by the bishops and clergy, in spite of the Pope’s excommunication, to offer up thanks for their chivalrous King’s safety.

When the Seneschal considered that the King of Aragon was safe, he went to King Philip of France and his uncle Charles of Anjou and told them all that had taken place. On hearing such news they made the sign of the cross more than a hundred times, and were dumfounded. Then they went to the field to see the marks of King Pedro’s horse’s hoofs; and Philip expressed admiration at the chivalrous daring of his brother-in-law. Next day he broke up his camp and marched away to Toulouse, with his uncle of Anjou.

During four days there were festivities at Zaragoza, joined in by the Queen and her children, when the two faithful companions of the King, En Bernardo and En Domingo, were fêted and richly rewarded. Then En Gilbert de Cruilles arrived from Bordeaux with the attested copy of the notary’s statement, and with the news of the astonishment and departure of the French King and his uncle of Anjou: how they kept watch all night, expecting to be attacked, and how they went to look at En Pedro’s horse’s hoof-marks; which gave rise to much laughter at Zaragoza. In this way did the brave and chivalrous King of Aragon keep his tryst.

CHAPTER VI
Tells how the Queen of Aragon went to Sicily with her sons, how Admiral Lauria won new victories, and how more of the Pope’s curses went home to roost

The connection of Majorca and its Princes with the operations of the Aragonese in Sicily was so intimate that their story would not be clear without some account of the recovery of Manfred’s kingdom for his descendants. We now come to a time when Jayme II. of Majorca was placed in a most difficult and embarrassing dilemma, owing to the position of his Continental possessions between France and Aragon.

After his return from the perilous journey to Bordeaux, Pedro III., with the concurrence of the Cortes of Aragon and Catalonia, came to a very important decision. His queen, daughter and heir of King Manfred, was to proceed to her Sicilian possessions and thus ensure the loyalty and devotion of the people who had been delivered from the tyranny of Charles of Anjou by her husband. She was to be accompanied by her two younger sons, Jayme and Federigo. The latter was quite a young boy, there being an interval of seven years between the two brothers. The eldest son, Alfonso, was to remain with his father. As a measure of State policy it was wise and judicious. But the separation was a sacrifice to duty and a cause of grief and anxiety both to En Pedro and to Queen Constance. They never saw each other again.

A fleet was fitted out at Barcelona with great care, and every known appliance for ensuring a safe voyage was brought into requisition. Even the use of compasses is mentioned by Muntaner. The discovery has usually been attributed to one Flavio Gioia of Amalfi and to the year 1302. But here we have evidence of their use a quarter of a century earlier; while at about the same time Raimundo Lulio of Majorca (I quote from a note of Antonio de Borafull) wrote these words in his work ‘De Contemplatione’: ‘Sicut acus per naturam vertitur ad septentrionem dum sit tacta a magnete.’ The ships, thus quite exceptionally provided and well manned with Catalan crossbowmen, were to be under the guidance of those trusty sea-captains, Ramon Marquet and Berenguer Mallol.

There were religious services, but En Pedro felt the parting with his beloved Constance so deeply that he could not go with her to the ship. He shut himself up alone for several hours. It was his brother Jayme, the King of Majorca, who accompanied the Queen and his two nephews to the ship and saw them safe on board. The two brothers spent that evening together, and next day the King of Majorca set out for Perpignan. Up to this time En Pedro and En Jayme were on friendly terms. After a successful voyage the Queen and her sons arrived at Palermo. They were received with extraordinary enthusiasm, and messengers with the joyful news were sent all over the island. This return to the home of her childhood, with such a reception, must have been a cause of delight for the daughter of Manfred, though not unmixed with sorrow. For one of her sisters still lingered in a dungeon at Naples, while the rest of her family had been relieved by death. A vessel was at once sent back to Barcelona with news of the safe arrival. The Queen had a wise and loyal councillor in John of Procida, and by his advice she assembled the Parliament of the kingdom at Palermo. A letter was read from Pedro III., announcing that he had sent his beloved wife to take her place as rightful Queen of Sicily. All the members swore allegiance to her and her sons amidst a scene of enthusiasm which was quite unanimous. The proceedings terminated with a blessing from the Queen and a prayer for the well-being of the representatives and of the people they represented, who returned to their homes. The Queen and her sons then proceeded by land to Messina.

In the Admiral Roger de Lauria Sicily had a defender whose invariable success since the battle of Malta had filled his enemies with dread. The young Prince En Jayme also gained a victory at sea, and reduced the two castles still held by Charles’s garrisons, Augusta and Cefalu.

The admiral was ready to sail from Messina in June 1284 with forty armed galleys, besides smaller vessels. With this force he gained one of his most brilliant victories. He shaped a course for Naples, and formed in line of battle about two bow-shots from the mole, as a defiance and a challenge. Charles of Anjou was intriguing at Rome, but his eldest son and heir was in Naples, and ready to accept the challenge. His followers were not equally willing. The name of Roger de Lauria was one of dread, and the Neapolitans held back. The younger Charles was furious. He embarked himself, and shame obliged his officers to follow. A fleet of thirty-eight galleys and many smaller vessels was got ready, and came forth to encounter the terrible Roger de Lauria. A battle raged in the Bay of Naples from nine in the morning until dusk, but as usual victory attended on the banners of the admiral of Aragon. The Prince’s galley was surrounded and boarded by En Roger himself, to whom Charles, after a long and brave resistance, was forced to surrender. The admiral said to the usurper’s son: ‘You must do two things. If not, be sure that the death of Conradin will be avenged.’ The Prince answered that he would do anything to save his own life. ‘The first thing,’ continued the admiral, ‘is that you order the daughter of King Manfred to be released from her prison and brought safely on board my galley.’ This demand was complied with. The long-imprisoned princess was taken from the Castel del Novo and brought safely on board the flagship, where the admiral joyfully received the sister of his Queen, kneeling before her and treating her with all honour and respect. ‘The second thing,’ continued he to Charles, ‘is that you deliver up to me the town and castle of Ischia.’ This also was done.

The victorious fleet then returned to Messina with the released princess and the captive prince. Never had there been seen such rejoicings in Messina as greeted the admiral on his return. The Queen and her sons went on board the galley to receive their long-imprisoned relation. It was a most affecting scene. The two sisters embraced each other, weeping for joy mingled with sorrow. Since they had seen each other their father Manfred and their cousin Conradin had been killed; their mother and all the rest of their family had died in prison. The crowd of spectators was equally moved when the sisters, with the young princes, walked together from the landing-stage to the palace. Charles was sent to the castle of Matagrifone.

The Sicilian Parliament met at Messina soon afterwards and decreed the death of the younger Charles, as a reprisal for the death of Conradin. He would certainly have been executed if the young Prince En Jayme had not interfered, preferring the more generous course of returning good for evil. Charles was confined for some time in the castle of Cefalu, and eventually removed, by order of King Pedro, to a prison at Barcelona.

The Pope’s curses kept coming home to roost, but this failed to divert him from his vindictive course. His protégé, Charles of Anjou, was at Rome when the disastrous news arrived, and must have felt that retribution was overtaking him. The usurper hurried back to Naples, but died at Foggio on January 7, 1283. The Pope was furious, and was more liberal than ever with his curses. He placed the kingdom of Aragon under an interdict, decreed the dethronement of En Pedro, declared a crusade against him, made Charles of Valois, the younger son of France, King of Aragon, ordering him to be crowned, and called upon the King of France to attack Aragon with all his forces by land and sea. He further absolved Philip of France from keeping his oaths and treaties made with his brother-in-law of Aragon. A papal Legate was to accompany the invading army.

En Pedro sent an embassy to Rome, consisting of grave and learned counsellors. In a dignified speech their spokesman remonstrated with the Pope and his cardinals. They were, however, obdurate, and all the answer they would give was that the Holy See could do no wrong. Finally the ambassadors made a solemn appeal from an unjust vicegerent to St. Peter himself and to God, who would defend the right, and so departed.

En Pedro prepared to defend his country, confident in the loyalty of his people and the justice of his cause. He had an interview with his nephew Sancho, the usurping King of Castille, who promised to give him all the assistance in his power. He also discussed the situation with his brother of Majorca. They were several days together at Gerona. The position was a most difficult one. If Jayme opposed the advance of the French army through his Continental dominions their permanent loss to the house of Aragon would be inevitable. If he offered no opposition he would be giving an advantage to his brother’s enemy. The brothers chose what appeared to be the least of two evils. En Jayme was to allow the French army to march across his territories, and to avoid any action which would furnish a pretext for their annexation.

Philip (le Hardi) can hardly have had any heart in the enterprise which was forced upon him by the Pope. His eldest son, who had a strong feeling of regard and admiration for his uncle En Pedro, openly disapproved. When his younger brother, Charles of Valois, talked of himself as King of Aragon, Philip said to him: ‘You, little brother, are not fit to take the place of our uncle. You are scarcely fit to be king of what is under your cap. You will never be King of Aragon.’ There was an angry quarrel, and their father had to separate them. But Charles got the name of King Cap, ‘le roi du chapeau.’ Nevertheless, it was generally believed that little Aragon would have no chance against the whole power of France, and that the campaign could have but one result, and would be over in a few weeks. The oriflamme was unfurled, and a great army, led by the King of France and accompanied by the Cardinal Legate, advanced to the Catalonian frontier. A formidable fleet was also equipped, to overpower the naval forces of Aragon and to keep up the supplies for the army in the bay of Rosas. In April 1285 King Philip encamped with his army at Perpignan. The French were constantly harassed by night attacks from the Aragonese; and at last, after a fortnight of hesitation, Philip determined to attempt a passage into Catalonia by the hill of Panisars. Here he was attacked on all sides, suffering very serious losses. Then young Philip turned to his brother and said: ‘See now, pretty brother, how glad your subjects are to see you!’ His father overheard the sneer and was very angry. ‘Hold your tongue, Philip. They will be made to repent what they are doing.’ ‘Ah, Sire,’ answered his son, ‘I mourn for your honour and for the evil that is being done you. The Pope and cardinals have brought this upon you, and have made my brother king of the wind, while they take their pleasure, caring little for the danger and evil with which you are menaced.’ The King was silent, for he knew very well that his son had merely spoken the truth. But it was too late to repent and turn back.

Following the advice of some monks, Philip got possession of another pass, known as the ‘Collado de Masona,’ and his army was thus enabled to invade Catalonia. The little town of Peralada was taken after a brave resistance, and siege was laid to the city of Gerona. But the French army was harassed by incessant attacks, and was entirely dependent for supplies on the navy which guarded the transports conveying provisions from Marseilles and Cette to the bay of Rosas. Here was the weak point.

En Pedro received information from the gallant sea-captains Marquet and Malliol, who were ever on the watch, that the French King had 160 galleys; that his admiral kept sixty well-armed in the port of San Felio; that another fifty cruised between San Felio and the bay of Rosas; while twenty-five plied between those ports and Marseilles with provisions. Another twenty-five remained in the bay of Rosas, under the command of a brave knight, M. de Lodève. The proposal of the Catalan captains was to watch for an opportunity when the other cruisers were out of sight, and to fall upon the twenty-five French galleys in Rosas Bay at early dawn. The King approved of their daring scheme, and at the same time he sent to Sicily for the Admiral Roger de Lauria to come with sixty galleys and attack the rest of the French fleet.

Marquet and Malliol set out on their enterprise with eleven galleys and two small vessels. But never were crews better disciplined or more carefully trained. They made sail for the Cape of Creus, where they ascertained that the twenty-five French galleys were in Rosas Bay. As soon as the Catalans came in sight, M. de Lodève sent fifteen galleys to dispute their entrance into the bay; while he intended to manœuvre with the rest so as to cut off their retreat, that none might escape. Marquet and Malliol formed in close order to prevent the enemy from dividing their line, and ran on with a view of boarding. Their trust was in their crossbowmen. The Catalans considered that no one was a crossbowman unless he was so familiar with every part of his weapon that he could make it or repair it. Each man carried a box containing all the tools necessary; and the Catalans were so constantly trained in the use of the crossbow that no other people could compete with them.

The Catalan captains manœuvred so as to secure the greatest advantage for their special weapon. Every shot told; while the French, with swords and lances, were unable to return the attack, being shot down when they attempted to board. When the French decks were nearly cleared, Marquet and Malliol ordered the trumpets to be sounded as a signal for his galleys to separate under oars and attack the enemy on their broadsides. Then began an unequal combat, the Catalans boarding at the sword’s point, while the French had already suffered so severely as only to be able to offer a feeble resistance. The whole of the twenty-five galleys were captured, with a loss of upwards of four thousand on the part of the French, and of barely a hundred on the Catalan side. This naval battle was a combination of consummate seamanship with consummate gunnery practice, the one of little avail without the other.

M. de Lodève had sent a boat to apprise fifty French galleys cruising in the offing of the approach of the Catalans, and they made sail for Rosas Bay. The winds were light and baffling, and the Catalans, with their prizes, were only sighted after the battle was over. The French admiral could not overtake his victorious enemy, but he stationed twenty-five more galleys in Rosas Bay, and returned to San Felio.

As soon as the Admiral Roger de Lauria received his orders he left Messina with sixty-six well-armed galleys in search of the French fleet, steering for a rendezvous at the island of Cabrera. Here he received tidings from the Captains Marquet and Malliol that there were eighty-five French galleys in Rosas Bay. They informed the Admiral that they would join him, with sixteen galleys, off a cape known as Aygua Freda, near some small islets called the Formigueras.9 Admiral Lauria ordered that each galley should have three lights ready—one in the bows, another amidships, and a third at the stern. If the French fleet approached at night, all were to be suddenly lighted, that the enemy might believe each light to be on a separate vessel. Towards dawn the French fleet approached, and all the lights suddenly appeared between the fleet and the shore. Before it was broad daylight Lauria had entirely defeated his adversary, capturing fifty-four galleys, driving fifteen on shore, and putting twenty-five Genoese auxiliaries to flight. Marquet and Malliol completed the rout by capturing the remaining French galleys in Rosas Bay, and taking or destroying all the stores and provisions for the French army. The admiral proceeded to Barcelona, having by this great naval victory obtained complete command of the sea.

There was nothing left for the great French army but an ignominious flight. The Cardinal Legate said that the Aragonese must be devils. King Philip told him that they were nothing of the kind, but brave and loyal soldiers, defending their King against an unjust invasion; and he expressed his regret that he had ever undertaken it at the Pope’s urgent call. The Cardinal remained silent. En Pedro assembled his army on the hill of Panisars to intercept the retreat. The French King raised the siege of Gerona and fell back on Peralada with the remnant of his forces. Many had died of sickness, while the losses in numerous harassing encounters had been most serious. The King of France was very ill, anxiety and regret hastening his end. Feeling that he was dying, he sent for his son, and said: ‘You were wiser than I. Had I followed your advice I should not now be on my death-bed; nor would the many brave men have been lost who have died and will die in this war. Send a message to your uncle of Aragon and ask him to allow my body to pass with yourself and your brother. For I am certain that it rests with him whether a single Frenchman shall ever return, dead or alive.’ The dying King then obtained a promise from his son that he would be a friend and protector of his brother Charles. The King died on September 30, 1285, in the house of a knight named Vilanova, about two miles from Peralada. When En Pedro received the message from the young King Philip he sent orders that the late King’s body was to be allowed to pass with its escort, and requested his brother of Majorca to meet it with a body of cavalry and protect it from attacks. For Lauria and his sailors were watching on one side, and bands of wild almogavares on the other. But safety could only be assured to those who passed with the corpse and the oriflamme. The Count of Foix with five hundred horsemen went first, then the young King and his brother with the oriflamme, following their father’s body. The Cardinal Legate came close behind, careful of his own safety. He said that the rest would go to Paradise. The Aragonese could no longer be restrained, and fell furiously on the remainder of the retreating host and on the baggage. The Cardinal was so terrified that he died of fright a few days afterwards; while the King of Majorca escorted his nephew, the young King of France, with his brother Charles and the body of the late King, through his dominions.

The victorious King En Pedro, after making liberal grants to the towns of Peralada and Gerona, returned to Barcelona with his principal nobles. On the same day the Admiral Roger de Lauria arrived with the fleet, and there was great rejoicing.

This time the Pope’s curses went home to roost with a vengeance. En Pedro was firmer on his throne than ever. Sicily was safe. The Pope’s protégé was in prison at Barcelona. The Pope’s King of Aragon was only king of what was under his own cap. The Pope’s machinations were scattered to the winds.

Yet the papal intrigues continued to cause trouble and dissensions.

Jayme II., the King of Majorca, was obliged, owing to the exigencies of the times, to reside in his Continental dominions. By his wife, Esclaramunda, sister of the Count of Foix, he had four sons, Jayme, Sancho, Fernando, and Felipe, and two daughters named Isabel and Sancha. Isabel was the wife of the Infante Juan Manuel, brother of the King of Castille. Sancha married King Robert of Naples. Jayme and Sancho were at Paris, detained by the King of France, practically as hostages. Fernando’s age was then about eight, the elder brothers ten and twelve.

There had been an understanding between the brothers Pedro and Jayme during the war, and communications had passed between them respecting the safe passage of the French King’s body, and on other matters. Soon after the final rout of the French strange tidings reached En Pedro from his agents in Italy. He was assured that the Pope would induce the King of France to seize Majorca, and that Jayme would be forced to give his consent, because his two sons were in the French King’s power in Paris, and Montpellier, Roussillon, and Conflent would otherwise be taken from him. En Pedro resolved to prevent this. He did not see how, in the face of these threats, his brother could refuse, and he must therefore act promptly; but he sent a letter to his brother Jayme explaining the motives of his action. The force destined for Majorca was placed under the command of the King’s eldest son, Alfonso, and consisted of knights, men-at-arms, and two thousand almogavares.

The King of Aragon was incensed with his nephew Sancho IV., the usurping King of Castille, because he had broken his promise and given him no help whatever in the war with France. Fernando, the eldest son of Alfonso X., had died before his father, leaving two sons, Alfonso and Fernando, known as the ‘Infantes of La Cerda.’ The next son, Sancho, had usurped the throne, and the ‘Infantes de La Cerda’ had escaped into Aragon. En Pedro was having them educated in the castle of Jativa in Valencia. He was so angry with Sancho that he contemplated setting up the eldest Infante as a claimant for the throne of Castille. Having taken leave of his son on the eve of his departure for Majorca, En Pedro commenced a journey to Jativa to see the Infantes of La Cerda. He was feeling unwell when he started, and on reaching the town of Villafranca de Panales he was in a high fever. His son was on board, but had not sailed, when he got the news. He hurried to Villafranca, but his father ordered him to return to his ship and make sail at once. Receiving his father’s blessing, the young Prince departed and embarked at the port of Salou. He landed with his forces at Porrasa, and no resistance was made to his occupation of the capital of Majorca. En Pedro was dying. He had made his will and received the Sacraments, but neither wife nor sons were at his bedside. He died on November 11, 1285, and was buried in the abbey of Santa Creus, about twenty miles from Villafranca. His great admiral, Roger de Lauria, died a few years afterwards, and his body was laid to rest near that of the King he had served so well. In 1835 a vile mob of ruffians destroyed the church and scattered the remains to the winds. By his wife Constance he left four sons and two daughters. The eldest succeeded him as Alfonso III. The second succeeded his brother as Jayme II. Federigo, the third, was King of Sicily. The fourth was Pedro. Of the daughters, Isabel was Queen of Portugal, and Violante of Naples.

Pedro III., if not equal in all respects to his father, was a great king. Fortune smiled upon him. He was happy in all relations of life. His career was one long romance. Chivalrous to recklessness, he was at the same time prudent and circumspect—a rare combination. Even in his wild gallop into imminent peril at Bordeaux he thought out every part of the enterprise down to the minutest detail. He was invariably well served, and invariably successful. This cannot be ascribed to luck. A king who succeeds in all he undertakes must have rare gifts of head and heart to plan out the details of his undertakings and to secure the sympathy and devotion of those who serve him. Pedro was thus gifted, while his administrative ability ensured the prosperity of his country. Under him Aragon became a great naval Power, and Sicily was freed from a foreign yoke.

CHAPTER VII
Tells how young Federigo held Sicily against all odds, how the Catalan Company went to the east, and how Jayme of Majorca was restored to his island home

The news of the King’s death was at once sent to Majorca and to Sicily. Alfonso was only in his twenty-second year—an impulsive, quick-tempered youth, intolerant of opposition, but not guilty of the cruelties imputed to him by some writers. He refused to surrender the Balearic Islands to his uncle again, and there was trouble about it during the five years that his reign lasted. He returned at once to Barcelona and went to mourn at his father’s grave in the church of Santa Creus, previous to the coronation at Zaragoza. His brother Jayme was crowned King of Sicily at Palermo, and in a successful campaign subdued all the mainland of Calabria.

Through the intervention of King Edward I. of England, negotiations were set on foot to reconcile the King of Aragon with France and the Pope; to make a compromise with his uncle, of Majorca, and for a marriage between Alfonso III. of Aragon and the Princess Eleanor of England, a daughter of Edward I. by his second marriage. Young Alfonso spent some time with Edward I. and the intended bride at Bordeaux. He was induced to liberate Charles II. of Naples on receiving his three sons and twenty nobles of Provence in exchange. The other important questions were in a fair way of solution through the tact and diplomatic skill of the wise King Edward, when a sudden stop was put to the negotiations by the wholly unexpected death of Alfonso. A neglected tumour on his thigh brought on a fever of which he died at Barcelona when only in his twenty-seventh year.

The Count of Ampudia and other great nobles at once proceeded to Sicily to announce his accession to Jayme. The new king embarked at Trapani, landed at Barcelona, and was crowned at Zaragoza as Jayme II. of Aragon. Sicily remained under the rule of Queen Constance and her son Federigo, who had now attained to years of discretion and gave promise of becoming a very able and resolute leader of men.

History is rarely quite symmetrical. One would have wished to see the noble policy of En Pedro continued as firmly and resolutely by his son. But this was not to be. Jayme II. of Aragon was weak, and fell under papal influences. There was a new Pope, and Boniface VIII. was more diplomatic. Jayme first abandoned his cousins of La Cerda, and made an alliance with the usurping Sancho of Castille. He next made his peace with France and the Holy See, and acknowledged Charles II. of Naples as King of the Sicilies. The treaty was signed at Anagni, under the supervision of Pope Boniface. Jayme was to marry Blanche of Anjou, to give up all prisoners, and, worst shame of all, Sicily was to be handed over to the Pope again. In return the excommunication was taken off, and, in defiance of all right, Corsica and Sardinia were to be handed over to Jayme if he could drive out the Genoese and Pisans who possessed those islands; but he was to hold them in fief of the Pope.

Sicily was abandoned without the assent of En Federigo, who was now grown up and was a prince to be reckoned with. He sent Sicilian envoys to remonstrate with his brother, but without avail. He then resolved to resist the iniquity and to defy his brother and the Pope. He had against him the King of Aragon and his forces, France and Naples, and the whole influence of the papacy. He had no ally. Yet he defied them all, and swore that Sicily should be free. Many of the Catalonian nobles who revered the memory of his father rallied round the gallant young prince. He was a true son of En Pedro. Volunteers flocked to his standard. Above all, the almogavares were staunch to a man. En Federigo was proclaimed King of Sicily.

The Pope gave Jayme II. the titles of Gonfalonier, Admiral, and Captain-general of the Church; and, in addition to his marriage with Blanche of Anjou, he married his sister, the granddaughter of King Manfred, to the French heir of Naples.

Jayme II. received the standard of the Church at Rome, collected eighty-three galleys, and sailed to form a junction with the forces of Naples and overwhelm his brother. En Federigo had an able admiral in Conrad Doria, while Blasco de Alagon commanded the land forces. The allies made their first attack on Syracuse, where they suffered disastrous defeats both by sea and land. Charles of Naples then sent a force of 1,200 men, in fifty galleys, under the command of his son, the Prince of Tarentum, to effect a landing at Trapani. En Federigo, with some of his Catalan supporters, Moncadas and Entenzas, was ready to defend the coast. The gallant young King of Sicily led on the almogavares, who shouted ‘Dispierto hierro!’ and fell with such fury on the invaders that they broke and fled. En Federigo himself fought his way straight for his enemy’s standard, and encountered the Prince of Tarentum. After a short combat the Prince was unhorsed, and would have been killed if Federigo had not protected him. He was taken prisoner and sent to the castle of Cefalu.

Charles and the Pope appealed to France for help, dispatching ambassadors with an urgent request that the King would send his brother Charles of Valois, ‘the Cap King,’ with a large force to invade Sicily. Accordingly he came to Naples with four thousand men, landed at Termini in Sicily, and besieged Sciacca. His people were decimated by disease, the siege had to be raised, and the expedition was a complete failure.

En Federigo had the rare gift, of surrounding himself with the ablest and most efficient men. Among these was the famous Roger de Flor. The good Emperor Frederick II. had a German falconer named Richard de Flor, who married the daughter of a rich proprietor at Brindisi. When Prince Conradin came to regain his right, Richard fought for him and was killed in the battle. All his property was confiscated and his widow was left penniless, with two boys to support, Jacobo and Roger. A ship belonging to the Knights Templars, and commanded by a Serjeant Friar named Vassayll, was wintering at Brindisi when Roger was about eight years old. The little fellow went up and down the rigging with such agility that Vassayll took a fancy for him, and persuaded his mother to let him go to sea and learn a sailor’s duties. By the time he was twenty he had become a very expert seaman, and the Master of the Temple conferred on him the mantle of the Order. He was then given the command of a large ship called the Falcon. Friar Roger de Flor soon acquired renown as a very able naval commander. He was captain of another ship, called the Oliveta, when he entered the harbour of Messina and offered his services to En Federigo. He was most cordially received, and he swore allegiance to the young King of Sicily, with all his crew. His first service was to capture several large Neapolitan vessels laden with wheat and other supplies, with which the garrisons of Syracuse, Augusta, and Lentini were to be provisioned. He also captured much treasure, enabling him to make liberal presents to the nobles and to pay the wages of the garrisons. For these services the King made him Vice-Admiral of Sicily.

The Neapolitans were besieging Messina by land and sea, led by Robert, the heir of Charles II. When the town was almost at the point of starvation, Friar Roger de Flor, the Vice-Admiral, manned ten galleys, loaded them with corn, and waited at Syracuse for a fair wind. It came on to blow very fresh from the south, and he made sail in the night, reaching the faro of Messina just before dawn. By that time it was blowing very hard and a heavy sea was raging in the strait, with many cross-currents. The besieging ships saw the galleys, but feared to raise their anchors in such a sea. Friar Roger, with sails split and top masts sprung, led all the ten galleys safely into the harbour. Next day Duke Robert raised the siege.

Jayme II. of Aragon was half-hearted in this papal war against his young brother. He obtained a grant from the Cortes of Catalonia, and sailed for Sicily with fifty-six galleys. Federigo put to sea with only forty vessels, and there was a long-contested fight off Cape Orlando, a most fratricidal and unnatural strife. Jayme had with him Almenany, Cabrera, and other great Aragonese names. Round Federigo were Blasco de Alagon, Hugo Count of Ampurias, Gombau de Entenza, and others. It was a drawn battle, and, in spite of the prayers of Charles of Naples and of Pope Boniface, Jayme returned to Barcelona to fight no more. He must have been ashamed of the part he had been taking.

Very tardily the Pope came to see that all his curses in a bad cause were of no avail, and that they persistently came home to roost. He at length consented that his protégé of Naples should negotiate with En Federigo, and acknowledge him as King of Sicily. Charles of Naples met the King of Sicily at Calatabellota, and agreed to acknowledge him as king, and to give him his daughter Leonor for his wife. In return Federigo consented to evacuate Calabria. The marriage took place at Messina in May 1302.

A very large army remained in Sicily without employment. Friar Roger de Flor conceived the idea of offering his services to the Emperor of the East and of enlisting the Aragonese and Catalonian soldiers to fight against the Turks. Berenger de Entenza, Berenguer Rocafort, and many other Aragonese nobles and knights agreed to accompany the renowned Templar, and more than four thousand almogavares enlisted. An envoy was sent to Constantinople, and the Emperor Andronicus, with his son Michael, agreed to the terms proposed, including the scale of pay. Friar Roger was to be a Grand Duke and to marry the Emperor’s niece; while liberal allowances were promised to his companions. Among them was our good and faithful chronicler Ramon Muntaner himself. En Federigo furnished ten galleys to transport the company of adventurers, provisioning them well, and supplying his faithful Admiral Friar Roger de Flor with necessary funds. The whole party which finally sailed for the East consisted of 1,500 cavalry, 4,000 almogavares, 1,000 other foot-soldiers, besides wives and children. There were twenty-six sail of vessels, and all embarked well pleased with the liberality of the good King of Sicily and with the prospect before them. At first the Emperor received them with much cordiality, and the company landed near Cyzicus on the Asiatic side, gaining some victories over the Turks. Friar Roger was rewarded with the title of Cæsar, which had not been conferred during four hundred years, and the company went into winter quarters at Gallipoli. Michael, the Emperor’s son, had conceived an intense feeling of jealousy on account of the great honours conferred on Friar Roger. He sent an invitation to him to come to Adrianople, where he and all his companions were massacred. Another massacre was perpetrated at Constantinople; but the treacherous Greeks were defeated with great slaughter when they attacked the company at Gallipoli. The company made several retaliatory incursions, Muntaner being left in charge at Gallipoli; but there were disputes between the leaders, Entenza and Rocafort, and much need of proper guidance and of a leader acknowledged by all. At this time a Prince of Majorca began to take a part in the affairs of the company and of Greece; but before narrating his adventures we must return to the island itself and to its restoration to its rightful King.

King Jayme of Majorca had been unjustly deprived of his islands by his nephew Alfonso III., and, while constantly protesting, he was obliged to remain at Montpellier and Perpignan. But after he had made his peace with the Pope, Jayme of Aragon sought an interview with his uncle of Majorca, greeted him affectionately, and restored to him the Balearic Islands. Both the King of Majorca and the King of Aragon, uncle and nephew, were Jayme II., which might cause some confusion. For the next twelve years Jayme, the uncle, reigned peacefully in Majorca.

CHAPTER VIII
Tells how King Jayme II. at last reigned in peace, and how his page Raimondo Lulio attained the crown of martyrdom

King Jayme II. of Majorca returned to his island dominions in 1294 with fifteen years of life before him, which he devoted to the restoration of prosperity to Majorca. He was now advanced in years, and was far better fitted for peaceful administration and the work of promoting the good of his people than for steering safely through the entanglements and difficulties caused by the war between his brother and his brother-in-law of France.

His wife, Esclaramunda of Foix, was still by his side, and his children were taking their places in the world. His eldest son, Jayme, had adopted a religious life and had become a Franciscan friar. His second son, Sancho, was therefore to be his successor, and was recognised as the heir by the Cortes of Gerona in 1302. The third son, Fernando, was one of the ablest and most valorous soldiers of that chivalrous age, with honour bright as his sword. The youngest son, Felipe, entered holy orders. The two daughters married well—Isabel to the Infante Juan Manuel of Castille, and Sancha to Robert, King of Naples.

Majorca had suffered during the usurpation of young Alfonso. Her commercial interests had been neglected, and the foreign rule had been tyrannical. At the same time the population was increasing, and there was need for the foundation of towns as centres of trade and protection in the different districts. The companions of Jayme I., forming the nobility of the island, held large estates. The twenty most prominent names were:

With the aid and consent of these nobles and of the Jurados, Jayme II. founded several towns which have continued to flourish to this day. One of the first was Felanitx, on the plain to the east of the capital. The next was Santañi, on the estate of Sant Marti; and the King, owing to the want of water, caused large cisterns to be constructed. Binisalem, near Inca, was founded, and is now a centre of apricot cultivation. Porreras, Sineu, and Manacor were also founded; the latter is now a flourishing town and a centre of the vine industry. Lluchmayor, the scene of his grandson’s fatal overthrow, was also founded by this King. These towns formed markets and homes for the farmers of the surrounding districts.

King Jayme next established a coinage, which for its purity and accuracy of weight was very highly esteemed in all the Mediterranean commercial marts. Gold coins began to be issued in 1310, but none are now known to exist. The silver reals and double reals are handsome coins. They are excessively rare. The silver coinage began to be issued in 1300. The Mint-master was Bernardo de Oleza, whose arms were gules a rose argent. The rose appears on each side of the crowned head, and in the four angles of the cross on the reverse of the silver money.12

The representatives of the people agreed to pay a tax, called fogatje, for the support of the mint, assessed on all houses having hearths.

A pure currency is a great aid to commerce, and the trade of Majorca increased rapidly under the auspices of En Jayme. Shipbuilding progressed, and the rich and fertile soil began to yield abundant crops. The cultivation of olive-trees, though many of them now present such an extraordinarily antiquated appearance, was introduced into the island by the Catalans, and not by the Arabs.13 The raising of stock also received much attention from the King, who in this as in other measures for the prosperity of the island, was well supported by his ‘Ricos hombres.’

The ‘Almudaina,’ or alcazar of the Moors, is a huge bastille on the right of the landing-place. The lofty walls still stand, enclosing a large space, with square towers at intervals. The exterior has undergone considerable modern alterations, but it is still quite easy to make out the appearance of the original building. King Jayme II. brought artists and expert artificers from Perpignan to convert this ancient alcazar of the Almudaina into a palace. The royal apartments were decorated with paintings and bas-reliefs, the beautiful oratory of Santa Ana was built as the royal chapel, pleasant balconies were erected, and gardens were laid out in the courts and on the terraces. The sculptor François Camprodon was employed to adorn the halls and gardens with statues. A code of palace etiquette was drawn up, and the Majorcan Court was ceremoniously conducted, while at the same time it was a home of pleasure and festivity.

To the east of the Almudaina there was a space, said to have been occupied by a garden in Moorish times, on a high platform overlooking the Mediterranean. No finer site could be found for a cathedral. The Capilla Real had been finished in the time of the Conqueror, but during the usurpation work had been stopped. Funds were raised under Jayme II. and the construction of this beautiful edifice was continued. All the stone came from the quarries of Santañi, on the south coast of the island. The cathedral presents rather a curious appearance from the sea, owing to the crowd of flying buttresses and the absence of windows, which are only allowed to give full light through stained glass in the apse. The nave is very lofty, with eight arches on each side, between seven high and slender pillars supporting a finely vaulted roof. There is a clerestory with windows blocked, but no triforium. The aisles are lower and rather narrow, with side chapels. The lofty and slender pillars rising to the vault, less than three feet in diameter, give a peculiarly solemn effect which is alike pleasing and imposing.14 The Bishop’s palace, built round a courtyard, is to the east of the cathedral, and also overlooks the sea.

The King’s eldest son had devoted his life to religion and had become a Franciscan monk. Out of affection for him Jayme II. founded a large Franciscan monastery. A fine church rose up in due time, with a very picturesque cloister of two storeys, other buildings used as schools, and a large library with a richly carved wooden ceiling. All came to ruin on the expulsion of the monks in 1835.

En Jayme also planned and commenced one of the finest military works of his time. The castle of Belver is a beautiful object from the sea, standing on the summit of a pine-clad hill, with a background of more distant mountains. It is elliptical in shape, with a large courtyard in the centre. The accommodation is spacious. On the ground floor there is a series of vaulted chambers suitable for barracks, guard rooms, or prisons. Above there is a vaulted gallery opening on numerous large rooms, also vaulted, including a large hall and a chapel. The roof is flat and paved. Standing by itself there is a tall tower, called ‘el Torre de Homenaje,’ connected with the roof by an arch. The whole is surrounded by a deep moat. Pedro Salva, the architect, was a native of Majorca. The hill on which the castle stands, 450 feet above the sea, is entirely covered with pine-trees (Pinus Halepensis), with an undergrowth of lentisco-bushes, wild lavender, and a purple cistus. Between the bushes the ground is covered with asphodel and the leaves of an arisarum.

En Jayme brought architects, sculptors, and decorators to Majorca, as well as troubadours and musicians, and he encouraged native talent. But the great ornament of his reign was an eminent philosopher and theologian. Ramon Lull, or Raimundo Lulio of Barcelona, was one of the companions of Jayme I., and received two alquerias or farms at the partition. He was married to Heril de Cataluña, and their son Raimundo was born in the capital of Majorca in about the year 1235. His parents wished him to learn to read, but he cared for nothing but arms, and became a page to En Jayme. He neglected his duties to the Prince and gave up nearly all his time to rather scandalous love affairs. His parents thought that the only cure was marriage, and they married him to a girl named Catalina Labots; but this only appeared to increase his devotion to other married women. His conversion was miraculous. He had a celestial vision in the garden of the bishop’s palace, and another in his own house, when he heard the words, ‘Raimundo, follow me!’ He sold all his property, only reserving a small portion for his wife and children, and in 1266 he embarked for Barcelona to visit the shrines of Montserrat and Santiago. He then returned home to cause edification by his example in the same place where his former life had been so scandalous. He was well past his thirtieth year.

Lulio then began to learn Arabic from a slave, with the intention of preaching to the Moors; but one day he flogged his teacher for blaspheming God, who retaliated by stabbing Lulio in the breast. The new convert then left the abodes of man and went up an isolated hill called Randa, well in sight from the anchorage off the capital of Majorca. Here his life was a continual succession of prayers, penitence, and tears. He was favoured with more celestial visions. His mind seems to have been filled with zeal for the conversion of unbelievers; and he also developed some crude philosophical ideas in his solitude. Jayme II. was at this time at Montpellier, and, hearing of the miraculous conversion of his former page, he sent for him. En Jayme was struck by the earnestness, the eloquence, and the ability of the new convert. When Lulio entreated the King to establish a school in Majorca for teaching Arabic, with a view to preaching to the infidels, he consented. He made a grant of money sufficient to sustain thirteen monks, and assigned for their college a farm in a lovely spot on the north coast of the island, overlooking the sea, called Miramar. Here Lulio studied, and wrote his theories and ideas; but his plan did not succeed, and the college was a failure.