"The Duke of Northumberland to Captain Brant.
"Northumberland House, 5th May, 1806.
"My very good Friend and Brother Warrior:
"I have received safely your letter of the 24th January, which reached me on the 23d of last month, with all that pleasure which is naturally felt by one friend when he receives a letter from another friend. I am happy to find that the interest I took in the affairs of the Five Nations has been acceptable to their Board, as I am by being one of their community. They may rest assured I shall always be happy to assist them to the utmost of my power.
"I was very sorry that the zeal of my brother Teyoninhokáráwen failed of success; but I can assure you and the Chiefs of the Five Nations, that it was not for want of constant attention and the most unremitting zeal on his part. No person could possibly execute the mission on which he was sent, with more ability than he did. It is only a piece of justice due to him, to desire you to mention this to the General Council when they meet.
"The names of those who gave credit to Mr. Claus's fictitious council, are washed out from the administration of this country, and a more sensible set of ministers are appointed in their room, and I think those who now fill the high offices of State in this kingdom, would listen to the wishes of our brethren in the Five Nations. [FN] I shall be happy if I can be of service in procuring for them the accomplishment of their wishes. But before I attempt any thing, I must desire clearly to understand what are the wishes of the Five Nations. Do they desire to have a confirmation of the grant of Sir Frederick Haldimand and (if possible) to have it under the Great Thayendanegea, &c. with the Seal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland? Would they consent, (if such a thing is proposed) to have a clause inserted in the confirming grant declaring the grant to be vacated, if the Five Nations should at any time part with the territory thus granted to them, either to the Americans, or to any other nation of Indians, or to any other person or persons not being of the Five Nations, or a British subject, without the consent of the crown of Great Britain? I mention this circumstance, because I think something of this kind was hinted at by Mr. Cooke, and the improper manner in which it was stated, gave reason to suppose that the Five Nations could not alienate it, or any part of it, from one Indian of the Five Nations to another Indian of the Five Nations, which never was intended to be prevented."
[FN] The Duke, probably, referred to the dissolution of Mr. Addington's Administration in 1801, and the return to power of Mr. Pitt. True, the ministry of the latter was dissolved by the decease of that incomparable premier, in January antecedent to the time the Duke was then writing; but it must have been the Addington ministry which was in power at the time of Norton's mission, and which was "washed out" by dissolution after Pitt had abandoned it, and made a speech in opposition, even on the same side with Fox.—Author.
"I should, however, advise that either yourself, Teyoninhokáráwen, or some other chief, should come over, properly authorised by the chiefs, to transact and finally settle all this business.
"There are a number of well-meaning persons here, who are very desirous of forming a Society to better (as they call it,) the condition of our nation, by converting us from hunters and warriors into husbandmen. Let me strongly recommend it to you, and the rest of our chiefs, not to listen to such a proposition. Let our young men never exchange their liberty, and manly exercises, to become hewers of wood and drawers of water. If they will teach our women to spin and to weave; this would be of use; but to endeavor to enervate our young men by doing nothing but tilling the earth, would be the greatest injury they could do the Five Nations. Nine hundred or a thousand warriors, enured to hardship by hunting, are a most respectable and independent body; but what would the same number of men become who were merely husbandmen? They would hardly rate a small parish, seeking for protection from others, scarcely heard of and known, and obliged tamely to submit to laws and regulations made by other people, and incapable of defending themselves. If you want an example of what the Five Nations would soon become, look only at the Stockbridge Indians. They, like us, were once a noble and formidable tribe; they now are less than women. Some of the persons who propose this plan, have their own private reasons. They wish to go over among you, and when they have collected you together in order to teach you to cultivate the ground, they will then show you how very small a part of the land granted you is sufficient for to supply your wants, and will next endeavor to prevail upon you to grant them the remainder, in gratitude for the trouble they have had in instructing you in agriculture. No, my dear friend and brother warrior, never suffer yourself, or your Chiefs, to be induced by their plausible arguments. If you do, remember I now foretell that you will become a poor, dependent, and insignificant body, instead of continuing a free, warlike, and independent nation as we now are. I wish to see the Christian religion, sobriety, and good morals, prevail among our nation; but let us continue free and independent as the air that blows upon us; let us continue hunters and warriors, capable of enforcing respect, and doing ourselves justice; but let us never submit to become the tillers of land, hewers of wood, and drawers of water, by the false and interested advice of those who, from being our pretended friends, would soon become our imperious masters. Accept this, my good friend and brother warrior, from one who wishes the Five Nations ever to continue a formidable nation, commanding respect from all its neighbors, and who interests himself most sincerely in their welfare. Say every thing proper for me to my brother Chiefs, and believe me,
"Your faithful friend and brother warrior, Northumberland, Thorighwagéri
"PS Dezonhighkor (Lord Percy) desires to return his thanks, and to offer his compliments to you and to Teyoninhokáráwen, (Norton,) to whom I desire you to give my compliments likewise. I have received his letter, and will write to him by this mail if I possibly can."
Pursuant to the suggestions of the preceding correspondence, the preparations were made for another mission to London, by Thayendanegea himself. He actually commenced his journey, and proceeded as far as Albany, with the design of embarking at New-York. Circumstances, however, occurred, which rendered it necessary for him to return to his own country. Afterward, owing to pecuniary difficulties, the undertaking was indefinitely deferred, as will be seen by the annexed communication to the Duke, which was probably the last ever addressed to that nobleman by his brother warrior of the forest:—
"Captain Brant to the Duke of Northumberland.
"Head of Lake Ontario, June 26, 1807.
"My Lord Duke,
"I wrote you last by the Surveyor General, Mr. Wyatt, acquainting your Grace that Teyoninhokáráwen or myself should again cross the sea on the subject of our land affairs, &c. Shortly after that we have been formally deputed, either jointly or separately, by a general council of the chiefs and warriors of the Grand River, held at the Onondaga Village, according to the ancient custom of the Five Nations.
"The want of money for the journey, and suspicions of new intrigues being attempted in our absence again to frustrate our endeavors for the public good, have deterred us for the present from undertaking the intended journey. But, confiding in the regard which we know that your Grace has for your brethren of the Five Nations and their interests; in the fatherly affection of his Majesty; and in the justice of the British nation; we send you the powers we have received; and beg that your Grace may grant us your aid to obtain from his Majesty a confirmation of General Haldimand's grant to the Five Nations under the Great Seal; and that the part we have surrendered to Government for sale, they shall guarantee to us and our heirs the regular payment of the purchase money stipulated, according to former representation.
"With the greatest respect and esteem, I have the honor to be
"Your Grace's humble servant, and Faithful brother warrior"
For a good and sufficient reason, which will appear in the closing pages of the present work, the claims of the Mohawks were prosecuted no farther by their old and vigilant Chief, Thayendanegea. Nor have their difficulties with the officers of the crown entirely ceased to this day.
Exertions of Thayendanegea for the moral and social improvement of his people—His religious views—Efforts for the religions instruction of his people—Letter to Sir John Johnson upon the subject of obtaining a resident clergyman—Farther correspondence—Interview of Brant with the Bishop—Disappointment—Letter to the Chief Justice—Appeal of Brant to the Lord Bishop, but without success—Application to the American church—Letter to Colonel Burr—Succeeds in obtaining the ordination of Mr. Phelps—Estimate of Brant's character by the clergy—Letter of Rev. Dr. Mason—Rev. Elkanah Holmes—Letter of Brant to the Rev. Dr. Miller—Ardent spirits—Efforts of Brant to prevent their introduction—Letter to Sir John Johnson—Interposition of the women—Address of Brant in reply—Indian games and pastimes—National game of Cricket—Great game at Grand River, between the Senecas and Mohawks—Judge Woodruff's visit to Brant's residence—Description of his person—Indian funerals—Respect for the dead—Estimate of women—Their influence—Funeral speech of Seneca-George—Death of Mrs. Claus—Speech of condolence by Captain Brant—Captain Claus in reply—Brant's visit to New-York, Philadelphia, and Hartford, in 1797—Attentions to him in Philadelphia—Dinner party of Colonel Burr—Talleyrand and other distinguished guests—Letter of introduction from Colonel Burr to his daughter—Dinner party in his honor by Miss Theodosia—His manners described by Dr. Miller and by General Porter—Designs upon his life in the Mohawk country—The late John Wells—Striking incident in Albany—Anecdotes—Brant and General Gansevoort—Brant and Colonel Van Courtlandt—Reasons of Brant for taking up arms for the King—His reasonings in defence of the Indian mode of warfare.
Had no other subjects demanded the consideration, and required the active personal exertions, of Captain Brant, during the last twelve years of his career, than those already reviewed, his life must still have been considered one of uncommon industry. But the cares upon his hands were multitudinous in other respects. His desire for the moral and social improvement of his people led him to a vigilant oversight of all their domestic concerns. Rude as was their government, it was still to be administered, and a domestic police, of some kind, was to be observed. The administration of their government, moreover, was probably attended by none the less difficulty from the peculiar position in which the Mohawk Indians were placed at that particular period of their history. Their society was in a transition state—being neither the hunter nor the agricultural, but partaking in part of both; while, notwithstanding the advice of the Duke of Northumberland, it was the strong desire of the Chief to draw them from the former to the latter course of life. Before their transplantation from their native valley, they had, many of them, made considerable advances in the pursuit of husbandry, Brant himself having cultivated an excellent farm in the neighborhood of General Herkimer's residence, near the Upper Mohawk Castle; [FN] and though the vicissitudes of war had cast them once more into a primitive forest, entirely unsubdued, the Chief had no idea of relinquishing the certainty of agricultural competence for the precarious supplies of the chase.
[FN] The author visited the plantation formerly belonging to Brant in the Autumn of 1836. Nothing of his domicile, save the cellar, remained. His orchard of apple-trees, however, was thrifty and in full bearing.
Nor was he ignorant of what alone can form the basis of an industrious and truly moral community. Whether he was himself a man of experimental religion, in the evangelical sense of the term, is a question which it is not the province of the historian to decide. There is no doubt that he was a believer in the great and essential truths of revelation, and it is equally certain that after his return from Dr. Wheelock's school, he was the subject of deep religious impressions. But whether these impressions were entirely effaced during the long years of arduous and active public service in which he was subsequently engaged, both as a warrior and a politician—in the battle-field, in the council of war, and in the Indian Congress—threading the solitudes of his native forests, or amidst the splendid gaieties of the British metropolis—is not for this writer to affirm or deny. Be this, however, as it may, he was a man of too much sagacity not to perceive the importance of education and religion, as auxiliaries in carrying forward the moral and social improvement of his nation; and the preponderance of testimony favors the opinion that he was never careless of the spiritual interests of his charge. It has been seen, that when quite a young man, he was engaged with the Episcopal and other Christian missionaries, assisting in translating the Church Prayer Book and the Holy Scriptures. And immediately after the close of the long conflict in which he had borne so active a part, he was again found recurring, of his own volition, to the same labors, and superintending the printing of the Gospel of Mark, and other religious works, in London. One of his first stipulations with the Commander-in-chief, on the acquisition of his new territory, was for the building of a church, a school-house, and a flouring mill; and no sooner had the North-western Indian wars been brought to an end, than the religious principle was again in action, and his thoughts and exertions once more directed to the means of imparting to his people a knowledge of their relation to God, and the consequences flowing therefrom. In proof of this assertion, the following letter may be appropriately introduced:—
"Captain Brant to Sir John Johnson, Bar't.
"Grand River, Dec. 15, 1797.
"Dear Sir,
"Since writing the letter accompanying this, the Chiefs have conferred together respecting the state of religion among the Five Nations, which now appears to be a subject of more serious consideration among them than formerly. We are sensible, Sir, of the goodness of Government, among other benefits, in accommodating us with a church, and we have long been desirous of having a clergyman to reside constantly with us; this, we apprehend, would be highly promotive of morality and the Christian virtues among our people. We do not complain, Sir, of the neglect of the society in this respect, as we are satisfied that their benevolent attention to mankind has been equal to their means; for this reason we have hitherto omitted making application to them upon this head. Besides, we are sensible how difficult it must be for them to find a suitable character willing to settle among us in this rude and distant quarter.
"In order to discharge my duty in this important affair, and that I may rest in peace, I have conferred with a gentleman of a liberal education, Mr. Davenport Phelps, with whose character and family I have long been acquainted, who has ample testimonials respecting his literary and moral qualifications, and who, I believe, will consent to devote his life to the service of the Church among us, provided his Lordship, the Bishop of Quebec, shall think proper to ordain him to the sacred office. Mr. Phelps with great candor observes, that from his not having been so conversant with books for a number of years past as he could have wished, particularly classical ones, he is diffident of a critical examination in the dead languages. But, Sir, from his general, I may say almost universal, character among the discerning, I consider the prospect of his usefulness among us very great; and assure you that it is the desire of the Chiefs in general, and my most ardent wish, that he may be ordained a missionary for the Five Nations on this river. And from your official relation to us, I take the liberty of begging you to communicate our wishes to his Lordship the Bishop respecting this gentleman, that we may be informed, if possible, before the opening of the Spring, whether a character of Mr. Phelps's description will be approved by his Lordship, and deemed a proper subject for ordination.
"I am, dear sir, Your most obedient And humble serv't, Jos. Brant.
"Sir John Johnson, Bar't.
"P. S. I know you will excuse my observing that we shall be glad to know what sum the society, and what government will severally think proper to allow our missionary; since, should their allowances be insufficient for his support, by other means it must be made adequate."
The Baronet lost no time in bringing the subject before the Bishop, but difficulties were interposed by his Lordship, and an occasional correspondence of two or three years ensued, before the wishes of the Indians, for the ordination of a spiritual teacher, were complied with. The first objection was that the candidate for orders had not been examined. In reply, Captain Brant apologized for their ignorance as to the prerequisites, and urged that an examination might be undergone before the Rev. Mr. Addison, "who, having gone through the forms himself, must be acquainted with the business." Both the Chief and his people were impatient of delay; and the Captain reminded the Bishop, through Sir John, of the pledge which the Archbishop of Canterbury had made to him in the presence of the King, that whenever the Indians, by the erection of a church, should be ready for religious instruction, he would do all in his power to supply their wants.
In the Spring of 1798, the Chief had an earnest correspondence with Mr. Russell, the provincial Governor, upon the subject, in the course of which, in one of his letters, he said:—"With respect to any uncertainty or difficulty there may be in obtaining a salary from government, we would wish that that should not entirely restrain his Lordship; for, should government not be willing to grant an allowance for a clergyman, sooner than want one we would strain every point ourselves to procure a salary, and would be joined by several respectable families of white people in the neighborhood."
In the Summer of the following year, on his return from a visit to the lower province, the Captain met with the Lord Bishop at Kingston, and again urged his attention to the subject; and, as he supposed, arranged matters for an examination of Mr. Phelps at Niagara, to which place his Lordship was preparing to extend his visit. But there was again disappointment, arising from a cause altogether unexpected. The following spirited letter will disclose the motive of the delay:
"Captain Brant to the Chief Justice.
"Grand River,—" [FN]
[FN] The date is wanting in the copy. It must have been, however, toward the close of 1799.
"Sir,
"I feel myself under the necessity of representing to your Honor, that from the consideration of the great importance of having a missionary resident among the Indians, and that from the knowledge I have long had of Mr. Davenport Phelps, and my particular acquaintance with his family and connexions, I have been earnestly desirous that he might be ordained to that office. To this end, the Winter before last I wrote the Honorable Sir John Johnson, who communicated my wishes, and those of the other chiefs, in this respect, to his Lordship the Bishop of Quebec. No determinate answer was given, and in consequence the subject thus remained till the Summer past, when, on my return from Lower Canada, at Kingston, in a conversation with his Lordship, he was pleased to express the utmost readiness to do what was incumbent on him to carry what was desired into effect—manifesting a cheerful willingness to examine Mr. Phelps, in order to his ordination.
"Thus circumstanced, I requested Mr. Phelps to accompany me to Newark, [FN] to offer himself for examination; but to my great disappointment found, that previous to our arrival his Lordship had sailed for Quebec. I was, Sir, however, surprised to learn, that he had left information pointedly against the expected examination; which, though then to me mysterious, I more fully understand since the arrival of his Excellency Governor Hunter, at that place, who has told me that he had been informed that Mr. Phelps had been at the head of a mob in the province. This charge, replete with odium, I have good evidence to believe was originally made by Mr. White, Attorney General, and as long ago as 1795. I must acknowledge, Sir, that it is unaccountable in my mind how a charge of this nature, made by one whose duty it is to prosecute seditious practices, should remain unnoticed until so late a period, and then be suggested, as I have too much reason to believe, to defeat a purpose earnestly desired by many friends to the cause of religion and morality."
[FN] Formerly a town on the Niagara—now called Niagara.
"I cannot, in justice to truth, omit to observe that the proposal of Mr. Phelps's being ordained to the church did not originate with him, (nor has it since been solicited by him,) but by myself and others of respectability, who have long known his virtues and abilities; who have an indubitable claim to the honor of having defended this country against the King's enemies; and whose loyalty and discernment cannot with decency be disputed. If, however, a charge of this nature be proved, I shall remain silent. If not, I humbly conceive justice and humanity require that due reparation be made.
"Your Honor's love of justice makes me confident of your best advice, and wise interference in this affair.
"I cannot but farther observe, that, considering the nature and circumstances of this affair, I have a right to expect that Mr. White, or whoever else has made this charge, be called on to prove it without delay. I shall be much obliged by your answer to this by the bearer. I have the honor to be, &c."
It is manifest from this letter, that the government were entertaining political objections to the candidate. The conduct of the Attorney-General, however, would not stand the scrutiny to which the Mohawk was disposed to subject it. Nothing could be more apparent than that the charge was either frivolous, or adduced as a pretext, or that the Attorney General had been remiss in the performance of his own official duty. The Indians still adhered to Mr. Phelps; and such was the strength of their attachment to him, that Captain Brant subsequently prepared a formal memorial to the Lord Bishop, setting forth his excellent qualities—his talents, his virtues, and his loyalty—and urging his ordination, "as their choice had been, and still was, fixed on him, in preference to any other." [FN] But every effort to obtain the ordination of Mr. Phelps from the English prelate was fruitless, and the attention of Captain Brant was thereupon directed to the Episcopal Church of the United States, through the interposition of General Chapin, the American Indian Agent residing at Canandaigua, and Colonel Aaron Burr. Mr. Phelps, the candidate for orders, visited the city of New-York, and was the bearer of the following letter to Colonel Burr upon the subject:—
[FN] The warmth of Brant's friendship for Mr. Phelps, and the strength of his attachment to him, are explained by the circumstance that Mr. Phelps had married the daughter of the elder President Wheelock, with whom the Chief had doubtless' become acquainted while at the Moor Charity School. As Mr. Phelps subsequently became the pioneer of the Episcopal Church in the western part of the State of New-York, some farther notice of him will be proper in this place. He was a native of Hebron, (Connecticut,) where he was born in 1755. He was graduated at Yale College, with high credit for his classical attainments, in 1775. Soon afterward he entered the army of the Revolution, in Colonel Beadle's regiment—was made prisoner and taken to Montreal, where he remained so long that he acquired the French language so as to speak it with elegance. He was married to Catharine Wheelock in 1785, and was for a time engaged in the mercantile business, in company with his brothers-in-law, Ebenezer and James Wheelock, in Hartford (Conn.) He afterward removed to New-Hampshire, where he practised law, and served as a magistrate. In 1798 he visited Upper Canada in company with James Wheelock, where they jointly obtained a grant of eighty-four thousand acres of land from Governor Simcoe. Soon afterward he removed his family to Upper Canada, and settled for a time at Niagara, where he commenced the practice of the law, and established a printing-office. He also had a mercantile concern at that place, the business of which was chiefly conducted by an agent. He had a taste for agricultural and horticultural pursuits, and paid much attention to husbandry and the cultivation of fruit. A close intimacy subsisted between himself and Captain Brant, and between their families. He appears to have been early a religious man, and had, for some time anterior to Brant's application in his behalf for orders, a strong desire to enter the Episcopal Church.—MS. Life of Rev. Davenport Phelps, in preparation by the Rev. Dr. Rudd of Utica.
"Captain Brant to Colonel Burr.
"Grand River, May 7, 1800.
"Sir,
"About three weeks since, I received a message from O'Bail to attend a council at Buffalo, where I expected the pleasure of seeing you. We attended, and waited a few days; but the chiefs there not being ready to meet us, and we having business that required our attendance at this place, were under the necessity of coming away. Had I been so fortunate as to have met you there, it was my intention to have conversed with you upon a subject which I have long considered as most important to the present and future well-being of the Indians on both sides of the lakes and at large; namely, their situation in a moral point of view, and concerning measures proper to be taken in order that regular and stated religious instruction might be introduced among them.
"You well know, Sir, the general state of the Indians residing on Grand River, as well as in other parts. A considerable number of some of these nations have long since embraced Christianity, and the conversion of others must depend, under the influence of the Great Spirit, on the faithful labors of a resident minister, who might visit and instruct both here and elsewhere, as ways and doors might from time to time be opened for him.
"The establishment and enlargement of civilization and Christianity among the natives must be most earnestly desired by all good men; and as religion and morality respect mankind at large, without any reference to the boundaries of civil governments, I flatter myself that you, Sir, will approve what many of the chiefs here, with myself, are so greatly desirous of.
"I have in view, as I have before suggested, the welfare of the Indians at large; being fully persuaded that nothing can so greatly contribute to their present and future happiness as their being brought into the habits of virtue and morality, which, I trust, may and will be gradually effected by instruction, if properly attended and enforced by example.
"I well know the difficulty of finding a gentleman suitably qualified, and willing to devote his life to the work of a missionary among them; and especially one of talents and manners to render him agreeable in a degree highly to favor his usefulness. And, in order to satisfy myself in this respect, I faithfully inquired and consulted, and am clearly of opinion, that Mr. Davenport Phelps, who is recommended as a gentleman of virtue and respectable accomplishments, is the most suitable character for this office of any one within my knowledge. My long acquaintance with his family, and particular knowledge of him, as well as the opinion and wishes of the most respectable characters among the white people in this vicinity, who earnestly wish, for themselves as well as for us, that he may be ordained a missionary, make me earnestly hope that you will officially recommend both the design and him to the Right Reverend Bishops in the United States, or to some one of them, and to such other characters as you may think proper.
"From the consideration that religion and politics are distinct subjects, we should not only be well satisfied to receive a Missionary from a Bishop in the United States, but, for various other reasons, would prefer one from thence.
"We shall be able here to do something considerable towards Mr. Phelps's support; and I doubt not but others, who have ability, will be disposed to assist in promoting so good a work. I will add no more than that I have great satisfaction in being confident of your friendly and influential exertions in this important affair, and that I am, with great sincerity, yours, &c.,
"Joseph Brant." [FN]
[FN] Brant had had some previous acquaintance with Colonel Burr and his family, as will appear in a subsequent page. This letter was enclosed by Colonel Burr to his daughter Theodosia, then Mrs. Alston, in December, 1801, with the following remark:—"Yesterday Mr. Phelps, mentioned in the enclosed, delivered to me two pair of moccasins, directed—'From Captain Joseph Brant to Mr. and Mrs. Alston.' Your ship having sailed, I don't know how or when I shall forward them to you; but we will see. I send the original letter of Captain Brant, merely to show how an Indian can write. It is his own hand-writing and composition. Upon this notice of his attention you should write him a letter of acknowledgment for his hospitality," &c. The author will here remark, that the orthography of Captain Brant was remarkable and almost invariably accurate.
The application to the American Church was successful, and the Missionary was ordained. [FN-1] But whether the measure was facilitated by the exertions of Colonel Burr, is not known. The subject has been treated thus at large, for the purpose of developing with more distinctness the religious bias of the Chieftain's character, as illustrated by the earnest perseverance with which he sought the Christian improvement of his people. From other letters and documents among his papers, it is farther rendered certain that several religious gentlemen of distinction in the United States were in occasional correspondence with him upon religious and other subjects connected with the history and condition of his people. His house, likewise, seems to have been the free and open quarters of the Missionaries employed at that early stage of the modern missionary enterprise, among the borderers, both Anglo-Saxon and Aboriginal. [FN-2] As an example of this description of correspondence, the following letter is given—for the double purpose of showing the estimate placed upon the character of Captain Brant by the great and good of that day, and of embalming the name of one of the most devout and faithful pioneers of Christianity that ever made the wilderness ring with the Gospel trumpet—the Rev. Elkanah Holmes:
[FN-1] Mr. Phelps was ordained a Deacon in Trinity Church, in the city of New-York, by Bishop Benjamin Moore, on Sunday, December 13, 1801. He immediately returned to Canada, and entered upon the active duties of a missionary, holding frequent services, and traveling far and wide in the discharge of his duties. His residence then, and for several years before, was upon his farm about three miles from Burlington Bay. Captain Brant had repeatedly endeavored to induce him to accept a grant of land, probably with a view to his residence with, or near him, at Grand River, but without success—as the accumulation of wealth was not the desire of Mr. Phelps. In 1803 he was ordained as a priest in St Peter's Church, Albany, also by Bishop Moore. Thenceforward he entered upon the life of a missionary in the western part of New-York, and in 1805 removed his family from Upper Canada to Onondaga. He subsequently removed to Geneva, where he died some years since.—MS. Account of his life by Dr. Rudd.
[FN-2] Mr. Phelps had much intercourse with Captain Brant and his family. When he preached in the vicinity of the family of Brant, that household formed a part, and a very attentive part, of his audience.—MS. of the Rev. Dr. Rudd.
"Rev. John M. Mason, D. D., to Captain Brant.
"New-York, June 16, 1801.
"Sir,
"The Directors of the New-York Missionary Society have instructed me to tender you their acknowledgments for your friendship to their missionary, the Rev. Elkanah Holmes. [FN] This gentleman, in whose discretion and integrity they repose entire confidence, they have employed in a second mission to those tribes of Indians whom your influence particularly affects. The purity of their views, embracing the moral and religions interests of the Indians, induces them to believe that their attempts will not be unacceptable to you; and your former kindness to Mr. Holmes emboldens them to ask for him such countenance and advice as your intimate knowledge of Indian affairs, and the weight of your opinion in directing them, render it expedient for you to give. For your farther satisfaction with regard to the missionary system, Mr. Holmes will present you with a volume containing the sermons preached before the Society, and the annual accounts of their procedure; of which the directors do themselves the pleasure to request your acceptance."
[FN] Mr. Holmes devoted many years to missionary labors among the Indians, of whom he took his leave about the year 1812. He lived many years afterward, and died at a very advanced age. Like Heckewelder, he imbibed the most enthusiastic admiration of the Indian character in its native unsophisticated state. In the course of his experience, however, he arrived at the painful conclusion that it is all but impossible to do any good to them while subject to the moral contagion of white men and strong drink. His appearance in the latter years of his life was truly patriarchal. His hair, long and white, fell down upon his shoulders; his manner was remarkably impressive, and his whole demeanor that of one who was ripe for heaven. He was a Calvinistic Baptist.
"With respect, I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, John M. Mason, Secretary.
"Captain Joseph Brant."
The Chief was likewise in correspondence with the Rev. Samuel Miller of New-York, now Doctor Miller, of Princeton, as appears by the following letter:—
"Captain Brant to the Rev. Samuel Miller.
"Grand River, Feb. 9, 1801.
"Sir,
"I feel a particular satisfaction that I have now had an opportunity of answering your letter by the Rev. Mr. Holmes. I have explained, as far as in my power, the queries you have proposed. I hope you will excuse the long delay I have made since I received your letter, and not altogether attribute it to neglect or unwillingness to serve you; for I have myself a strong inclination for searching into the antiquities of our nations and others, but the multiplicity of business I have always had on hand, has hitherto prevented me. Even now, what I have said on the subject is in haste, and as brief as possible. Should it so happen that I might have it in my power further to assist you, I shall do it with pleasure." [FN]
[FN] It is a matter of no small regret that the author has not been able to procure a copy of the letter referred to. At the time when the now venerable Dr. Miller opened a correspondence with Brant, he was projecting a History of New-York, and was then collecting materials for that object. Brant had also contemplated writing a history of The Six Nations; and it is quite probable that his reply to the queries of Doctor Miller was both a valuable and a curious document. When Doctor Miller removed from New-York to Princeton, in the year 1813, he was just recovering from a fit of sickness, which disabled him from attending to his papers. The consequence was, that owing to the carelessness of others, his manuscripts and historical collections were greatly scattered, and many of them irrecoverably lost. Among the latter were the letters of Captain Brant, as the author has been informed by the Doctor himself, in reply to a letter addressed to him. After stating the circumstance attending the loss of his manuscripts, the Doctor says—"after the most diligent search that I can make, I cannot find a line of what I received from that remarkable man."
"I cannot omit acknowledging the satisfaction I feel from what the Rev. Mr. Holmes has acquainted me with, respecting the generous intentions of your society for diffusing religion and civilization among the Indian nations in general. I would be happy to hear from you, how far your society may propose to extend their goodness, with respect to the education of Indian youths that might be well recommended to them. And also, if they would be willing, and it might be consistent with their constitution, to assist some Indians who have yet claims on lands in the United States, such as the Nantikokes in Maryland, and the Munsees near Minisink, who have requested me to make the application. The Rev. Mr. Holmes can more particularly inform you on this subject."
Unfortunately the Mohawks, like all other primitive American nations with whom the white people have come in contact, were lovers of rum, and subject, of course, to the evils consequent upon that species of debasement. The prevalence of this vice seems to have been viewed with deep solicitude by Captain Brant, and a system of prevention early entered into his views on commencing the labor of building up his nation anew. But all experience has shown how futile are these attempts to keep the fire-waters from the lips of the Indian, so long as unprincipled white men are permitted to approach their borders with their alembics, or minister the ready-made liquor to their burning appetites. In like manner were the efforts of Captain Brant frustrated. In a letter to Sir John Johnson, dated June 30th, 1800, in reference to this subject, he said:—"The accidents which have happened in the drunken frolics here, have principally proceeded from an opposition party to those chiefs who wished to adopt some necessary regulations. Captain Clans seems very uneasy, and wishes to take some steps to prevent those melancholy misfortunes. He urges me to point out some mode in which it can be effected. In answer I furnished him in writing with a detail of the plan, (of which I presume he will send you a copy,) which was adopted when we first settled here, and which could at that time have been carried into effect, but for the insurmountable impediments thrown in the way by the government. I should be glad of your opinion on this unfortunate subject."
It must be reckoned among the mysteries in the economy of Providence, that women, of every age, and hue, and clime, are doomed to suffer more severely from the effects of intemperance in the other sex than men. The maddening poison of the intoxicating cup infuriates the stronger passions of the men, and imparts fiend-like energy to their already superior physical powers; and among savage as well as civilized men, those under its diabolical influence often wreak their senseless violence upon the least offending and the least capable of resistance. It was thus among the Mohawks. At least nothing less can be inferred from the following memoranda of proceedings upon this subject, among the papers of Captain Brant:—
"On the 22d of May, 1802, the women assembled in council, to which they called the chiefs. They then addressed them as follows:
"Uncles: Some time ago the women of this place spoke to you; but you did not then answer them, as you considered their meeting not sufficient. Now, a considerable number of those from below having met and consulted together, join in sentiment, and lament as it were with tears in our eyes, the many misfortunes caused by the use of spirituous liquors. We therefore mutually request that you will use your endeavors to have it removed from our neighborhood, that there may be none sold nigher to us than the mountain. We flatter ourselves that this is in your power, and that you will have compassion on our uneasiness, and exert yourselves to have it done."
Strings of Wampum.
How like woman! She discerned the cause of the evil she saw and felt: yet she indulged no resentments—she complained not of her sufferings—but mildly entreated that the cause might be removed. Thus, ever forward to shield those she loved from temptation and danger, by her influence and persuasions exerting might in her weakness, and rendering tho strong man stronger by her anxious yet watchful guardianship of his virtue. But their counsel did not end here. There had been domestic feuds and collisions among their lords. The Seneca demagogue had sown dissensions between the warriors and their chiefs, and the Mohawk women appeared also in their own true and beneficent character of peace-makers. After the portion of their address quoted above had been delivered, "some others," (says the manuscript,) spoke thus:—
"Uncles: The division and separation of the warriors from the chiefs gives us much uneasiness; we therefore entreat you, both chiefs and warriors, that you will bury all dispute, that your affairs may go on with the usual friendship and tranquility. As for our part, we have been, in a great measure a principal cause in influencing our male relations; but we now drop it, and promise to observe a quite different conduct, and we hope in future that no reports shall be able to rekindle the fire of contention."
Strings of Wampum.
The manner in which these rude females of the forest made their appeal, might serve as a pattern of delicacy to many of the sex of loftier pretensions. Nor was it without its effect upon the council of chiefs to whom it was addressed. After adjourning a short time for consideration, they returned, and Captain Brant delivered their reply to the following purpose:—
"Nieces: We are fully convinced of the justice of your request; drinking has caused the many misfortunes in this place, and has been, besides, a great cause of the divisions, by the effect it has upon the people's speech. We assure you, therefore, that we will use our endeavors to effect what you desire. However, it depends in a great measure upon government, as the distance you propose is within their line. We cannot therefore absolutely promise that our request will be complied with."
Strings.
"Nieces: With respect to your request to bury all differences, we heartily comply with it, and thank you for the wisdom yon showed in here interfering. It was the custom of our ancestors for the women, by their moderation, to heal up all animosities. Be assured, therefore, that we bury every thing disagreeable that may have happened hitherto; and in future we shall be upon our guard against tales, and also saying anything thoughtlessly ourselves; we only regret that the warriors are not here present, to concur with us in re-establishing unity and amity."
Strings.
If the proceedings of this female council appear rather too episodical for direct historical narrative, they are nevertheless illustrations of Indian manners and character. It is, moreover, a satisfaction thus to secure from oblivion, and preserve, a document bearing beautiful testimony, that even in a barbarous state of society, women are still found foremost in the conservation of virtue, and as persevering peace-makers in the midst of anarchy and strife. And besides, the females of no other race have had so little justice done to their character as those of the American Indian. While the women of every other people have been apotheosized, even down to the ebon daughter of Africa who moistened the parched lips of Mungo Park; who has ever rendered the just meed of homage to the patient, unostentatious virtues, and the noble qualities, of the tawny daughters of the American forest, save in the case of Pocahontas?
The reader has already seen that the religious tenets of Captain Brant were Episcopalian. It came not within the requisitions of his creed, therefore, even had policy been out of the question, to discountenance the games and amusements of his people. On the contrary, he loved to encourage their pastimes and divertisements, and by so doing, gave evidence of his wisdom. Indeed, it may well be doubted whether, in this respect, the ancients, and all uncivilized nations, have not been wiser in their generations than the modern Anglo-Saxons and their American children. Relaxation of mind and body is necessary alike to the health and elasticity of both. When the Puritans of New England banished the merry Christmas festival of Old England, they soon saw the necessity of creating a substitute, which was found in the feast of Thanksgiving. Still, the people of the United States have ever been so thoroughly utilitarian in the use of their hours, as really to deny themselves time for a suitable indulgence in rational amusements. Thus the harvest-home is forgotten; the rustic gambols of Christmas are almost unknown; no joyous groups dance around the Maypole, or twine the garland for the brow of its queen. The Americans have no seasons for reinvigorating their systems by wholesome athletic exercises, or dispelling care by rural sports among flowers, and groves, and fountains. The native sports of the Indians are less refined and poetical than were the pastimes and festivals of the Greeks and Romans; but they doubtless contribute as much to the enjoyment of the people, while they are no less rational, and are marked by a high degree of moral purity.
The neglect of athletic exercises, and games, by the white people, moreover, works positive injury. Contrast the tall, erect posture, the elastic tread of the Indian, with the plodding pace and inclining gait of the white man! Is it not obvious that the difference is attributable to the difference of physical training? The white laborer is generally worked too hard when young. His labors, whether in the field or the work-shop, are invariably such as to draw the body forward, while there is no exercise allowed the antagonistic muscles—those which sustain the body in an upright position. The consequence is, that while the Indian indulges in those sports which expand the chest, and throw back the shoulders, and impart agility and grace to the movements of the limbs, the white man, instead of looking upward to the heavens, is bowed down to the posture of the brute creation.
Among other amusements, in addition to their own native sports of running, wrestling, and leaping [FN]—their dances and songs—their sacrifices, and other festivals of war and of thanksgiving—the Six Nations had adopted from the whites the popular game of ball, or cricket. Indeed, so much attached were they to this manly exercise, that the game had become national throughout the Confederacy; and it was no uncommon thing for one nation to challenge another to play a match—upon a much larger scale, beyond doubt, than was ever practised among the pale-faces.
[FN] Mary Jemison states that these athletic games and exercises were practised, not only that their bodies might become more supple, or rather that they might not become enervated, but that they might be enabled to make proper selection of chiefs for the councils of the nation and leaders for war.
A game of this kind was commenced on one occasion, in the year 1794, between the young Mohawks and Senecas, which was well nigh attended with fatal consequences. The Mohawks were the challengers. After the game had proceeded for a considerable time, one of the Mohawks, in a struggle with a Seneca for a stroke at the ball, struck his antagonist a sharp blow with his bat. The occurrence having been observed by the players, the Senecas dropped their bats instantly, to a man, and retired to their posts with silent, though evident resentment. Without speaking a word, but with bosoms heaving with indignation, they took up the stakes they had deposited, and retired to their own country, on the upper waters of the Genesee, toward the northern spur of the Alleghenies. About three weeks subsequent to the occurrence, a Seneca messenger arrived at the Mohawk village, dispatched thither by Red Jacket, the Corn-planter, and others, complaining of the insult, demanding satisfaction for the affront, and denouncing war in case of refusal. The Mohawks, feeling that they were in the wrong, were somewhat troubled at the message. Brant convened a council of his chiefs, and after consultation, a message was returned to the Senecas, proposing an amicable meeting of the chiefs of both nations, to confer upon the subject matter of complaint, with a view of healing the wound by compromise and explanation, and of course without bloodshed. The Senecas, anxious to avoid hostilities against a nation with which they had been in alliance so long, acceded to the pacific proposition, and a joint council was the consequence. Red Jacket, however, did all he could to prevent a reconciliation. He delivered an inflammatory speech, laboring with all his art and eloquence to aggravate the insult, and urging his nation to avenge the insult by an appeal to arms. But Captain O'Bail, and some others of the older Seneca chiefs, were for the adoption of a more conciliatory course. They were little moved by the exciting philippic of Red Jacket, and desired nothing more of the Mohawks than a reasonable and honorable atonement for the wrong done to their young warrior by the party offending. The proposition was met with equal magnanimity on the part of the Mohawks, and the result of the council was an adjustment of the difficulty. The calumet was smoked, and the chiefs—all save the disappointed demagogue, Red Jacket—separated upon the most amicable terms. [FN]
[FN] Notes of a visit to Captain Brant, and of conversations with him, by Samuel Woodruff, Esq. of Windsor, Con.
Three years afterward, in the Summer of 1797, another match of cricket was played between the two nations. The Senecas were this time the challengers, but the game was played at the Mohawk village, on the Grand River, and was commenced during the visit of the gentleman to whom Captain Brant had related the particulars of the foregoing unpleasant occurrence. It was, in fact, the conversation naturally flowing from the pending match that led the Chief to speak of the incidents connected with the former. The playing was to commence at 9 o'clock in the morning, and the invitation of Captain Brant to see the amusement, was accepted by his guest.
The place selected for the trial of strength, agility, and skill, was a broad and beautiful green, of perhaps one hundred acres, perfectly level, and smooth as a carpet, without tree or shrub, or stone to encumber it. On one side of the green the Senecas had collected in a sort of irregular encampment—men, women, and children—to the number of more than a thousand. On the other side the Mohawks were actively assembling in yet greater numbers. The stakes deposited by each party were laid upon the ground in heaps, consisting of rifles, hatchets, swords, belts, knives, blankets, wampum, watches, beads, broaches, furs, and a variety of other articles of Indian utility and taste—amounting, in the whole, according to the estimate of Captain Brant, to upward of a thousand dollars a side. By the side of the stakes were seated a group of the aged Chiefs—"grave and reverend seigniors," whose beards had been silvered by the frosts of many winters, and whose visages gave evidence of the toils of war and the chase.
The combatants numbered about six hundred upon a side, young and middle-aged men—nimble of foot, athletic and muscular. Their countenances beamed with animation and high hope. In order to the free and unfettered use of their sinewy limbs, their persons were naked with the exception of a single garment like an apron, or kilt, fastened around the waist, and descending nearly to the knee. The area of the play-ground was designated by two pair of "byes," placed at about thirty rods distant from each other, and the goals of each pair about thirty feet apart. The combatants ranged themselves in parallel lines on each side of the area, facing inward, and leaving a space between them of about ten rods in breadth. Their bats were three feet six inches in length, curved at the lower end somewhat in the form of a ladle, the broad part for striking the ball being formed of net-work, woven of thongs of untanned deer-skin, strained to the tension of tight elasticity. The ball, large as a middling-sized apple, was also composed of elastic materials.
On one side of the area, near the centre of the line, and in a conspicuous place, were seated a body of elderly sachems, of each nation, with knives and tally-sticks, to score the game. The rules governing the game were somewhat intricate. None of the players were allowed to touch the ball with hand or foot, until driven beyond the "byes" or land-marks. It was then thrown back by hand toward or into the centre of the area, when the game proceeded as before. Their mode of counting the game was peculiar, the tallies-men not being in all cases bound by arbitrary rules, but left to the exercise of a certain degree of discretionary power. Each passage of the ball between the goals, at the end of the play-ground, counted one, so long as the contest was nearly equal; but, for the purpose of protracting the game, whenever one party became considerably in advance of the other, the tally-chiefs were allowed to check or curtail their count in proportion to the excess. For instance, if the leading party had run up a regular count to thirty, while their opponents had numbered but fifteen, the tallies-men, at their discretion, and by consent of each other, though unknown to the players, would credit the winning party with only two notches for three passages of the ball—varying from time to time, according to the state of the game. The object of this course was to protract the game, and to increase the amusement, while despondency upon either side was prevented, and the chance of ultimate victory increased. Frequently, by this discretionary mode of counting, the game was continued three or four days.
The game on this occasion was commenced by about sixty players on a side, who advanced from their respective lines with bats in their hands, into the centre of the play-ground. Of this number about twenty were stationed at the end land-marks, to guard the passage of the ball. The players who were to begin, were apparently mingled promiscuously together. All things being thus ready, a beautiful maiden, richly dressed in the native costume of her people, wearing a red tiara plumed with eagles' feathers, and glittering with bracelets and other ornaments of silver, came bounding like a gazelle into the area, with the ball, which she placed upon the ground in the centre. Instantly the welkin rang with the shouts of the whole multitude of spectators, and the play began; while the bright-eyed maiden danced back, and joined her own circle among the surrounding throng. The match was begun by two of the opposing players, who advanced to the ball, and with their united bats raised it from the ground to such an elevation as gave a chance for a fair stroke; when, quick as lightning, it was sped through the air almost with the swiftness of a bullet. Much depends upon the first stroke, and great skill is exerted to obtain it.
The match was played with great spirit, and the display of agility and muscular strength was surprising. Every nerve was strung; and so great were the exertions of the players, that each set was relieved by fresh hands every fifteen or twenty minutes; thus alternating, and allowing every player of the whole number to perform his part, until the game was finished. The scene was full of excitement and animation. The principal Chief entered fully into the enjoyment, and by his explanations to his guest heightened its interest, which of itself, the latter declared to have afforded him a greater degree of satisfaction than any game or pastime that he had ever beheld. The contest was continued three days, at the end of which, after a severe struggle, the Senecas were proclaimed the victors, sweeping the stakes, to the great mortification of the proud-spirited Mohawks—the head of the Confederacy.
Mr. Woodruff, from whose notes the preceding description has been derived, was highly gratified with his visit to the Chief, with whom he passed several days. In his person he said he was graceful and dignified—easy and affable in conversation. His stature was five feet eleven inches—of the finest form and proportions—robust and firm, and possessing great muscular power. His countenance was open, placid, and inviting—his eyes brilliant and expressive—in short, every thing in relation to his person was engaging and prepossessing.
No people are more particular in paying honors to the dead than the Indians, and their funerals are marked with deep and affecting solemnity. As among civilized nations, the pomp and pageantry of woe vary according to the rank of the deceased and the wealth of the family, or the ability and disposition of friends to defray the expenses of the funeral, the entertainment at the grave, and the presents to be distributed. But, however humble the deceased, the remains are never unhonored or unwept; and among no people on earth are stronger evidences given of tender affection. Nor are funeral honors bestowed only upon the men. There is a mistaken idea generally prevalent, that the Indian woman is treated with contempt, arising from the well-known fact, that certain offices and labors, accounted as menial among the whites, or as improper to be imposed upon women, are always performed by them among the Indians. But the allotment of those duties to the women has arisen from their usages, and the peculiar structure of their society, time immemorial. Nor is the custom any evidence of disrespect or contumely. On the contrary, it may be doubted whether the females of the white people, even among nations of the most refinement, exercise a higher or more salutary degree of influence, than do the Indian women. Nor, when dead, are they treated with less respect than the warriors. "The greatest honors are paid to the remains of the wives of renowned warriors and veteran chiefs, particularly if they were descended themselves of a high family, which is by no means an indifferent thing among the Indians, who love to honor the merit of their great men in the persons of their relatives." [FN] The funerals of chiefs and warriors, and of distinguished women, were attended by the heads of the tribe, and all the people, and their ceremonies were highly impressive. On the opening of all their councils, a ceremony of condolence was performed, and an appropriate speech delivered, in memory of those who had died, or been slain on the war-path, since their last meeting. These ceremonies were solemn, and their speeches often full of simplicity, tenderness, and pathos. Among the papers of Sir William Johnson is a manuscript of a speech of condolence, delivered at the opening of a council in 1761, by Seneca George, a few passages of which may be cited as an example:—
[FN] Heckewelder.
"Brothers: We suppose that in the late troubles you may have lost many of your people, either by sickness or war, since we were last together; by this string, therefore, we wipe away the tears from your eyes, clear your throats, wash away the blood from your bodies, sweep the council chamber, and throw the dirt out of doors, that you may see and speak to us clearly at the present conference."
[A String.]
"Brothers: We are sorry, from the bottom of our hearts for the death of your men, women, and children, and by this belt we collect all their bones together, bury them in one grave, and cover them up."
[A black belt, eight rows, streaked with white.]
"Brothers: We are at great loss, and sit in darkness as well as you, by the death of Conrad Weiser, [FN] as, since his death, we cannot so well understand one another. By this belt we cover his body with bark."
[A white belt of seven rows, with four black streaks.]
[FN] Celebrated in the Indian Annals, for many years, as an interpreter.
"Brothers: By the last belt, I mentioned to you that we both sat in darkness. Now, by this belt I remove the clouds from before the sun, that we may see it rise and set, and that your hearts may be eased from sorrow on account of what I mentioned before. [Delivered a white belt of five rows, with three black bars.] We pray the Great God above, who can enlighten our hearts, that we may live in love and peace until death."
From the manuscripts of Captain Brant, it seems frequently to have been his duty to perform the ceremony of condolence, and he sometimes speaks of making a journey to a considerable distance for that sole purpose. Only one of his speeches, however, on such an occasion, remains among his papers. That was delivered in the name of the Five Nations, on the 24th of February, 1801, at Fort George, (Niagara,) on the death of Mrs. Claus, [FN] the mother of the Deputy Superintendent:—
[FN] Daughter of Sir William Johnson.