1 Strabo, xi. 529. This account exactly corresponds to the phenomena presented by Lake Urmi, and it is impossible to apply it to Lake Van as Ritter (Erdkunde, ix. p. 784) has done. It is quite true that Strabo has already six chapters back mentioned and described the former under the name of Spauta, which is quite likely a misprint for Kapauta, a corruption of the Armenian name Kapotan, which, in turn, is evidently derived from the Armenian word kapoyt, signifying blue (Saint Martin, Mémoires, i. p. 59). In that passage he rightly places the lake in the Atropatian Media; while in chapter 529 he speaks of it under a different name, that of Mantiane, and says that it extends as far as Atropatia. But that the Mantiane, as described by Strabo, is not our Lake Van, and that the latter is in many respects most faithfully portrayed by him under the name Thopitis in sentences immediately following, there can, I think, be little doubt. ↑

2 Liddell and Scott, sub voce νίτρον. ↑

3 Pliny, Hist. Naturalis, vi. ch. 31, translated by Philemon Holland, London, 1635. I have myself added the sentences in brackets. ↑

4 I have derived these particulars not from personal observation, but for the greater part from the notices of Abich (Vergleichende chemische Untersuchungen der Wasser des Caspischen Meeres, Urmia und Van-See’s, Mém. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, 1859, Series 6 math. et phys. vol. vii. pp. 22 seq.); Loftus (Quarterly Journal Geological Soc. London, 1855, vol. xi. pp. 306 seq.); and Mr. R. T. Günther (Geographical Journal, November 1899, and Proceedings of the Royal Society, October 1899). ↑

5 Brandt and Wagner quoted by Sieger (Die Schwankungen der hocharmenischen Seen, Vienna, 1888, p. 22). ↑

6 Dr. W. Belck in Globus, 1894, vol. lxv. p. 302; A. Owerin in Petermann’s Mittheilungen, 1858, p. 471; Professor Hughes in Nature, February 1898. ↑

7 The traveller journeying along the Güzel Dere on the way from Van to Bitlis cannot fail to be impressed by the insignificance of the water-parting between the small stream, called Sapor Su, tributary to Lake Van, and the brooks which find their way to the Tigris. ↑

8 To the analysis of my sample by Mr. William Thorp I append that of Dr. Serda of Strasbourg from one brought by M. Müller-Simonis from Van and published on p. 258 of Du Caucase au Golfe Persique, Paris, 1892. I have also thought it well to include the analysis published by Mr. Günther of the water of Lake Urmi. These will be found in the appendix to this volume.

Small lakes impregnated with soda have been found along the south-east foot of the Ararat fabric on the right bank of the Araxes. From sodas so derived an excellent soap used to be made in Alexandropol, and, for all I know, may be still manufactured there. The same practice is related of the inhabitants of Van. See Abich’s article (op. cit. pp. 32 seq.), and Loftus (op. cit. p. 320). ↑

9 It must, however, be noted that certainly in the case of Lake Van no islands are found far from the shore. The last rise in level took place about 1895; and in that year there was an earthquake at Adeljivas. The inhabitants of Uran Gazi on the slopes of Sipan assured us that this earthquake produced a rise in level of the Jil Göl, adjacent to the village. ↑

10 The subject is fully discussed by Abich (op. cit.) and by Dr. Sieger (Die Schwankungen der hocharmenischen Seen seit 1800, Vienna, 1888, and Globus, 1894, vol. lxv. pp. 73–75). Notable contributions have been made by Loftus (op. cit.), by Strecker (Zeitschrift der Gesell. für Erdkunde, Berlin, 1869, pp. 549 seq.) and by Dr. Belck (Globus, vol. lxiv. pp. 157 seq. and vol. lxv. pp. 301 seq.; Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Berlin, 1898, p. 414). ↑

11 It will, however, be observed that there is a discrepancy between the condition of Lake Gökcheh and that of Lake Van during the seventies and eighties. The testimony of General Schindler and of Dr. Rodler is in favour of the view that Lake Urmi was in agreement with Lake Van during the same period (Sieger, Die Schwankungen, etc., p. 18). ↑

12 Loftus, op. cit. p. 319. ↑

13 Globus, 1894, vol. lxv. pp. 301 and 303. ↑

14 Geographical Journal, November 1899, p. 513. ↑

15 Zeits. Gesell. f. Erdkunde, Berlin, 1869, vol. iv. p. 550. ↑

16 Indications of a similar rise in the norm of the level of Lake Göljik in the southern peripheral region have been noted by Prof. Josef Wünsch (Mitth. der K. K. geog. Gesellschaft, Vienna, 1885, vol. xxviii. pp. 15–17). ↑

17 Moses of Khorene, i. 18. ↑

18 Ibid. i. 3. ↑

19 See the memoir of Saint Martin by Brosset prefixed to vol. xiii. of Lebeau’s Histoire du Bas-Empire, and Saint Martin’s article in the Journal Asiatique for 1828. ↑

20 Journal Asiatique, Paris, 1828, vol. ii. series 2, pp. 160–188. ↑

21 Layard, Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, London, 1853, p. 394. ↑

22 “On the Inscriptions of Van,” Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1848, vol. ix., two papers read by Dr. Hincks on 4th December 1847, and 4th March 1848. ↑

23 Journal Asiatique, Paris, 1880, vol. xv. series 7, pp. 540–543. ↑

24 Professor Sayce’s papers are contained in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xiv. 1882; vol. xx. 1888; vol. xxv. 1893; vol. xxvi. 1894. They should be referred to in the first instance by the student who wishes to penetrate further into the subject. ↑

25 To the names of Belck, Guyard, Lehmann, and Sayce, should be added that of Professor D. H. Müller of Vienna, the author of several papers on the subject, of which the most important is entitled “Die Keilinschrift von Aschrut-Darga, entdeckt und beschrieben von Professor J. Wünsch, publicirt und erklärt von Dr. D. H. Müller,” Vienna, 1886. ↑

26 So we read in the newly-acquired text of the stele at Topsana (Sidikan), near Rowanduz:—“Urzana, son of Shekikajana, fled to Khaldia; I, Rusas (i.e. Rusas I. of Van) marched as far as the mountains of Assyria” (Dr. Belck in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Berlin, 1899, p. 116). [The translation of this passage appears, however, to have been altered by Messrs. Belck and Lehmann. See Sitzungsberichte der K. K. Preuss. Akad., Berlin, June 1900. It would appear natural that the Khaldians should have called their land after their god, and Dr. Belck (loc. cit.) appears to entertain no doubt upon the point. On the other hand Prof. Sayce informs me that he has never found the name Khaldia in the Vannic inscriptions; and that in Assyrian Khaldia signifies the god Khaldis.] ↑

27 Cedrenus, Hist. ii. 774. ↑

28 Saint Martin, Mémoires sur l’Arménie, vol. i. pp. 131 and 138. Cp. Moses of Khorene, iii. 35, “inhabiting Van in the province of Dosp” with the title of the king in the inscriptions “king of Biaina inhabiting the city of Dhuspas.” ↑

29 Professor Sayce makes the suggestion (Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1882, vol. xiv. p. 394). The expression Bitani seems to have been loosely used; but it appears to have been applied to the peripheral region south of Lake Van, and it may survive in the name of the river Bohtan. ↑

30 Messrs. Belck and Lehmann adopt a later date, viz. c. 1000 B.C. See Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, p. 569. ↑

31 Recently discovered by Messrs. Belck and Lehmann (Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, p. 574). ↑

32 Great confusion has been caused by the fact that the Assyrians had no distinctive names for the two great lakes. The subject is elucidated by Schrader (Die Namen der Meere in den assyrischen Inschriften, Abh. Berl. Akad. Wiss., 1877, Berlin, 1878, pp. 169 seq.; Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1886, pp. 81 seq.; Sitzungsberichte der K. Pr. Ak. Wiss. Berlin, 1890, pp. 321 seq.) and by Dr. Belck in Verhandlungen (ut supra), 1894, p. 485. ↑

33 See Vol. I. Ch. XXI. p. 423. ↑

34 I retain the former spelling of the names of Shamshi-Hadad and Hadad-nirari. ↑

35 An admirable account of the operations of Tiglath-Pileser III. is given by Professor Lehmann in the Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1896, pp. 321 seq. The scheme of the defences of the Vannic kings is ably elucidated by Dr. Belck (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1894, vol. ix. p. 350, note). ↑

36 His next successor, Ispuinis, is styled king of Nairi in the Kelishin inscription and king of Biaina in that of Ashrut Darga. The succeeding monarchs are kings of Biaina, inhabiting the city of Dhuspas (Van). ↑

37 The best account of the Shamiram-Su or canal of Menuas is that given by Dr. Belck (Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1892, pp. 137 seq.). I am under the impression that the greater part of the waters of the canal still find their way to the quarter of Van called Shamiram. ↑

38 Perhaps Dr. Belck, to whose penetration this discovery is due, has a little exaggerated his point when he assumes the necessity of an interval of 5 kilometres between the former site of the garden town and the rock of Van (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1894, p. 350). It would seem, rather, that the present quarter of Shamiram represents a portion of the old settlement as watered by the Menuas canal. ↑

39 “Set up a standard in the land, blow the trumpet among the nations, prepare the nations against her (sc. Babylon), call together against her the kingdoms of Ararat, Minni and Ashchenaz ...” (Jeremiah li. 27). The latter kingdom seems to have been situated between the Medes at Hamadan and the Minni. ↑

40 It must always be remembered that such enterprises are due with us to the energy of individuals, rarely encouraged and inspired by our learned societies or assisted financially by our Government. I trust, however, that the trustees of the British Museum will awake to the fact that excavations of the most comprehensive order can now be conducted in Armenia, and that the soil is practically virgin. With the assistance of the German Embassy at Constantinople Messrs. Belck and Lehmann were enabled not only to dig down the hill of Toprak Kala to the solid rock, but also, as it would appear, to transport their finds to Berlin. ↑

41 I cannot discover that any report of these excavations has ever been published. But, since writing this chapter, Mr. Hormuzd Rassam’s book, Asshur and the Land of Nimrod (New York, 1897), has come into my hands. Mr. Rassam’s excavations on the hill of Toprak Kala took place in 1880, and some account of them may be found in his work, pp. 377–8. ↑

42 For the excavations at Toprak Kala the various writings of Messrs. Belck and Lehmann should be consulted (Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1895, pp. 612 seq., and 1898, pp. 578 seq. Cp. also Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1894, pp. 356 and 357, note). For the canal and the city of Rusas or New Dhuspas see their remarks in Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1892, pp. 141 seq.; Verh. der Berl. Gesell. für Anth. 1892, pp. 477 seq.; 1893, pp. 220, 222, 223; 1898, p. 576; Zeitschrift für Assyr. 1894, pp. 349 seq., and 1899, p. 320. ↑

43 This is evidently the older form of the legend of Semiramis in Armenia. The Christian hierarchy softened down or obliterated the coming to life again of Ara. ↑

44 The name of this goddess only occurs in one inscription, viz. Sayce, No. XXIV.; and it is interesting to observe that this is an inscription of Menuas. The name is written ideographically like that of Istar in Assyrian and is rendered Saris by Professor Sayce. It is noticeable that Sariduris or Sarduris is the name borne by three of the Vannic kings. ↑

45 The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van, Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, 1882, vol. xiv. p. 678. The languages are Babylonian, Persian and “Protomedic,” placed in parallel columns. ↑

46 Professor Sayce (Early Israel, London, 1899, pp. 238–239) adopts this date and considers that the classical writers confounded the Scythians with the Medes. A priori this view would seem probable, having regard to the natural evolution of the history of the times. ↑

47 According to Herodotus (vii. 73) the Armenians were Phrygian colonists and were armed in the Phrygian fashion. The view of the ancients seems to have been that the Phrygians, as well as the Asiatic Thracians, had migrated from Europe into Asia Minor. ↑

48 Herodotus, i. 72 and 194; v. 49 and 52. In the catalogue of the satrapies of the empire of Darius Armenia is joined with the unknown district of Pactyica (iii. 93). In the Behistun inscriptions of Darius, the Persian and Scythic texts everywhere employ Armenia for the more ancient Assyrian title Urardhu. ↑

49 For the certain identification of the Alarodians with the inhabitants of the kingdom of Urardhu or Ararat, see Sir. H. Rawlinson’s essay in Rawlinson’s Herodotus, vol. iv. p. 245. ↑

50 Herodotus, iii. 94, and cp. vii. 79. ↑

51 Ibid. i. 104. ↑

52 Professor Rawlinson would identify the Saspeires with the Iberians of later writers (Rawlinson’s Herodotus, vol. iv. p. 233). In view of the prevailing opinion that the old Vannic language has some affinity with modern Georgian, this identification is most interesting. Ispir is situated on the threshold of the northern peripheral region, on the river Chorokh. ↑

53 Xenophon, Cyropædeia, bk. iii. chs. 1, 2 and 3. ↑

54 Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 1892, p. 131; Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1892, p. 487, 1895, pp. 578 seq., 1896, p. 320; Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1894, pp. 82 seq., and p. 358, note 1. ↑

55 Narrative of the Embassy of Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, translated by C. R. Markham, Hakluyt Society, London, 1859. ↑

56 Xenophon, Anabasis, iv. ch. 3, v. ch. 5, vii. ch. 8. ↑

57 The remarks of Layard (Nineveh and its Remains, London, 1849, vol. i. p. 257) and Badger (The Nestorians and their Rituals, London, 1852, pp. 177 seq.) serve to illustrate the complexity of this question. ↑

58 Compare the remarks of Sir H. Rawlinson (Rawlinson’s Herodotus, iv. p. 248) and of Professor Lehmann (Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1895, p. 580). ↑

59 Vol. I. Ch. XVI. p. 286. ↑

60 Xenophon, Cyropædeia, bk. iii. ch. ii. 23. ↑

61 Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, p. 591. I would especially refer my reader to Dr. Belck’s remarks upon this subject in the same publication, 1895, p. 606. ↑

62 While this chapter is going through the press some further articles by Drs. Belck and Lehmann come into my hands. These deal with their recent journeys and researches in Armenia (Sitzungsberichte der K. P. Ak. Wiss. Berlin, 1899, pp. 116 seq. and pp. 745 seq.; the same publication for 1900, pp. 619 seq.). ↑

63 Messrs. Belck and Lehmann commence the sequence: 1. Lutipris, 2. Sarduris I., 3. Arame, 4. Sarduris II., thus attributing to their Sarduris I. the inscriptions which record the construction of the walls from the rock of Van to the harbour. They suppose a Sarduris II., son of Arame, as the antagonist of Shalmaneser II., and suggest that Sarduris I. was the contemporary of Ashur-nasir-pal II. (885–860 B.C.) (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1897, p. 201). This arrangement throws back Lutipris to about 900 B.C. They promise us an essay upon the subject (see Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, 1894, p. 486; Z. Assyr. 1897, pp. 200, 201, 202). At present I do not feel convinced by the grounds they have brought forward. No inscriptions of this Sarduris II. have been discovered; nor does any mention appear to be made of works by a predecessor of the same name or by Arame in the inscriptions near the Tabriz gate at Van which they have discovered (see under Ispuinis infra). Of Lutipris no inscriptions exist; he is only known as the father of Sarduris. Pending further enquiry the hypothesis of Professor Sayce seems to me to hold the field: “I am more inclined to conjecture that Sarduris I. was the leader of a new dynasty; the ill success of Arrame in his wars with the Assyrians forming the occasion for his overthrow ... the introduction of a foreign mode of writing into the country looks like one of those innovations which mark the rise of new dynasties in the East. The consolidation of the power of Darius Hystaspis was, we may remember, accompanied by the introduction of the cuneiform alphabet of Persia” (J.R.A.S. 1882, p. 406). To this I should like to add that it seems consonant with the true order of events that not until after the defeat of Arame was the site of Van most happily selected as a sure stronghold against Assyrian attacks—a choice which was largely instrumental in producing the extraordinary development of the northern kingdom under Ispuinis, Menuas, and Argistis. ↑

64 May Arzasku have been situated in the great plain at the southern foot of the Ararat system, now known as the district of Alashkert? The inscription of Shalmaneser runs: “From Dayaeni (which Dr. Belck identifies with the district about the modern Delibaba) I struck camp and approached Arzasku, the capital of the Urardhian Arame. The Urardhian Arame was filled with fear ... and deserted his city. To the mountains Adduri he fled up; behind him I followed; a great battle I fought in the mountains.... Arame was compelled, in order to save his life, to take refuge in an inaccessible mountain.” Dr. Belck suggests that Adduri may have been the name applied by the Khaldians to Ararat and the Ararat system; and that it may survive in the modern Akhury or Arguri (V. Anth. 1893. p. 71). ↑

65 V. Anth. 1896, pp. 323 and 325. The translation is, however, open to question. ↑

66 The inscription is contained on one face of a recumbent stone which can with difficulty be distinguished from the boulders lying round. The stone has been well shaped and dressed. The characters have been much mutilated by the figure of a cross which has been incised upon the face of the stone. The first line evidently contains the name of Sarduris, while the second was probably occupied by that of Argistikhinis, or the son of Argistis. In line 7 a conquest is recorded, and in line 8 occurs the name of Alusia. Professor Sayce has kindly supplied this brief account of the contents, and I trust that he will publish the text. ↑

67 Arakel, ap. Abich, Geolog. Forsch. in den kauk. Länd. Vienna, 1882, part ii. p. 440. ↑

68 Saint Martin, Mémoires sur l’Arménie, i. 138. ↑

69 Moses of Khorene, ii. 8. ↑

70 Ibid. ii. 19. ↑

71 Faustus of Byzantium, iv. 55. ↑

72 Vol. I. Ch. XVIII. pp. 357, 359. ↑

73 Merchant in Persia (Italian Travels in Persia, Hakluyt Society, 1873, pp. 179 seq.). The Kurd is called Zidibec. ↑

74 Von Hammer, Geschichte des Osm. Reiches, iii. 145. ↑

75 Ritter, Erdkunde, ix. 980. But the date he gives, viz. 1636, will not suit the chronology. ↑

76 Brant in Journal of R. Geog. Soc. 1841, vol. x. ↑

77 Taylor in archives of the British Consulate at Erzerum. Report of March 18, 1869. The estimates of Jaubert in 1805 (Voyage en Arménie, etc. p. 138), and of Layard in 1850 (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 392), appear to have reference to the walled town only. The former counts 15,000 to 20,000 souls, the majority Armenian. The latter says that Van may contain from 12,000 to 15,000 inhabitants. Shiel’s figure for the population, including the suburbs, in 1836, of 12,000 people, “of whom 2000 are Armenians,” is plainly in error (J.R.G.S. 1838, vol. x.). Vital Cuinet (La Turquie d’Asie, Paris, 1892, vol. ii. pp. 654, 691), whose statistics I have seldom found reliable, includes 500 Jews in the population of Van—the remnant of the colony transported thither by the Arsakid Tigranes. My enquiries in several quarters elicited replies that no Jews were known to inhabit either the town or the caza, but that there were 25 families at Bashkala.

With regard to any special elements in the population of the town and caza of Van I was informed as follows:—There may be some few score Circassians; but there is no regular Circassian settlement here. The Armenians are practically all Gregorians. Of Chaldæan Christians, whether adherents of their old faith or converts to Roman Catholicism, only a few stray individuals would be found in the town of Van. But I was informed of a settlement of them—Nestorians—about the shores of Lake Archag, north-east of Van. ↑

78 Du Caucase au Golfe Persique, Paris, 1892, p. 190. ↑

79 One lira or Turkish pound contains 100 piastres and is equal to 18 shillings. ↑

80 I append the names and situations of the Armenian schools. Private schools are marked with a P.

 ↑

81 The text of the slab in this mosque (which he calls the Kurshun mosque) has been copied and published by Dr. Belck in the Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1892, vol. vii. pp. 257 seq. See also Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, pp. 570, 575 (Sayce, No. LXXX., Journal R.A.S. 1894, p. 707). ↑

82 For the cuneiform inscriptions in Surb Paulos (Boghos) see Schulz’s Memoir, pp. 298–99; Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p. 400 (I do not know why he calls it the church of St. Peter and St. Paul); Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, pp. 570 and 573, and Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, 1899, p. 320. They are being subjected to fresh examination by Messrs. Belck and Lehmann (Sayce, Nos. XXXI. and XXXII.). In addition to these I noticed a mutilated inscription on a stone in the doorway of Surb Vardan (see Verh. Anthrop. 1898, p. 572), and two inscribed slabs in the apse of the ruined Surb Petros, one in fair preservation (Sayce, No. XLVIII.). I was unable to penetrate into the chapel of Surb Sahak, into the walls of which similar fragments of the stelai of the Vannic kings have been inserted (Sayce, Nos. XLV. and XLVI.). ↑

83 The most detailed, as well as the most lucid and impressive, account of the Gurab, or rock of Van, is still that of Schulz (Journal Asiatique, 1840, vol. ix. ser. iii. pp. 264 seq.). But the remarks of Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 395 seq., with woodcuts of the rock chambers), Tozer (Turkish Armenia, London, 1881, pp. 347 seq.) and Müller-Simonis (Du Caucase au Golfe Persique, Paris, 1892, pp. 246 seq.) may be consulted. The only entrance to the citadel is by a path which is conducted up the western declivities of the rock from a point closely adjacent to the gate called Iskele in the north-west angle of the fortified town. In Schulz’s time this path ascended in a north-easterly direction between a double row of modern walls, composed for the most part of mud. After following these walls for some little distance it arrived in front of a solid wooden door, studded with large nails and strengthened by bars of iron. This gate afforded access to the castle, and was never opened except by an express order from the Pasha. The castle enclosure was flanked by walls of greater height and solidity than those without; it contained a number of modern buildings, such as barracks, a small mosque, and a powder magazine. Mr. Tozer was shown a very deep naphtha well in this neighbourhood, running down vertically into the rock. The oil, which he describes as a brown, half liquid mixture, could be reached by means of a pole. The house of the commandant and the prison are situated within the enclosure, where may be seen a number of old bronze cannons, curiously ornamented and quite obsolete. Schulz describes the antiquities upon this portion of the rock as consisting of two groups of cave chambers. 1. The southern front of a mass of rock which immediately adjoins the most elevated part of the whole formation—that part which lower down displays the tablet of Xerxes, and which is crowned by the powder magazine—has been hewn down in a vertical direction for a space of about 60 feet. Nearly in the centre is situated an open doorway, surmounted by a smaller aperture to admit light. Both openings have been damaged by human hands, evidently with intention; and no trace of any ornaments or inscriptions remains. The doorway conducts into a vaulted cave chamber, some 45 feet long and 25 feet high. The rock has been less carefully worked than in the case of the caves of Khorkhor. Nearly in front of the entrance, a second doorway in the opposite wall gives access to a smaller apartment, 20 feet long and 10 feet broad, called the Neft Koïou or spring of naphtha, the fumes of which fill the room. At the time of Schulz’s visit this inner chamber was nearly filled up by a structure in kiln-burnt bricks and very hard mortar, of which the purpose was not apparent. 2. Quite close to the Neft Koïou, in the block of limestone, adjoining it on the left hand, which rises from the tablet of Xerxes to the powder magazine, may be seen a hole of irregular shape and some 3 feet in diameter, through which one crawls into a group of five rock chambers, of which the largest is 30 feet long and 20 feet broad. The walls of these caves are rudely fashioned, without ornament or niches. In one of them Schulz found human bones.

Perhaps the most remarkable and certainly the most famous series of such excavations upon the rock of Van are known by the name of the caves of Khorkhor. They are situated in the steep south-west side of the mass, overlooking a garden which in Schulz’s time belonged to the Pasha, but which is now in a desolate and weed-grown condition. The garden bears the same name as the caves—a name of which the etymology is neither Armenian nor Turkish, and which, according to Professor Sayce, may perhaps be taken back to the word Kharkhar, signifying to excavate, found in Vannic texts (J.R.A.S. 1882, p. 572). The chambers are visited from the same side as the citadel, and at first by the same path. The remains of steps and of even spaces, hewn out of the rock, suggest that one of the principal approaches to the platform in antiquity was taken by this way. But, after following this avenue for some little distance, you turn to the right, leave the stairs, and clamber along the side of the rock, until you emerge through a fissure upon the southern face and see the garden at your feet. From here a staircase of twenty steps, almost obliterated in some places, slopes along the face of a mass of precipitous crags, in which is placed the entrance to the chambers. The limestone has been carefully flattened and polished, and is covered with inscriptions outside. At the commencement of the stair is seen a little grotto, containing a seat which commands fine views over town and plain. On the right of the grotto is a long inscription in three columns, separated from one another by vertical lines. It has suffered not a little from the impact of cannon balls; but is still in a fairly legible condition. It records the conquests of Argistis I. (Sayce, Nos. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX.). The continuation of this record is found a little further on, at the end of the stair, and after turning an angle of the rock. It is incised upon the outer face of the polished limestone about the doorway to the caves (Sayce, Nos. XL.–XLIV.; see also Hyvernat’s memoir in Müller-Simonis, op. cit. p. 531). This aperture, some 6 feet by 5 feet in dimensions, leads into a chamber 32 feet long, 19 feet broad, and 10½ feet high, which again communicates with four lesser rooms. The walls are hewn out with extraordinary care, and ten niches or oblong recesses, 3 feet high and 2 feet broad, are distributed over the sides of the principal apartment about 3½ feet above the ground. Incisions with holes in the centre are placed in the spaces between each pair of niches, and may have held metal lamps. The floor has been excavated in two places into squares a few inches deep. The smaller rooms are furnished with recesses similar to those described. One of them adjoins a space resembling the head of a pit or shaft, which, however, has been completely filled in with rubble. It probably represents a subterraneous communication with a spring which gushes from the foot of the rock in the garden below.

The remaining excavations and inscriptions are disposed as follows over the circumference of the ridge:—1. East of the Khorkhor, but on the same south face, and approached from the side of the gate of Tabriz, you easily recognise a partly natural and partly artificial platform, fairly high up on the rock. A spacious doorway connects this ledge with a cave of which the dimensions, according to my own measurements, are 31 feet by 21 feet. This chamber communicates with three smaller grottos, one approached by a door in the wall opposite the entrance, and the other two by similar apertures in the adjacent walls. The three subsidiary rooms are long and narrow. The one opposite the entrance contains a daïs and steps at its narrow west end; and that on the left hand is furnished with recesses at each extremity. Lower down on the side of the rock one observes a small aperture to which it is possible to gain access. It only measures some 4 feet by 3 feet. In the stone above has been hewn a long but shallow recess, about 3 feet in width. One wonders whether it may have been destined to receive a coffin. The hole gives access to a chamber 23 feet 7 inches in length and 14 feet in breadth. Three sides are furnished with recesses 2 feet 6 inches in depth, placed 3 feet 4 inches from the ground. 2. Inscription on the rock near the gate of Tabriz, much effaced, but copied and deciphered by Messrs. Belck and Lehmann. It contains the names of the kings Menuas and Ispuinis, together with those of the father of Ispuinis, Sarduris, and his grandson Inuspuas (Verhandlungen der Berl. Gesell. für Anthropologie, 1898, pp. 571, 575). The same travellers mention the discovery by them of three new inscriptions on the ridge, which appear, however, to be of minor importance (ibid. p. 571). 3. On the northern face of the rock, not far from the Tabriz gate and below the line of fortifications, are situated two artificial recesses at an interval of about twenty paces. That on the right contains a long inscription upon the wall which is on your left as you stand within the recess; it records conquests by Sarduris II. (Sayce, No. XLIX.). This grotto bears the name of Khazane-Kapusi or gate of treasure. 4. On the same side, a short distance further west, and upon a surface which has been hewn down vertically and flattened, are seen three tablets incised into the rock, one of them being on a level with the base of the ridge. Each member of the group contains an inscription; and the three inscriptions have one and the same text. It is of Menuas, and appears to commemorate a restoration of the tablets by that monarch (Sayce, No. XX.). 5. On the same side, near the summit, and almost directly above the grotto Khazane Kapusi (Hyvernat ap. Müller-Simonis, op. cit. p. 548), is a large cave, at present comprised within the fortifications, and inaccessible from below. On the right of the entrance is an inscription of King Menuas, purporting that a series of chambers were constructed by him as tombs in this place (Sayce, No. XXI.). ↑

84 The Armenian gentleman in whose company I visited the locality regarded Ak Köpri as a Turkish misnomer for Ak Karapi, a word which he derived from Kar, a stone, and Ap, narrow way in Armenian. The word would signify the narrows of the white crag, or the narrow way separating the crag from the hill. That is a sample of Armenian etymologies. Another derivation is from Ak Kirpi, the white hedgehog. ↑

85 Sayce, No. V. It is an inscription of Ispuinis and Menuas, and is known locally as Meher Kapusi (the gate of Meher, derivation unknown) or Choban Kapusi (the shepherd’s gate; so called from a shepherd to whom the “Open Sesame” of the treasure-house, which the slab is supposed to seal, is said to have been revealed in sleep. He entered; but forgot the talisman, and never returned). ↑

86 Since I have mentioned the name of Daniel Vardapet it is only just that I should add that he stated to me that the press had been hired. ↑

87 The inside dimensions of this chapel are: extreme length from recess to recess, 38 feel 7 inches, and extreme breadth, 30 feet. ↑

88 See Vol. I. Ch. XVI. p. 237. ↑

89 The statement of Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, p. 409) that the church is a modern edifice is scarcely correct, and is quite erroneous if it be taken to include the inner sanctuary or chapel. ↑