W WHY this Examination was not given by Dr. Mather, in his Account of the Witchcraft, cannot be certainly stated; while it may be conjectured that it was omitted for one of the two following Reasons: 1st, it may have been thought not sufficiently damning to the Accused; or, 2dly, it may have been rejected, as a great Part of the Proceedings was, for want of Room. It seems not now to be among the Copies of those Proceedings recently made, or Mr. Woodward would not have omitted it in his Work. It is given here, as transcribed by Mr. David Pulsifer, for the Edition of the More Wonders, &c., published in Salem by Cushing & Appleton, in 1823. The previous Edition, of course, does not contain it.[178]
The Examination of Giles Cory, at a Court at Salem Village, held by John Hathorn and Jonathan Curwin, Esqrs., April 19, 1692.
Giles Cory, you are brought before Authority upon high Suspicion of sundry Acts of Witchcraft. Now tell us the Truth in this Matter.
I hope, through the Goodness of God, I shall; for that Matter I never had no Hand in, in my Life.
Which of you have seen this Man hurt you?
Mary Wolcott, Mercy Lewis, Ann Putman, Jr., and Abigail Williams affirmed he had hurt them.
Hath he hurt you too? speaking to Elizabeth Hubbard. She going to answer was prevented by a Fit.
Benjamin Gold, Hath he hurt you?
I have seen him several Times, and been hurt after it, but cannot affirm that it was he.
Hath he brought the Book to any of you?
Mary Wolcott and Abigail Williams and others affirmed he had brought the Book to them.
Giles Cory, they accuse you, or your Appearance, of hurting them, and bringing the Book to them. What do you say? Why do you hurt them? Tell us the Truth.
I never did hurt them.
It is your Appearance hurts them, they charge you; tell us. What have you done?
I have done nothing to damage them.
Have you never entered into Contract with the Devil?
I never did.
What Temptations have you had?
I never had Temptations in my Life.
What! have you done it without Temptations?
What was the Reason (said Good wife Bibber) that you were frighted in the Cow-house? And then the Questionist was suddenly seized with a violent Fit.
Samuel Braybrook, Goodman Bibber, and his Daughter, testified that he had told them this Morning that he was frighted in the Cow-house.
This was not your Appearance but your Person, and you told them so this Morning. Why do you deny it?
What did you see me in the Cow-house?
I never saw nothing but my Cattle.
Divers witnessed that he told them he was frighted.
Well, what do you say to these Witnesses?
What was it frighted you?
I do not know that ever I spoke the Word in my Life.
Tell the Truth. What was it frighted you?
I do not know any Thing that frighted me.
All the Afflicted were seized now with Fits, and troubled with Pinches. Then the Court ordered his Hands to be tied.
What! Is it not enough to act Witchcraft at other Times, but must you do it now in Face of Authority?
I am a poor Creature and cannot help it.
Upon the Motion of his Head again, they had their Heads and Necks afflicted.
Why do you tell such wicked Lies against Witnesses, that heard you speak after this Manner, this very Morning?
I never saw anything but a black Hog.
You said that you were stopped once in Prayer; what stopt you?
I cannot tell. My Wife came towards me and found Fault with me for saying living to God and dying to Sin.
What was it frighted you in the Barn?
I know nothing frighted me there.
Why there are three Witnesses that heard you say so to-day.
I do not remember it.
Thomas Gold testified that he heard him say, that he knew enough against his Wife, that would do her Business.
What was that you knew against your Wife?
Why, that of living to God, and dying to Sin.
The Marshal and Bibber's Daughter confirmed the same; that he said he could say that that would do his Wife's Business.
I have said what I can say to that.
What was that about your Ox?
I thought he was hipt.
What Ointment was that your Wife had when she was seized? You said it was Ointment she made by Major Gidney's Direction.
He denied it, and said she had it of Goody Bibber, or from her Direction.
Goody Bibber said it is not like that Ointment.
You said you knew upon your own Knowledge, that she had it of Major Gidney.
He denied it.
Did you not say, when you went to the Ferry with your Wife, you would not go over to Boston now, for you should come yourself next Week?
I would not go over because I had not Money.
The Marshal testified he said as before.
One of his Hands was let go, and several were afflicted. He held his Head on one Side, and then the Heads of several of the Afflicted were held on one Side. He drew in his Cheeks, and the Cheeks of some of the Afflicted were suckt in.
John Bibber and his Wife gave in Testimony concerning some Temptations he had to make away with himself.
How doth this agree with what you said, that you had no Temptations?
I meant Temptations to Witchcraft.
If you can give way to self-murther, that will make way to Temptation to Witchcraft.
Note.—There was Witness by several, that he said he would make away with himself, and charge his Death upon his Son.
Goody Bibber testified that the said Cory called said Bibber's Husband, Damned Devilish Rogue.
Other vile Expressions testified [to] in open Court by several others.
Salem Village, April 19, 1692. Mr. Samuel Paris being desired to take in Writing the Examination of Giles Cory, delivered it in; and upon hearing the same, and seeing what we did see at the Time of his Examination, together with the Charge of the afflicted Persons against him, we committed him to their Majesties Gaol.[179]
John Hathorn.
THE following Ballad, in the Chevy Chase Style, was cut from a Newspaper sixteen years ago. No one at this Day will probably require to be informed who was the Author of it, as but one Person probably could have written it. I have not looked over the Poems of Mr. Whittier to see if it be there. Any one having an inclination may do so. The Introduction accompanied it, on its first appearance:
The following Ballad is handed in for Preservation as illustrative of that dark Period in our local History. Giles Corey and his Wife lived in what is now Danvers, and the Spot is now pointed out on the Estate of Hon. Daniel P. King where their House formerly stood. The Localities are fast fading out from Remembrance, and I venture the Suggestion that it may be in the Province of the Historical Department of our Essex Institute to mark them by some permanent Monumental Erection.—Salem Observer.
GILES COREY AND GOODWYFE COREY.
A BALLAD OF 1692.
AS Philip English was a Man of a large Estate for those Days, and carried on an extensive Business, it may be thought singular that Mr. Calef should make no Mention of his Case in his Work. It may be that he had not sufficient Data for the Purpose; or, more probably, it may have been, that for certain Reasons he chose to leave the Matter in the Hands of the two Ministers of the Old South, who, or one of whom, had not the Independence to work openly with Mr. Calef, but who, clandestinely, took the Part of the Accused, and helped him to escape. However this may have been, so far as Mr. Willard was concerned, enough will have been seen in Mr. Calef's Work to cause an Agitation of the Question. And yet, it will appear, from what is to follow, that Mr. Moody (then with Mr. Willard in the Old South) was the principal Instrument in the Protection and final Escape of Mr. English and his Wife from the Jaws of a "blind Ferocity."
The Testimony of William Beale, which follows was probably contrived by certain Parties to recover Property owned or claimed by Mr. English. At the Time of his Arrest, he owned a Ship of 170 Tons, named the Porcupine, which was commanded by Robert Bartel, whose Son, William Bartel, was living in 1739, at the Age of 45.
Mr. English, it is said, was an Episcopalian. Whether his Sentiments had anything to do with his being proceeded against, does not appear. He stated that by the Prosecution he was damaged £1,500. A Petition of his to the Committee appointed by the General Court to compensate Sufferers may be seen in Mr. Woodward's Collections, ii, 233. It is curious to see now the Awards made to the Survivors of those whose Mothers and Fathers had been judicially murdered! A few Pounds seems to have settled the Account.
What follows, previous to William Beale's Testimony, although once printed, will be quite new, probably, to the Majority of Readers; and it is due to the Memory of a persecuted Family to perpetuate it in Connection with the wicked Attempt at their Ruin.
About the Year 1810, the Rev. Timothy Alden was engaged in preparing a Catalogue of Books for the Massachusetts Historical Society. While in this Employment he procured from the Rev. William Bentley, D.D., of Salem, the ensuing Account of Mr. English. What led to this Result was Mr. Alden's Endeavors to obtain Information concerning a Portsmouth Gentleman. Mr. Alden was then much interested in Portsmouth Affairs. Dr. Bently proceeds: "In the Times of the Witchcraft in Salem Village, no Person distinguished for Property, and known in the commercial World, was accused but Philip English.[181] He came young into America, from the Island of Jersey, lived in the Family of Mr. Hollingworth, a rich Inhabitant of Salem, and afterwards married his only Daughter and Child, Susanna. The Wife had received a better Education than is common even at this Day [1809], as Proofs I hold sufficiently discover.
From some Prejudices, as early as April 21st, 1692, she was accused of Witchcraft, examined, and committed to Prison in Salem. Her Firmness is memorable. Six Weeks she was confined; but, being visited by a fond Husband, her Husband was also accused, and confined in the same Prison. By the Intercession of Friends, and by a Plea that the Prison was crowded, they were removed to Arnold's Jail in Boston, till the Time of Trial.
In Boston, upon giving Bail, they had the Liberty of the Town, only lodging in Prison. Upon their Arrival, Messrs. Willard and Moodey visited them, and discovered every Disposition to console them in their Distress. On the Day before they were to return to Salem for Trial, Mr. Moodey waited upon them in the Prison, and invited them to publick Worship. On the Occasion he chose for the Text, If they persecute you in one City, flee to another. In the Discourse, with a manly Freedom, he justified every Attempt to escape from the Forms of Justice, when Justice was violated in them. After Service Mr. Moodey visited the Prisoners in the Gaol, and asked Mr. English whether he took Notice of his Discourse? Mr. English said he did not know whether he had applied it as he ought, and wished some Conversation upon the Subject. Mr. Moodey then frankly told him that his Life was in Danger, and he ought by all means to provide for an Escape. Many, said he, have suffered. Mr. English then replied, God will not suffer them to hurt me. Upon this, Mrs. English said to her Husband, Do you not think that they, who have suffered already, are innocent? He said, Yes. Why then may not we suffer also? Take Mr. Moody's Advice. Mr. Moody then told Mr. English, that, if he would not carry his Wife away, he would. He then informed him, that he had persuaded several worthy Persons in Boston, to make Provision for their Conveyance out of the Colony; and, that a Conveyance had been obtained, encouraged by the Governour, Gaoler, &c., which would come at Midnight, and that proper Recommendations had been obtained to Gov. Fletcher of New-York; so that he might give himself no concern about any one Circumstance of the Journey; that all Things were amply provided. The Governour also gave Letters to Gov. Fletcher, and, at the Time appointed, Mr. English, his Wife, and Daughter were taken and conveyed to New York. He found that, before his Arrival, Mr. Moodey had dispatched Letters, and the Governour, with many private Gentlemen came out to meet him; and the Governour entertained him at his own House, and paid him every Attention, while he remained in the City. On the next Year he returned.[182]
In all this Business, Mr. Moody openly justified Mr. English, and, in defiance of all the Prejudices which prevailed, expressed his Abhorrence of the Measures which had obliged a useful Citizen to flee from the Executioners. Mr. Moodey was commended by all discerning Men; but he felt the angry Resentment of the deluded Multitude of his own Times; among whom, some of high Rank were included. He soon after left Boston and returned to Portsmouth.
Mrs. English died in 1694, at 42 Years of Age, in Consequence of the ungenerous Treatment she had received. Her Husband died at 84 Years of Age, in 1734.
This is the Substance of Communications made to me at different Times from Madam Susanna Hathorne, his great-grand-Daughter, who died in Salem, 28 August, 1802, at the Age of 80 Years, who received the Account from the Descendants of Mr. English, who dwelt upon his Obligations to Mr. Moodey with great Pleasure."
William Beale[183] of Marbllee Head, aged upward of Sixty Yeares, testifieth and saith, that last March past was twelve Moenth, towards the latter end of the Moenth; then myself beeinge in the House of George Bonfeilds, of Marbllee Head, whither I repaired, that I might haue helpe to nurse, or Looke after mee, because of a very greate and wracking Paine had seized upp on my Body, and the Distemper of the Small Pox then beeing in my House, and my Son Jamis at the same Time then in my House, lying sick; then towards the latter End of that Moenth, Aforesayed, in that House, as I lay in my Bed, in the Morneinge, presently after it was faiere light abroade in the Roome where I lay in my Bed, which was layed lowe and neere unto the Fire, towards the norward part of the Roome; I beeing broade Awake, I then saw upon the south Iaume [Jamb] of that Chimny, A darke Shade which couered the Iaume of that Chimney aforesayed, from the under Floore to the upper Flloore, and alsoe A dar[k]ness more then it was beefore, in the southerne Part of the House, and alsoe in the Middllee of the Darkness, in the Shade uppon the Iaume of the Chimny aforesayed, I beeheld somethinge of the Forme or Shape of A Man. I tooke most notice of his Legs, because they weere of A very greate Statute, or Bigness. I wondred at the Sighte, and therefore I turned my Head as I lay in my Bed, and cast my Eyes towards the south Side of the House, to see if the Sun weere risen, or whether there weere any Person or anythinge in the House, which by the help of the Sun might cause such A Shade or Shape, but I saw non, nor any Lighte of the Sun in that Room then. I then turned my Head uppon the Pillow, where it was before, I saw in the darkness aforesayed the plaine Shape or els the Person of Phillip English of Salem, the which, Reports say, married with William Hollingworths[184] Daughter of Salem, ackcordinge to my best Iudgement, Knoledg and Understandinge of him, as I had formerly Knoledg and Ackyuaintance with him, my Coniecktures of him and these Passages aforesayed were as followeth: what is this Mans buisness heere now? I remember not that euer I bought or sold with him, either more or less, or which way came hee hither, so soone this Morneinge, by Land or by Water; or hath he been at Marbllee Head all Nighte? And then laboreing to correckt my [Thoughts] not to thinke that hee was A Wich, and flyinge to our Omnipotent Jehouah for his Blessing and Protecktion, by secret Eiaculations, instantly the Roome, aforesayed, became cleare, and the Shape, Shade, or Person vanished; and this was about the Time News was brought to mee in the Morning, that my Son James was very like to recover of the Small Pox, which I left at Home sick; and the same Day, in the After noone, came News that hee was suddenly strooke with A Paine on his Side, and did not expect to liue three Houres; and according to my Iudgment, before three Houres weere ended, Newes came that he was departed this Life, at which Docktor Iackson, which was his Docktor, and William Dagget, which was his Nurse, both of Marbllee Head, told mee that they Admired and Wondred; and it was not many Moenths before, that my Son George Beale, departed this Life in the same House, and complained of A stoping in his Throate, after he was recouered of the Small Pox. Hee deceased Ianuary the 23 before my Son decease aforesayde.
Marbllee Head
Attested to this Truth by mee William Beale.
Agust the 2cond 1692
Far[ther] this Deponent testifieth that in the Springe of the Yeare before the New England Forces went for Cannady, Phillip English aforesayed, came into a Neighbors House where this Deponent then was present, and then in a fawning and flattering Manner, sayed to me: You are him which can give mee A good Evidence in shewing mee the Bounds of my Land. This Deponent replyed, and sayed, I know not of any you have; Phillip English replyed yes you doe, and If you will I[le pay] you well. I have a Peice of eighte in my Pocket for you, and named A Peice of Land ly[ing] a certaine Distance from my House, which I think Mr. Richard Reede[185] of Marblle [Head] was then and is now in Possession of it; this Deponent replyed, doe not tell mee of your Peice of eight, for If I bee called, I must give Evidence against you, and told him what I must say; at which hee seemed to bee moued, and told me that I lyed, with more Discourse aboute [it,] and so then wee departed. Then the next [Feb?] ensuing, which was about the Time that the Forces began to com from Cannady, I then haueing heard that Phillip English aforesayd, had arrested Mr. Reade aforesayde, about the Land aforesayde, I then, as I thought it my Duty in Concience, ackquainted Mr. Reeds Son with what I could say concerninge the Titllee of the Lande aforesayed, and withall told him of Witness, as namely Thomas Farrar Senr,[186] of Linn; then afterward uppon their Request I rode to Lin and at Lin Mill there I found Thomas Farare, aforesayed, and as wee rode alonge Lin Commons there beetwixt the Reuerende Mr. Sheapards House and Mr. Leytons, then beinge in discourse aboute the Titllee of the Lande aforesayed, my Nose gushed out bleedeinge in a most extrordinary manner; so that I bllodyed a Hankershiff of an considerablle biggness, and allsoe ran downe uppon my Cloaths and uppon my Horse Mane. I lighted of my Hors thinking the iodginge [jogging] of my Horse mighte cause it; but it kept on, Allthough not alltog[eth]er so bad, till I came to Mr. Reades at Marbllee head, and it hath not blead as I can remember neuer since I was a Boy, exept about that time, nor since that time, exept by Ackcident that it was hurt.
Thiese Things that are set downe last were before the former Euidence.
William Beale
Owned the aboue written before the Grand Iury vpon the Oath hee had taken in Covrt
Jenry 12th, 1692.
Robert Payne
Foreman.
ON a first and cursory Perusal of the Examination of the Indian Woman belonging to Mr. Parris's Family, it was concluded not to Print it, and only refer to it; that is, only refer to the Extract from it contained in the History and Antiquities of Boston. But when the Editorial labor upon these Volumes was nearly completed, a reperusal of that Examination was made, and the result determined the Editor to give it a place in this Appendix. His opinion of it, and of those who procured it of the simple Indian, has been expressed in a previous Page.
The Examination is valuable on several accounts, the Chief of which is the Light it throws on the Commencement of the Delusion. It does not appear that either Dr. Mather or Mr. Calef ever saw it, or their Accounts of the Beginning of the Transactions would have been more explicitly stated. The Original (now for the first time Printed,[187]) came into the Editor's Hands some five and twenty Year's since. It is more extensive than any of the Examinations yet brought to light. This is accounted for by its being the First of that cruel and senseless Series of illegal Proceedings which ended in so much Agony, Distress, Wretchedness and Blood.
This Examination, more, perhaps, than any of the rest, exhibits the atrocious Method employed by the Examinant of causing the poor, ignorant Accused to own and acknowledge Things put into their Mouths by a manner of questioning as much to be condemned as Perjury itself; inasmuch as it was sure to produce that Crime. In this Case the Examined was taken from Jail and placed upon the Stand, and was soon so confused that she could scarcely know what to say; while it is evident that all of her Answers were at first true, because direct, straightforward, and reasonable. The Strangeness of the Questions and the long Persistence of the Questioners could lead to no other result but the confounding of what little Understanding the Accused was at best possessed of. Hence this Record of incoherent Nonsense here submitted; and of the same tenor was nearly all the Evidence used, which took away the Lives of numbers of innocent People.
The Examination was before Messrs. Hathorne and Corwin. The Former took down the result, which is all in his peculiar Chirography. The first Proceeding printed in Mr. Woodward's Collection, having relation to the Witchcraft affair, is a Warrant for the Apprehension of Sarah Good, and is dated Feb. 29th, 169½.[188] On the next Day, March 1st, the Constable, George Locker, made Return, that he had brought the said "Saragh Good," &c. Whether she were present at Tituba's Examination, does not appear; while the Documents show that the Apprehension of Sarah Good, and the Examination of Tituba were on the same Day.
Tittube the Indian Woman Examined, March. 1. 169½.
Q. Why doe you hurt these poor Children? What harme haue thay done unto you? A. They doe noe harme to mee. I noe hurt them att all. Q. Why have you done itt? A. I haue done nothing. I cant tell when the Devill works. Q. What, doth the Devill tell you that he hurts them? A. Noe. He tells me nothing. Q. Doe you never see something appeare in some Shape? A. Noe, never see any thing. Q. What Familiarity have you with the Devill, or what is itt that you converse withall? Tell the Truth, whoe itt is that hurts them? A. The Devill, for ought I know. Q. What Appearance, or how doth he appeare when he hurts them with what Shape, or what is he like, that hurts them A. Like a Man, I think. Yesterday, I being in the Leantoe Chamber, I saw a Thing like a Man, that tould me searve him, and I tould him Noe, I would nott doe such Thing. She charges Goody Osburne and Sarah Good, as those that hurt them Children, and would have had hir done itt: she sayth she hath seen foure, two of which she knew nott; she saw them last Night, as she was washing the Roome. They tould me hurt the Children, and would haue had me gone to Boston. Ther was 5 of them with the Man. They tould me if I would nott goe and hurt them they would doe soe to mee. Att first I did agree with them, but afterward I tould them I doe soe noe more. Q. Would they have had you hurt the Children the last Night? A. Yes, butt I was sorry, and I sayd I would doe soe noe more, but tould I would Feare God. Q. Butt why did nott you doe soe before? A. Why they tell me I had done soe before, and therefore, I must goe on. These were the 4 woemen, and the Man, but she knew none but Osburne and Good, only; the other were of Boston. Q. Att first beginning with them, what then appeared to you; what was itt like, that gott you to doe itt? A. One like a Man, Just as I was goeing to sleep, came to me. This was when the Children was first hurt. He sayd he would kill the Children, and she would never be well; and he sayd, If I would nott serue him he would doe soe to mee. Q. Is that the same Man that appeared before to you? that appeared the last Night and tould you this? A. Yes. Q. what other Likenesses besides a Man hath appeared to you? A. Sometimes like a Hogge, sometimes like a great black Dogge, foure tymes. Q. But what did they say unto you? A. They tould me serve him, and that was a good way; that was the black Dogge. I tould him I was afrayd. He tould me he would be worse then to me. Q. What did you say to him then, after that? A. I answer, I will serve you noe Longer. He tould me he would doe me hurt then. Q. What other Creatures have you seen? A. A Bird. Q. What Bird? A. A little yellow Bird. Q. Where doth itt keep? A. With the Man whoe hath pretty Things more besides. Q. What other pretty Things? A. He hath nott showed them unto me, but he said he would showe them me to morrow, and tould me if I would serve him, I should have the Bird. Q. What other Creatures did you see? A. I saw 2 Catts, one Red, another Black, as bigge as a little Dogge. Q. What did these Catts doe? A. I dont know. I have seen them two tymes. Q. What did they Say? A. They Say, Serve them. Q. When did you see them? A. I saw them last Night. Q. Did they do any hurt to you or threaten you? A. They did Scratch me. Q. When? A. After prayer; and Scratched me because I would not serve hir. And when they went away I could nott see, but thay stood before the Fire. Q. What Service doe thay expect from you? A. They say more hurt to the Children. Q. How did you pinch them when you hurt them? A. The other pull mee and hall me to pinch the Childe, and I am very sorry For itt? Q. Whatt made you hould your Arme when you were searched? What had you there? A. I had nothing. Q. Do nott those Catts suck you? A. Noe, never yett. I would nott lett them. But they had almost thrust me into the Fire. Q. How doe you hurt those that you pinch? Doe you gett those Catts, or other Things to doe itt for you? Tell us, how is itt done? A. The Man sends the Catts to me, and bids me pinch them; and I think I went once to Mr. Griggs's, and have pinched hir this Day in the Morneing. The Man brought Mr. Griggs's Mayd to me, and made me pinch hir. Q. Did you ever goe with these Woemen? A. They are very strong, and pull me, and make me goe with them. Q. Where did you goe? A. Up to Mr. Putnams, and make me hurt the Child. Q. Whoe did make you goe? A. A Man that is very strong, and these two woemen, Good, and Osburne, but I am sorry. Q. How did you goe? Whatt doe you Ride upon? A. I Ride upon a Stick, or Poale, and Good, and Osburne behind me; we Ride takeing hold of one another; don't know how we goe, for I saw noe Trees, nor Path, but was presently there, when wee were up. Q. How long since you began to pinch Mr. Parris's Children? A. I did nott pinch them att the First, but thay made me afterward. Q. Have you seen Good, and Osburne Ride upon a Poule? A. Yes, and have held Fast by mee: I was nott att Mr. Griggs's but once, butt it may be send something like mee; neither would I have gone, butt that they tell me, they will hurt me. Last Night they Tell me I must kill some body with the Knife. Q. Who were they that Told you Soe? A. Sarah Good, and Osburne, and they would have had me killed Thomas Putnam's Child last Night. The Child alsoe affirmed, that att the same Tyme, thay would have had hir Cutt of hir own Head; for if she would nott, they Tould hir Tittubee would Cutt itt off; and then she Complayned att the same Time of a Knife Cutting of hir. When hir Master hath asked hir about these Things, She Sayth thay will nott lett hir Tell, but Tell hir if she Tells, hir Head shall be Cutt off. Q. Who Tells you soe? A. The Man, Good, and Osburnes Wife. Goody Good Came to hir last Night, when her Master was att Prayer, and would nott lett hir hear, and she Could nott hear a good whyle. Good hath one of those Birds, the yellow Bird, and would have given mee itt, but I would not have itt: and in Prayer Tyme she stoped my Eares and would nott lett me hear. Q. What should you have done with itt. A. Give itt to the Children, which yellow Bird hath bin severall Tymes seen by the Children. I saw Sarah Good have itt on hir Hand, when she Came to hir, when Mr. Parris was att prayer: I saw the Bird suck Good betweene the fore Finger and Long Finger, upon the Right Hand. Q. Did you never practise Witchcraft in your owne Country? A. Noe. Never before now. Q. Did you see them doe itt now? A. Yes. To Day; but twas in the Morning. Q. Butt did you see them doe itt now, while you are Examininge? A. Noe, I did nott See them, but I Saw them hurt att other Tymes. I saw Good have a Catt beside the yellow Bird, which was with hir. Q. What hath Osburne gott to goe with hir? A. Some thing I don't know what itt is. I can't name itt. I don't know how itt looks. She hath two of them. One of them hath Wings, and two Leggs, and a Head like a Woeman. The Children Saw the Same butt Yesterday, which afterward Turned into a Woeman. Q. What is the Other Thing that Goody Osburne hath? A. A Thing all over hairy; all the Face hayry, and a long Nose, and I don't know how to tell how the Face looks; with Two Leggs, itt goeth uprighte, and is about Two or three Foot high, and goeth upright like a Man; and last Night itt Stood before the Fire, in Mr. Parris's Hall. Q. Whoe was that appeared like a Wolfe to Hubbard, as she was goeing from Proctures? A. Itt was Sarah Good, and I saw hir send the Wolfe to hir. Q. What Cloathes doth the Man appeare unto you in? A. Black Cloaths, sometimes, sometimes Searge Coat of other Couler; a Tall Man with white hayr, I think. Q. What Aparrell doe the Woemen ware? A. I don't know what Couller. Q. What kind of Cloathes hath She? A. A black silk Hood, with a white Silk Hood under itt, with Sopknotts, which Woeman I know not, but have seen hir in Boston, when I lived there. Q. What Cloathes the little Woman? A. a Searge Coat with a white Cap, as I think. The Children having Fitts at this very Time, She was asked, whoe hurt them? She Answers Goody Good; and the Children affirmed the same; butt Hubbard being taken in an Extreame Fitt; after, she was asked, whoe hurt hir? and she sayd she Could nott tell, butt Sayd they blinded hir, and would not lett hir see, and after that, was once or twice taken dumb hir self.
Second Examination. March. 2. 169½.
Q. What Covenant did you make with that Man that came to you? What did he tell you. A. He tell me he God, and I must beleive him, and serve him six Yeares, and he would give me many fine Things. Q. How longe a goue was this? A. About six Weeks, and a little more; Fryday Night before Abigall was Ill. Q. What did he say you must doe more? Did he say you must write any Thing? Did he offer you any Paper? A. Yes, the next Time he come to me, and showed me some fine Things; some Thing like Creatures; a little Bird, some Thing like green and white. Q. Did you promise him this when he spake to you? Then what did you answer him. A. I then Sayd this, I tould him I Could nott beleive him God; I tould him I ask my Maister, and would have gone up, but he stopt mee, and would nott lett me. Q. Whatt did you promiss him? A. The first Tyme I beleive him God, and then he was Glad. Q. What did he say to you then? What did he say you must doe? A. Then he tell me they must meet together. Q. When did he say you must meet together? A. He tell me Weddnesday next, att my masters House, and then they all meet together, and thatt Night I saw them all stand in the Corner, all four of them, and the Man stand behind mee, and take hold of mee, to make mee stand still in the Hall. Q. Whare was your Master then? A. In the other Roome. Q. What Time of Night? A. A little before prayer Time. Q. What did this Man say to you when he took hold of you? A. He say goe into the other Room and see the Children, and doe hurt to them, and Pinch them; and then I went in, and would nott hurt them a good while; I would nott hurt Betty, I loved Betty, but they hall me and make me pinch Betty, and the next Abigall, and then quickly went away altogether a[fter] I had pinch them. Q. Did you goe into that Room in your own Person, and all the rest? A. Yes, and my Master did nott see us, for they would nott lett my Master see. Q. Did you goe with the Company? A. Noe, I stayd and the Man stayd with mee. Q. What did he then to you? A. He tell me my Master goe to Prayer, and he read in Book, and he ask me what I remember, but don't you remember any thing? Q. Did he ask you noe more but the frst Time to serve him, or the second time? A. Yes, he ask me againe, and if I serve him six yeares and he Come the Next Time, and show mee a Book. Q. And when would he come then? A. The next Fyday, and showed me a Book in the Day Time, betimes in the Morning. Q. And what Booke did he bring, a great or little Booke? A. He did nott show itt me, nor would nott, but had itt in his Pockett. Q. Did he nott make you write your Name? A. Noe, nott yett, for my Mistris Called me into the other Roome. Q. Whatt did he say you must do in that Book? A. He sayd, Write, and sett my name to itt. Q. Did you Write? A. Yes, once I made a Marke in the Book, and made itt with red like Bloud. Q. Did he gett itt out of your Body? A. He said he must gett itt out. The Next Time he Come againe he give me a Pin, tyed in a Stick, to doe itt with, butt he noe lett me Bloud with itt as yett, butt Intended another Time, when he came again. Q. Did you see any other Marks in his Book? A. Yes, a great many, some Marks Red, some Yellow, he opened his Book, and a great many Marks in itt. Q. Did he tell you the Names of them? A. Yes, of two, noe more; Good, and Osburne, and he say they make them Marks in that Book, and he shewed them mee. Q. How many Marks doe you think there was? A. Nine. Q. Did thay write there Names? A. They made Marks, Goody Good sayd she made hir Mark, but Goody Osburne would nott tell; she was Cross to mee. Q. When did Good tell you she sett hir Hand to the Book? The same Day I came hither to Prison? Q. Did you see the Man thatt Morning? A. Yes, a litle in the Morning, and he tell me the Magistrates Come up to examine me. Q. What did he say you must say? A. He tell me, tell nothing, if I did he would cutt my Head off. Q. Tell us true how many Woemen doe use to come when you Rid abroad? A. Foure of them, these two, Osburne, and Good, and those two Strangers. Q. You say that there was Nine. Did he tell you whoe they were? A. Noe, he noe lett me see, but he tell me I should see them the next Tyme. Q. What Sights did you see? A. I see a Man, a Dogge, a Hogge, and two Catts, a Black and Red; and the strange Monster was Osburnes, that I mentioed before; this was the Hayry Imp: the Man would give itt to mee, but I would nott have itt. Q. Did he show you in the Book which was Osburns and which was Goods Mark? A. Yes, I see there Marks. Q. Butt did he tell the Names of the other? A. Noe sir. Q. And what did he say to you when you made your Mark? A. He sayed Serve mee, and always serve mee. The Man with the two Woemen Came from Boston. Q. How many times did you goe to Boston? A. I was goeing and then Came back againe. I was never att Boston. Q. Whoe Came back with you againe? A. The Man came back with mee, and the Woemen goe away; I was nott willing to goe. Q. How farr did you goe, to what Towne? A. I never went to any Towne. I see noe Trees, noe Towne. Q. Did he tell you where the Nine Lived? A. Yes, some in Boston, and some here in this Towne, but he would nott tell mee whoe thay were.
THE Accused, Mary Clark, being called, it was enquired of Mary Walcot, if ever Clark had afflicted her? She answered Yes, that is the very woman. And, upon Mary Clarks looking upon Walcott, and others of the afflicted, they were struck into Fitts.
The Justices having used severall Arguments (for the Good of her Soul) to confess, if she knew herself guilty. She absolutely denyed. And then the Constable[190] of Haverhill was called; and being asked of what Fame and Reputation Mary Clark was off? He answered they had heard she was or had been guilty of such Things, but, as to any Thing in Particular, he could not say. The Justices asked Mary Walcot if she were not mistaken in this Woman? Walcot answered, This is the very Woman I saw afflict Timothy Swan,[191] and she has afflicted me several Times. And after a Fitt she was then immediately in, she said she saw the above Mary Clark afflict Betty Hubbard, and Ann Putnam.
The said Mary Clark looking upon Walcott, Hubbard, Putnam, Warrin, they were in Fitts.
Mary Walcott haveing a Pinn runn into her Arme suddenly, said that Mary Clark did it.
At the same Tyme Mary Warrin had a Pinn run into her Throat, under her Chin, which Mr. Noice took out.
Susanna Sheldon, upon said Examination, had four Pinns taken out of her Hand; saying that said Clark put in two of them, and Mr. Usher[192] the other two.
Mary Post[193] said she saw the said Clark afflict Timothy Swan.
Richard Carryer, a former Confessor said he beleeved he saw the said Mary Clark with some others and himself baptised at Newburry Falls.
Betty Hubbard[194] was struck down, by her looking upon her.
It was asked, if she could say the Lords Prayer, perfectly.
She erred much.
Ann Putnam said that said Clark had afflicted her by pinching, choakeing, and striking her in the Face, and told her, that her Name was Mistriss Mary Clark, but that People used to call her Goody Clark.
Ann Putnam said further, that she saw the said Clark stabb Timothy Swan with a square ragged Speare, as long as her Hand. And, being asked why she called it a ragged Speare, she said because it was ragged like a File.
Mary Post said she saw this Mary Clarks Spirit at the Village Witch-meeting, and that she did eat and drink there as the rest did. And further, she has seen the said Mary Clark afflict Timothy Swan.
I, underwritten, being appoynted by Authority, to take the within Examination, in Wryting, Doe testify upon Oath, taken in Court, that this is a true Coppy of the Substance of it, to the best of my Knowledge.
[All of the Above is in the Hand of Edward Rawson. There is no Signature attached.]
BY SAMUEL P. FOWLER, ESQUIRE.[195]
MR. Parris, whose History is so intimately connected with the Salem Witchcraft Delusion of 1692, was a Son of Thomas Parris of London, and was born in 1653. He was a Member of Harvard College, but did not graduate at that Institution. He was at first a Merchant in Boston, but not succeeding in Business he left it, and offered himself as a Candidate for the Ministry.
The People at Salem Village being without a Pastor, on the 15th of November, 1688, sent a Committee, consisting of three Persons, viz: Captain John Putnam, Mr. Joshua Rea, Sen., and Francis Nurse, "to treat with Mr. Parris about taking ministerial Office." Nothing was done however at this Meeting towards effecting a Settlement, and on the 25th of November, after the Services in the Afternoon, the Audience was stayed, and by a general Vote, requested Mr. Parris to take Office. On the 10th of December, 1688, the Brethren of the Church, sent Lieut. Nath'l Putnam, Sergeant Fuller, Mr. Joshua Rea, Sen., and Sergeant Ingersoll, who came, they said, "as Messengers to know whether Mr. Parris would accept of Office." He replied, "ye Work was weighty, they should know in due Time." After this, several came on like Errands, but as yet, no Proposals of Maintenance were tendered.
On the 29th of April, 1689, Deacons Nath'l Ingersoll and Edward Putnam, Daniel Rea, Thomas Fuller, Jr., and John Tarbell, came to Mr. Parris, from the meeting House, where there had been a general Meeting of the Inhabitants, and said, "being the aged Men had had the Matter of Mr. Parris's Settlement so long in Hand, and effected nothing, they were desirous to try what the Younger could do." Upon Mr. Parris's asking them what their Will was, they answered "they were sent, by ye People to desire him to take Office, and had concluded to offer him sixty Pounds for his Salary." Twenty Pounds of which, was to be in Money, and the Remainder as follows: Wheat at 4 Shillings per Bushel, Indian Corn at 2 Shillings per Bushel, Barley, Rye and Malt at 3 Shillings per Bushel, Pork at 2 Pence per. Pound, Beef at 1½ Pence per. Pound.
The Committee being desirous of a speedy Answer, Mr. Parris informed them, that he would accept of their Proposals, provided they would comply with the following Provisions for his Maintenance: 1st, "When Money shall be more plenteous, the Money Part to be paid me, shall accordingly be increased. 2d, Tho' Corn or like Provisions should arise to a higher Price than you have set, yet for my own Family Use, I shall have what is needful, at ye Price now stated; and so if it fall lower. 3d, The whole sixty Pounds to be only from our Inhabitants, that are dwelling in our Bounds, or proportionable to what Lands they have, within ye same. 4th, No Provision to be brought in, without just asking whether needed, and myself to make choice of what, unless ye Person is unable to pay in any Sort but one. 5th, Fire Wood to be given in yearly freely. 6th, Two Men to be chosen yearly to see that due Payments be made. 7th, Contributions each Sabbath in Papers, and only such as are in Papers, and dwelling within in our Bounds, to be accounted as Part of the sixty Pounds. 8th, As God shall please to bless ye Place, so as to be able to rise higher, than ye said sixty Pounds, that then a proportionable Increase be made. If God shall please for our Sins to diminish the Substance of said Place, I will endeavour accordingly to bear such Losses, by proportionable Abatements of such as shall reasonably desire it."
These Proposals of Mr. Parris to the Committee were read to them and accepted, and they expressed their Belief, that the Inhabitants would approve of them. But it would seem that at a Meeting of the People of the Village, May 17th, 1689, Mr. Parris was sent for, when Objections were made against the 5th and 7th Provisions of his Settlement. "Touching the 5th it was objected, they had no Commons, and therefore could not conveniently give in Fire Wood, because some must bring in half Cord, others more, others less, &c. Therefore they would allow six Pounds per annum, one third Money, which would buy 30 Cords, as they had dealt by former Ministers." Parris replied, he was willing to ease them, but then he desired, that one of them would take the six Pounds annually, and furnish him with 30 Cords of Wood, to which Proposal he found none of them willing to consent. He then told them, if he did accept the six Pounds, it might in Time be insufficient to purchase 30 Cords of Wood. In reply to the Fears of Parris in regard to the Rise of the Price of Wood, he says, I had a general Answer from many that at four Shillings per Cord, I should be supplied during my Life among them. He continues, after much urging, I replied I would try them for one Year. Mr. Parris says: "touching his 7th Provision, nothing at the Time was said or objected against Contributions by Papers, for it had been their former usual Way, but only against those, that dwelled within their Bounds, they urging that some did not live within their Bounds, yet they were constant Hearers, and therefore it was meet to have their Help."
"In fine, after much Agitation here, it was agreed on my Part and theirs, that such out Persons had Liberty to please themselves, in paying to the Minister or the meeting House. And so I left them, fully acquiescing with my aforesaid Conditions, not doubting but that they had truly entered it on the Records, as I took for granted, nor heard any Thing otherwise, till after my Ordination a good while, in another public Meeting of the Village; when another Vote, recorded and read, vastly different from the Agreement, as above said—which I then openly did, and still must deny, to be any Contract of mine."
We have now presented Mr. Parris's Account, of the Transactions between himself and the People of Salem Village, in regard to his Settlement. This was drawn up by him, and used upon his Trial before the Court of Common Pleas at Ipswich in 1696-7. We have been thus particular in Relation to the Settlement of Mr. Parris at Salem Village, it being one of the Causes, which led to the most bitter parochial Quarrel, that ever existed in New-England, and in the Opinion of some Persons, was the chief or primary Cause of that world-wide famous Delusion, the Salem Witchcraft.
Salem Village, since embraced in the Parish of Rev. Dr. Milton P. Braman, in Danvers, Massachusetts, was, on the 19th of November, 1689 (when the Rev. Samuel Parris entered upon his Duties there as a Pastor and Teacher,) a small Hamlet or Village, inhabited principally by Farmers, but embracing within its Limits, much adjoining Territory, extending its Lines to Wills Hill, now Middleton, there being many Families who attended Worship at Salem Village. The number of rateable Polls in the Parish was 100. It appears, from the Records, that Mr. Parris presented to his Church, upon his Settlement, a new Covenant and Form of Admission for its Members, together with the Question, who were the proper Subjects of Baptism? These caused some Debate in the Church, but none opposed the final Action upon them. Some singular and unusual Cases of Discipline came before them, but they appeared to have been disposed of peaceably. It was not until the 8th of October, 1691, that we discover any unfriendly feeling, existing between Mr. Parris and his People. It was on that Day, he says in his Church Records,—"Being my Lecture Day after public Service was ended, I was so bare of Fire Wood, that I was forced publicly to desire the Inhabitants to take Care that I might be provided for, telling them, had it not been for Mr. Corwin (who had brought Wood, being here at my House), I should hardly have had any to burn." Upon the Pastor's informing the Church of his Destitution of Fire Wood, the Brethren raised a Committee, who were instructed to see the Town Committee, and desire them to make a Rate for the Minister. The Committee on Rates met November 10th, 1691, and reported that they did not see good Cause to take Notice of the Church Committee, without they had a Letter to show, under the Church and Pastor's Hand. Upon this, Mr. Parris complained of the Treatment of the Committee towards him, but more especially the Church, whom he said manifested an indifference in this Affair. The Committee, whose Business it was to raise a Tax to procure the Pastor's Wood, still continuing to refuse to do it, on the 27th of December, 1691, a Petition was sent to the Quarter Sessions, wherein the Petitioners complain, that "no Reparations of the Village Meeting House has been for a great while regarded, so that broken Windows, stopt up some of them by Boards or otherwise, and others wide open, and is sometimes so dark, that it is almost unuseful." The Court, upon this Petition, appointed a Meeting of the Inhabitants of the Village, to choose a new Committee to meet on the 25th of January, 1692, for the Purpose of assessing Rates to repair the meeting House, and procure the Pastor's Wood. The Inhabitants of the Village met on that Day, and made choice of Joseph Pope, Joseph Holten, Jr., John Tarbell, Thomas Preston, and James Smith, as their Committee.
This is the last we hear about this Affair of procuring Wood, &c., probably all further Consideration of it was absorbed in the great Witchcraft Delusion, which was now close at Hand, and about to break forth.
We are now brought to the Period of the Commencement of Salem Witchcraft, as it first developed itself in the Family of Samuel Parris, Minister at Salem Village in 1692.
Mr. Parris's Household consisted, at this Time, of himself and Wife, his age being 39 Years, that of his Wife 44 Years, a Daughter Elizabeth, aged nine Years, a Niece of eleven Years by the Name of Abigail Williams, and two Servants named John Indian, and Tituba his Wife, both Natives of South America, then called New Spain. These were held as Slaves, and Parris probably came into possession of them in some of his Commercial Transactions. By some Persons, these Indians have been supposed to belong to the Aborigines of our Country and to have obtained their knowledge of Witchcraft from the Indian Powows; but this appears to have been a mistake. Mr. Parris's nearest Neighbors were Capt. Jona. Walcut, who had a Daughter called Mary, 17 years of Age, and his Parish Clerk. Thomas Putnam, who had a Daughter named Ann, aged 12 Years, and a servant Girl, living with him, named Mercey Lewis aged 17 Years, Mary Warren, aged 20 Years, lived with John Proctor, Elizabeth Booth, aged 18 Years, lived near to John Proctor, Sarah Churchill, aged 20 Years, lived in the Family of Geo. Jacobs, Sen., Susannah Sheldon, aged 18 Years, lived in the Village. These Girls, together with Abigail Williams, a Niece of Mr. Parris, aged 11 Years, were in the Habit of meeting in a Circle in the Village, to practice Palmistry, Fortune Telling, &c. It appears by Evidence, given at the Courts, that some of their Parents and Guardians did not approve of these Meetings. Mary Warren, one of the most Violent of the accusing Girls, lived as we have before said, with John Proctor, and at last became his principal Accuser, upon his examination for Witchcraft. Proctor, out of all Patience with the Meetings of the Girls, composing this Circle, one Day said he "was a going to the Village to bring Mary Warren, the Jade, Home; for, if let alone, these Girls would make us all Devils and Witches together quickley. They should rather be had to the Whipping Post; but he would fetch his Jade Home, and thrash the Devil out of her." Proctor said, when Mary Warren was first taken with Fits, he kept her close to the Wheel, and threatened to thrash her, and then she had no more Fits; but the next Day, he being gone from Home, she had her Fits again. If the accusing Girls had been dealt with as John Proctor would have had them, we probably should have had a short Story to tell, about Salem Witchcraft. It is at the Meeting of this Circle of eight Girls, for the purpose of practising Palmistry and Fortune Telling, that we discover the Germ, or the first Origin of the Delusion. We have endeavored to follow them after the Excitement had subsided, for the Purpose of ascertaining their Character in after Life. One only of this Circle, Ann Putnam, confessed her Folly, and sought Forgiveness. Some of them grew up Licentious in their Habits, and all of them appear to have sought Obscurity. Their whole Course, as seen in their Depositions, discloses much Malignancy, and their Ignorance was so great, that of the Eight accusing Girls, Six of them signed their Names with a Cross.
It was in the latter End of February, 1692, that the Daughter of Mr. Parris, named Elizabeth, aged 9 Years, together with his Niece, Abigail Williams, aged 12 Years, were taken Sick and received such attention from Mrs. Parris as their Case seemed to require. But growing worse under her Treatment, and not being able to ascertain what their Disease was, application was made to their Family Physician, Dr. Gregg, living in the Village. He visited them, and observed that they were afflicted with a sad Distemper, the Name of which he could not tell. Other Physicians were called in, in Consultation, when one of them gave it as his Opinion, that the Children were under an evil Hand. It is probable that it was Dr. Gregg that supposed the Girls bewitched, for he had expressed the same Opinion of many of his Patients when he could not understand their Disease, many times before. It is highly probable that the Opinion of these Physicians went far to form the Belief of not only Parris, but also of his ministerial Friends, in the Existence of Witchcraft in the Village. Mr. Parris appears to have been much astonished, when the Physicians informed him, that his Daughter and Niece were, no doubt, under an evil Hand. There is Evidence that Mr. Parris endeavored to keep the Opinion of the Physicians a Secret, at least, till he could determine what Course to pursue. At this Time, Mary Sibley, a Member of his Church, gave directions to John Indian how to find out, who bewitched Betsy Parris and Nabby Williams. This was done without the Knowledge of Parris. The Means used to make this Discovery, was to make a Cake of Rye Meal, with the Urine of the Children, and Bake it in the Ashes, and give it to a Dog to eat. Similar disgusting Practices appear to have been used to discover and kill Witches, during the whole Period of the Delusion.
On the 27th of March, 1692, Mr. Parris called together his Church, when he presented Testimony against the Error of sister Mary Sibley, in giving direction to John Indian in an unwarrantable Way, to find out Witches. Upon Mary Sibley's manifesting Sorrow and Grief for her Conduct, the Brethren of the Church received Satisfaction. By the diabolical Means thus used by Mary Sibley, Mr. Parris supposed the Devil had been raised, and seeing the apparent distressed Condition of his Family, and not knowing what Course to pursue, requested some worthy Gentlemen of Salem, and some neighboring Ministers to consult together at his House; who when they came, and had inquired diligently into the Sufferings of the Afflicted, concluded they were Preternatural, and feared the Hand of Satan was in them. The Advice given to Parris by them was, that he should sit still and wait upon the Providence of God, to see what Time might discover; and to be much in Prayer for the Discovery of what was yet secret. They also examined Tituba, who confessed the making a Cake, and said her Mistress in her own Country was a Witch, and had taught her some Means to be used for the Discovery of a Witch, and for the Prevention of being bewitched, &c. But said she herself, was not a Witch. Soon after this, there were two or three private Fasts at Parris's House, one of which was kept by the neighboring Ministers, and another in Public at the Village. And one general Fast, by Order of the General Court, observed throughout the Colony, to seek the Lord, that he would rebuke Satan, and be a Light unto his People in this Day of Darkness.
It is evident from the Account given by Rev. John Hale, who was an Eye Witness to many of the Transactions at Salem Village, and one of the Ministers called for Consultation, that Mr. Parris proceeded with Caution at the Commencement of the Troubles, and was anxious to seek Council and Advice. He likewise wished to inform himself on the Subject of Witchcraft, and for that Purpose received as a Loan from Dea. Robert Sanderson, of Boston, a Copy of Perkins' Works, which treated upon that Subject.
We are among those who believe Mr. Parris was honest in his Belief in Witchcraft, and that he was not moved in this Affair by personal Malice, or the Desire to promote the Cause of Religion in his Parish, as has been supposed by the Author of the History of Danvers. We have not as yet, found a Particle of Evidence, that he entertained ill Will against those who were accused and executed.
Mr. Parris, in common with his ministerial Brethren, appears to have come, after the Confession of Tituba, to the full Conclusion, that Witchcraft had broken out in his Parish, and that the Devil had commenced his Operations in his own Family; and as a faithful Pastor, he should not hesitate, for a Moment, to grapple with the Enemy.
It was in this Point of View, that we discover the Courage of the People of Salem Village, who were engaged in opposing what they considered the Machinations of the Devil—they supposing that he was the Cause, operating through the Agency of Witches, of all the Torture and Misery they beheld, and that, by their Opposition, they were liable also to suffer from his Malignancy. They believed, also, that the Devil was about to establish an Agency, or Kingdom in New England; and had actually commenced Operations in Salem Village. This, Cotton Mather, Parris, and others, were determined should not be done, at least if they could help it. There was some very singular Evidence given at the Courts on this Point. Ann Foster, of Andover, a confessing Witch, testified at her Examination, July 21, 1692, "that she was at a Witch Meeting at the Village, where there was a large Number of Witches present, and that the principal Discourse at this Gathering, was in regard to the setting up of the Devil's Kingdom at the Village, and making it their Rendezvous!" And another confessing Witch testified, at a subsequent Meeting, that they had, by an unanimous Vote, concluded to set up the Devil's Kingdom at Salem Village—it being thought, all Things considered, the most suitable Place to begin the Enterprise, and, by so doing, they were in Hopes it would spread over New England. This was solemnly and religiously believed by many, and it required Courage and Pluck to stand up and resist the Designs of a powerful, malicious Being, capable, as they supposed, of tormenting them in various Ways, destroying their Cattle, &c.
Parris appears to have been very desirous of preventing his Daughter, Elizabeth, from participating in the Excitement at the Village. She was sent by her Father, at the Commencement of the Delusion, to reside at Salem with Capt. Stephen Sewall. While there, the Captain and his Wife were much discouraged in effecting a Cure, as she continued to have sore Fits. Elizabeth said that the great black Man, came to her, and told her, if she would be ruled by him, she should have whatsoever she desired, and go to a Golden City. She related this to Mrs. Sewall, who immediately told the Child it was the Devil, and he was a Liar, and bid her tell him so if he came to her again; which she did accordingly the next Time the black Man came to her. The Devil, it would seem, unaccustomed, in those Days, to experience such Resistance, and utterly astonished at the cool Impudence of Betsy Parris, never troubled her afterwards; and,—although this Girl was one of the first Originators of the Witchcraft Delusion, in connection with her Cousin Abigail Williams,—she appears to have had, afterwards, but little to do with Witchcraft. This arose in Consequence of following the sage Advice of Mrs. Sewall, in getting rid of the Devil; or, what was more probable, in her Father taking her from the weekly Circle of accusing and bewitching Girls, and placing her in a very respectable Family in Salem.
It has been said that Parris had a Rival in Rev. George Burroughs, who had Friends in Salem Village, desirous of his Settlement; and that that was a sufficient Reason why Parris should appear at the Courts against him. We have never seen any Proof of this Rivalship between these Clergymen. It is difficult now to ascertain the Cause of the Arrest of Burroughs who was preaching at Wells, at the Time, in his Pulpit. The Girl who accused him of bewitching her, was Mercy Lewis, who was then living with Thomas Putnam. She formerly lived with Burroughs, when he preached at the Village; and, upon one or more Occasions, he whipped her severely. This we suspect was the true Cause of her crying out against him.
It had been said that Rebecca Nurse was an Object of special Hatred to Parris; but this we have failed to discover. We cannot imagine the Cause of the alleged Complaint of Witchcraft against Rebecca Nurse. She appears to have been an amiable and exemplary Woman, and well educated for the Times in which she lived. We suspect, from an Examination of the Charges brought against her at the Courts, that she had several Times severely rebuked the accusing Girls for their Folly and Wickedness, when meeting in their Circles. In this Way, she probably incurred the Displeasure of Ann Putnam and her Mother—her principal Accusers. Mr. Parris has often been accused of being over Officious, and a swift Witness against the Accused at the Courts. Parris could not be said to have been a chief Witness in the Prosecutions, although he may be said to have been a frequent corroborating Witness with his Neighbors. The chief Witnesses were the accusing Girls, as they were called. At the preliminary Examinations before the Magistrates, Parris and others were required to be present when the Depositions were taken down, as related by the Girls, and afterwards made use of at the Trials before the Courts.
These being given in and related by Children, and young Persons, the Court required an Endorsement from some older Persons, who witnessed their supposed Afflictions, and could attest to their Depositions. It is in this Way Mr. Parris's Name, as well as his Neighbors, frequently appear in the Court Documents. Parris appears to have been frequently at the Examinations of those accused of Witchcraft, and put Questions to those on Trial. He also acted as a Recorder to the Magistrates more frequently than others. The Reason for his being often employed by the Courts was simply because he was requested to do so, and was discovered to be well qualified for that Purpose. We have seen the Records of several Persons thus employed, and should say Parris's was the Best. It was his Practice to take down the Examinations in short Hand,—he being a good Stenographer,—and then write them out in full, in a plain, legible Hand.