In the year 1056 (1646), when Soleïmán Páshá was governor of Erzerúm, and I, the humble Evliyá, was with him, Abáza Páshá again made his appearance on his return from Persia. Soleïmán Páshá immediately assigned him an allowance, and reported the case to the Sublime Porte. Abáza began to find out his old acquaintances, and soon became the chief of a party to whom he related all his remarkable adventures. According to his account, Sultán Murád being obliged to yield to the Janissaries, who refused to march to Erzerúm so long as Abáza was in the camp, took another man, whom he dressed in a white shirt, and had him executed instead of Abáza, by the Oják Bostánjí-báshí. Abáza himself was taken in a galley to Gallipolí, whence he sailed on board an Algerine ship-of-war. He soon afterwards obtained the command of that ship, and for seven years was a formidable pirate in the Archipelago. On the very day on which Sultán Murád died, he was beaten at the Cape of Temenis by a Danish ship, and remained seven years a prisoner amongst the Danes. He was then sold to the Portuguese, with whom for three years he sailed about in the Indian ocean, and touched at the Abyssynian coast, where he lost his ship. He thence went to India, China, the country of the Calmucks, Khorásán, Balkh, Bokhárá, Isfahán, and Erzerúm, to the governor of which town he related the whole of his adventures, in a manner which excited my greatest astonishment. Soleïmán Páshá’s report having reached the emperor Sultán Ibrahím, he asked the Oják Bostánjí Báshí (the chief executioner) whether he recollected having executed Abáza in the time of Sultán Murád. The executioner replied that he had executed a person in a white shirt whose name was said to be Abáza, that the usual ablutions after his death were performed by the imám of the imperial garden, and that the body was interred at the monument of Murád Páshá. A thousand strange reports having been raised by this story, a Kapíjí-báshí was immediately dispatched with a khat-sheríf (imperial warrant); and on his arrival at Erzerúm, he seized Abáza at the gate of the music chamber of the lower diván, severed his head from his body, and carried it to Constantinople. Soleïmán Páshá was removed from Erzerúm, and his government was given to Mohammed Páshá, the son of Mustafá Páshá, who was hanged. Derzí Mustafá Aghá came in his stead as Musallim, and he appointed me the inspector of the charcoal to a caravan proceeding to Eriván, for which place I set out. Farewell.
Abáza Páshá having been subdued in the year 1038 (1628), the grand vezír Khosrau Páshá marched with an immense army to plunder the provinces of Persia, and never even thought of Baghdád. Whilst he was on his way, and had even resolved upon attacking Isfahán, he received an imperial order to the following effect: “Shouldst thou bring the Sháh himself in chains to my imperial stirrup, I should not be satisfied; if thou considerest thy head necessary to thee, conquer Baghdád, the ancient seat of the Khalifat, and deliver from the hands of the despicable Persians, the tombs of No’amán ben Thábet, the great imám and founder of our sect, and of the Shaikh Abdul Kádir Jílání.” On account of this imperial command, the trenches of Baghdád were opened on the 17th of Sefer 1040 (1630); and the siege was continued for forty days. The winter however having set in, the Ottoman army was obliged to raise the siege, and to retire to Hella, Mosúl, and Márdín. In the beginning of spring, whilst Khosrau Páshá was on his march to Eriván, he received an imperial firmán recalling him to Constantinople, and Murtezá Páshá was appointed governor of Díárbekr. Khosrau Páshá fell sick on his arrival at Tokát, and was murdered whilst in bed by Murtezá Páshá, in the month of Sha’bán 1041 (1631). On the 18th of Rajab in the same year, Háfiz Páshá was again appointed grand vezír. In the same month the Janissaries mutinied at Islámból, and attacked the grand vezír Háfiz Páshá within the imperial gate near the hospital. He retreated into the hospital, the gate of which he closed, and thence fled to the imperial garden, took the turban and robes of ceremony of the Bostánjí-báshí, and appeared before the Sultán, to whom he stated that some villains had attacked him, but that by urging his horse against them, he had dispersed them all. Next day, however the rebellion assumed a more serious aspect; the Janissaries began by taking Háfiz Páshá from the emperor’s presence, and in order to avenge the death of Khosrau Páshá, they stabbed him in the cheek with a dagger, and then tore him into a thousand pieces. In the month of Rajab 1040 (1630) Rajab Páshá was made grand vezír; and Husain Efendí, Shaikh-ul-Islám or muftí. Rajab Páshá was a Bosnian by birth, had been created Bostánjí-báshí with the rank of vezír, and afterwards Kapúdán Páshá. He took three large English ships in the Mediterranean, and attacked three hundred Cossack boats in the black sea, and upsetting the crosses, brought all the boats to Islámbol. When Khalíl Páshá, the grand vezír, was appointed commander of the expedition against Abáza, Rajab was Káïm-makám of Constantinople, and Hasan Páshá performed the duties of Kapúdán Páshá. He built a castle near the mouth of the river Ouzí (Dneiper), and added a square fort to the castle of Oczakov. He was also Káïm-makám during the vezírship of Khosrau Páshá, and was the cause of Háfiz Páshás being killed by the Janissaries. Músá Chelebí, one of the Sultán’s favourites, was also attacked at his instigation by the rebels; he was killed and his body thrown out on the At-maidán in 1041 (1631). Hasan Chelebí, the Aghá of the Janissaries, having been found concealed in a corner, was put to death by the imperial executioner. In the beginning of Ramazán the rebels discovered the place where the defterdár Borák Mustafá Páshá was concealed, killed him, and hanged him on a tree in the At-maidán. It being evident that Rajab Páshá was a traitor, having taken the part of the rebels who killed Músá Chelebí, he was therefore hanged on his entering the diván. On that day I, the poor Evliya, was present with my father. The office of grand vezír was given to Tabání Yassí Mohammed Páshá, who had just returned from Egypt. He was an Albanian by birth, and a dependant of Mustafá Aghá, the chief eunuch of Sultán Othmán. He left the imperial harem to go as governor of Egypt, whence he was recalled to receive the seals, and was at last killed whilst grand vezír, because he had not hastened to the relief of Eriván, and had been found concerned in the disturbances of Moldavia and Valachia. He was buried near the monument of Eyyúb. Bairám Páshá was made grand vezír in his place. He had been brought up as a Janissary at Constantinople. During the vezírship of Tabání Yassí Mohammed Páshá, Sultán Murád, following the custom of his ancestors, went to Adrianople, to enquire into the state of the provinces, and to receive the renewed treaty of peace with the emperor of Germany. When Tabání Yassí Mohammed Páshá received his appointment as commander in the expedition to Eriván, Bairám Páshá was Káïm-makám. On this occasion the Sultán himself repaired to Uskudár (Scutari), and began to reign with the wisdom of Solomon. My father, an old and experienced man, who had been present at the siege of Siget, received the imperial command to join the army, and I, the humble Evliya, accompanied him. Besides my father there were several other old men, who had witnessed the victories of Sultán Soleïmán; such as Gulábí Aghá, who lived in the Unkapáni (flour-market), and whose story has been related above in the description of the mosque of Ayá Sofiá; Abdí Efendí, the inspector of the kitchen, who lived in the house of Brinjí Zádeh at Zírek Básh; Kozú Alí Aghá; and Isá Aghá. Aged and respectable men like these were carried in litters, and were consulted during the march on all important questions. The army marched from Konia to Kaisería (Cæsarea), and thence to Sívás, where the feast of the Korbán (sacrifice) was celebrated. Here Mustafá Páshá, the emperor’s favourite, was promoted to the rank of second vezír, and called into the diván. The army then continued its march to Erzerúm. Besides the guns provided by the commander-in-chief, there were forty large guns dragged by two thousand pairs of buffaloes. The army entered the castle of Kázmaghán, and halted under the walls of Eriván in the year 1044 (1634). The trenches were opened the same day on seven sides; the batteries were raised against the place called Mahánat Báïrí, and for seven days not a moment’s rest was given either to the camp or fortress. This was most successful, and filled the hearts of the faithful army with joy. By the favour of God, the victory was certain: the khán of Eriván Emírgúneh Oghlí, surrendered by capitulation, and was appointed as a vezír of two tails to the government of Haleb (Aleppo). The breaches in the walls were repaired, and Murtezá Páshá was left in garrison with 40,000 men. Khoaja Kana’án was appointed commander against Akhiska, which was reduced in the same month; and the Sultán left Eriván to plunder the Persian provinces. On the sixth day he entered the beautiful city of Tabríz, where the Tátárs of the Ottoman army caused terrible havock, making the inhabitants slaves, and levelling the houses with the ground so that not a stone was left upon another. The lowest servants of the Ottoman army, such as the muleteers, camel-drivers, grooms, tent-pitchers, flambeau-bearers, and water-carriers, became rich as Afrásíáb with the public and private treasures. Sultán Murád visited the beautiful gardens and koshks of Tabríz, particularly the garden celebrated by the name of Khíábání. By his orders the army entered this garden, and in a moment brought to the ground all its houses and koshks, not leaving a single atom upon the page of existence; they also cut down all the trees as if they had been armed with the hatchet of Ferhád or the battle-axe of Moslem. The beautiful valley was changed into a desert, in which not the smallest vestige of cultivation could be seen, as if it had remained a barren wilderness ever since the descent of Adam upon the earth.
From Tabríz the Sultán returned, and laid waste the countries to the right and left of Azerbáïján, such as Khóí, Manand, Tesú, Barúd, Dúmbolí, Rúmieh, and after a few days arrived safe and sound at the castle of Kotúr. This castle, one of the strongest belonging to the Persians, though fiercely attacked, did not surrender, and as winter was approaching they abandoned it. Hence the army entered the country of the Mahmúdí Kurds, where they had a slight fall of snow. They then passed through Amik, Bárgerí, Arjísh, Adaljuváz, Akhlát, Khántakht, and lastly Ván. All these fortresses are situated on the borders of the lake of Ván. Thence the army marched to Tiflís, Kefender, Huzzú, Míáfarakaïn, Díárbekr, Malátieh, Sívás, Tokát, Amásia, Othmánjik, Túsieh, Bólí, and on the sixth day reached Izmít (Nicomedia). On the 19th of Rajab 1045 (1635) the illustrious emperor made his entry into Constantinople with a splendour and magnificence which no tongue can describe nor pen illustrate. The populace who poured out of the city to meet the emperor had been dissatisfied with the Káïm-makám Bairám Páshá, but, gratified by the sight of their emperor, they became animated by a new spirit. The windows and roofs of the houses in every direction were crowded with people, who exclaimed, “The blessing of God be upon thee O conqueror! Welcome, Murád! May thy victories be fortunate!” In short, they recovered their spirits, and joy was manifest in every countenance. The Sultán was dressed in steel armour, and had a threefold aigrette in his turban, stuck obliquely on one side in the Persian manner: he was mounted on a Nogháï steed, followed by seven led horses of the Arab breed, decked out in embroidered trappings set with jewels. Emírgúneh, the khán of Eriván, Yúsuf Khán, and other Persian kháns walked on foot before him, whilst the bands with cymbals, flutes, drums, and fifes, played the airs of Afrásíáb. The emperor looked with dignity on both sides of him, like a lion who has seized his prey, and saluted the people as he went on, followed by three thousand pages clad in armour. The people shouted “God be praised!” as he passed, and threw themselves on their faces to the ground. The merchants and tradesmen had raised on both sides of the way pavilions of satin, cloth of gold, velvet, fine linen, and other rich stuffs, which were afterwards distributed amongst the Soláks, Peiks, and other servants of the Sultán. The old Solák báshí told me that his guards alone had carried home silk tents to the value of 7,000 piastres. During this triumphant procession to the seráï all the ships at Seraglio-point, at Kizkala’ (Leander’s tower), and at Topkháneh, fired salutes, so that the sea seemed in a blaze. The public criers announced that seven days and nights were to be devoted to festivity and rejoicing. During this festival such a quantity of rich presents were brought to the Sultán that not only the treasury but even the koshk-kháneh (garden house) was filled with them. The next day being Friday, the Sultán repaired to the mosque of Eyyúb, and was much gratified to see the new buildings as he went along the harbour, and on his return by the Adrianople gate. Pleased with the improvements which he saw, he pardoned the Káïm-makám Páshá the discontent which he had occasioned among the people, and bestowed upon him a robe of honour. On his arrival at the mosque of the conqueror he offered up a prayer of two inclinations, and being pleased with the manner in which the mosque was illuminated, he conferred a second robe of honour on the Káïm-makám. He then visited the tomb of the conqueror, the mosque of the princes, and their monument, the mosque and mausoleum of Sultán Báyazíd, and the mosque and mausoleum of his own father. Observing the good repair in which these mosques were kept, he expressed his satisfaction, and returned to the palace. In this month very unfavourable reports were received from the grand vezír Tabání Yassí Mohammed Páshá. The Sháh had taken Eriván, and owing to the severity of the winter it was impossible to send it any relief. The seals were therefore immediately given to Baïrám Páshá, and an expedition to Baghdád was resolved upon. All the necessary arrangements were completed, and the imperial firmáns were issued to summon troops from every quarter to the number of one hundred thousand men, to be ready by spring for the imperial expedition. Kapújí-báshís, Khásekís, and Musáhibs were despatched in every direction with imperial orders, and an army numerous as the waves of the ocean began to assemble.
It was in this year that I completed, under my tutor Evliyá Efendí, the study of the Korán, according to the seven various readings by Shátebí, and commenced a course according to the ten readings. By the advice of my father, Dervísh Mohammed Aghá, on the sacred night of Kadr, when several thousand individuals were assembled in the mosque of Ayá Sofia, I took my place on the seat of the Moazzins, and after the prayer Teravih, began to repeat from memory the whole of the Korán. When I had finished the Súra Ena’ám, Guzbegjí Mohammed Aghá and the Salihdár Melek Ahmed, came up to the seat, and putting on my head, in the presence of thousands, a tūrban wrought with gold, informed me that the emperor desired to see me. They then took me by the hand and led me into the mahfil of the emperor. On beholding the dignified countenance of Sultán Murád I bowed and kissed the ground. The emperor received me very graciously, and after the salutations, asked me in how many hours I could repeat the whole of the Korán. I said, if it please God, if I proceed at a quick rate I can repeat it in seven hours, but if I do it moderately, without much variation of the voice, I can accomplish it in eight hours. The Sultán then said, “Please God! he may be admitted into the number of my intimate associates in the room of the deceased Músá.” He then gave me two or three handfuls of gold, which altogether amounted to 623 pieces. Though I was then only a youth of twenty-five, I was sufficiently well educated, and my manners were polished, having been accustomed to associate with vezírs and muftís, in whose presence I had more than once repeated the As’har and the Na’t of the sacred volume. Murád left the mosque in the usual style with flambeaux and lanterns. I mounted a horse, and entered the imperial seráï by the cypress gate. The emperor next repaired to the Khás oda, and recommending me to the chief, directed him to invest me with the kaftán, in the chamber of the Kílárjí báshí. He then retired to the inner harem. Next morning he surrendered me to the Kílárjí báshí Safíd Aghá, and a room was assigned to me in the apartments of the Kílár. The Túrshíjí báshí was appointed my governor (lálá). My masters were: of writing, the Gógúm báshí; of music, Dervísh Omar; of grammar, Gejí Mohammed Efendí; and of reading the Korán, my old master Evliyá Efendí. Khorús Imám was my companion in the reciting of the Korán, and Táyeh Zádeh Khandán, Ferrokh Oghlí Asaf Beg, Mo’án Oghlí, Gejejí Soleïmán, and Amber Mustafá were my fellow Mu’azzíns. A great part of my time was spent in the Meshk-kháneh or gymnasium, near the private bath, in practising music. One day they invested me with an embroidered dress, put an amber-scented tuft of artificial hair upon my head, and wishing me a thousand blessings, told me I had the crown of happiness on my head. Sometimes also they put on me a fur cap like that worn by my companions. The Salihdár Melek Ahmed Páshá never lost sight of me, and as I was related to him on my mother’s side, he made me many presents. He, the Rúznámehjí Ibrahím Efendí, and the calligrapher Hasan Páshá, were the means of my obtaining an introduction into the seráï. On the day I was dressed as above related, with the splendid turban, two mutes came, and with many curious motions led me into the Khás oda (inner chamber), to Melek Ahmed Aghá and his predecessor Mustafá. These greatly encouraged me and taught me several expressions and ceremonies, which I was to observe in the presence of the emperor. I now found myself in the Khás oda, and had an opportunity of examining it. It is a large room with a cupola; in each corner there are raised seats or thrones; numerous windows and balconies; fountains and water-basins, and the floor is paved with stone of various colours, like a Chinese gallery of pictures. The emperor now made his appearance, like the rising sun, by the door leading to the inner harem. He saluted the forty pages of the inner chamber and all the Musáhib (associates), who returned the salutation with prayers for his prosperity. The emperor having with great dignity seated himself on one of the thrones, I kissed the ground before it, and trembled all over. The next moment, however, I complimented him with some verses that most fortunately came into my mind. He then desired me to read something. I said, “I am versed in seventy-two sciences, does your majesty wish to hear something of Persian, Arabic, Romaic, Hebrew, Syriac, Greek, or Turkish? Something of the different tunes of music, or poetry in various measures?” The emperor said, “What a boasting fellow this is! Is he a Revání (a prattling fellow), and is this all mere nonsense, or is he capable to perform all that he says?” I replied, “If your majesty will please to grant me permission to speak freely as a Nadím (familiar companion), I think I shall be able to amuse you.” The emperor asked what the office of a Nadím was: “A Nadím,” said I, “is a gentleman who converses in a pleasing manner: but if he is permitted to drink with the emperor, he is called Nadím náb, or companion of the glass. Nadím is derived from Monadamat, and by a transposition of letters we have Mudám, which in Arabic signifies pure wine. If such a Nadím is permitted to enjoy the company of the emperor, he is called Musáhíb (intimate companion).” “Bravo! said the Sultán, “he understands his business and is no Revání.” “Revání indeed!” replied I, looking at the same time towards Yúsuf Páshá, the late Khán of Reván (Eriván). The emperor struck his knees with his hand, and burst out in such a fit of laughter that his face became quite red; then addressing Emírgúneh, his favourite musician, he said: “What do you think of this devil of a boy?” Yúsuf Páshá said, “Mark this youth, he will very soon astonish all Irán and Túrán, for his eyes are constantly dancing.” “Yes,” said I, “the eyes of Turkish boys dance in order to excite mirth in strangers.” I alluded to Emírgúneh, who, when he was in a good humour frequently danced and played. The emperor laughed and said, “The boy has ready answers,” and being full of good humour, he ordered some chákír to be brought. Chákír in his metaphorical language signified wine. He drank a glass, and said, “Evliyá, thou art now initiated into my secrets; take care not to divulge them. I replied by the following verses.
I also quoted the saying, “He who keeps silence escapes many misfortunes;” and added, “my emperor, he who is admitted to your secrets ought to be a magazine of secrecy.”—“Evliyá,” said the Sultán, “having spoken so much of science, let us now hear some of your performances in music.” I enumerated all the different tunes, and having made many allusions to the taste of Emírgúneh for wine, the Sultán was so much pleased with my ready wit that he said, “Now, Evliyá, I shall no more call thee to account, or ask thee any reason for what thou sayest: I appoint thee a Musáhib;” and he then ordered me to be dressed in a fur robe. Seeing that it was too long for me, he said, “Send it to thy father that he may remember me in his prayers;” and he directed that another should be given to me. He next with his own hands put on my head a sable-fur kalpak. Before this I had only a plain Tátár kalpak. He then desired me to sing a wársikí. At one time my music-master was a Dervísh Omar, a disciple of the famous Sheikh Gulshaní, with whom he became acquainted in the reign of Sultán Soleïmán, and with whom he passed seventeen years in Egypt, performing all manner of menial services, such as valet, groom, cook, &c. One day Gulshaní, perceiving the worth that was concealed under the garb of this poor Dervísh, advised him to repair to Turkey, where he was wanted by Sultán Soleïmán. On his departure Gulshaní gave him his own carpet, and on this carpet Dervísh Omar had the honour to associate with all the Sultáns, from Soleïmán to Murád. Having arrived in Turkey with seventy followers, he was present at the siege of Siget, and at the death of Soleïmán. From that time he enjoyed the confidence and patronage of all the Sultáns. He was well skilled in the science of music, in which he gave me lessons. In obedience to the Sultán’s orders, I took up a dáyara (tambourine) and kissed the ground before the Sultán. On looking at the dáyara, he observed that it was set with jewels, and said, “I make thee a present of this dáyara, but take care thou dost not go beyond this circle.”5 I leaped in a sprightly manner, kissed the foot of the throne, prayed for a blessing on Dervísh Omar, and said, “If it please God, I shall never be debarred from this circle of the Ottoman court, for I know my limits too well to overstep them.
I then seated myself on my heels as is usual, offered up a short prayer for assistance from God, and after several symphonies, I exclaimed, “O thou Sheikh Gulshaní, tutor of my tutor Dervísh Omar Raushaní, hail!” I now began to sing and dance, turning round in the manner of the Dervíshes, and accompanying with the dáyara, the following wársikí (mystic song) composed by Dervísh Omar for the late Músá, whose situation I had just entered; with a low and plaintive voice I sang:
On hearing this plaintive song, the Sultán took up his pocket handkerchief, and when I approached him, he turned round and said: “The boy has brought to life the spirit of Músá Chelebí! Now tell me the truth instantly; who told thee to sing this song, which I have forbidden to be sung in my presence, and who taught thee it?” I replied, “My emperor, may your life be prolonged! My father had two slaves who learnt the song from the writings of Irmaghán Mohammed Efendí, who died during the late plague, and from them I learnt it. I have heard it from no one else, nor did any one tell me to sing it in the presence of my emperor.” The Sultán said, “The boy is very ingenious; he quotes the authority of dead men, that he may not compromise the living.” He then said, “Mayest thou live long,” and desired me proceed with my performance. I accordingly put my hand on the dáyara and sang:
I then stood silent, and having kissed the ground before the emperor, he praised me highly, and gave me several pieces of gold. The emperor then addressing Emírgúneh, said: “The first verses sung by Evliyá were composed by myself, on the death of my favourite companion Músá, whom I had sent on a message to Rajab Páshá, when he was assaulted by the rebels, who threw his murdered body into the At-maidán. O! Emírgúneh, hadst thou but known what an amiable and intelligent youth that was! I have hitherto found no servant like him; and that innocent boy died a martyr!” “My emperor,” replied Emírgúneh, “have you not opened the life-veins of those who shed his innocent blood?” “Yes,” said the Sultán, “it is to avenge the murder of my favourite, and the violent death of my brother Othmán, that I have made the heads of 307,000 rebels to roll in the dust.” “May God prosper all your undertakings,” replied Emírgúneh; “the 307,000 heads did not indeed belong to men, but to so many rebels, who sprung from the ground like mushrooms. Your armies however, in avenging the blood of their companions, did so sufficiently in taking the fortress of Eriván out of my hands, and cutting up the root and branch of the Persian army.” The Sultán, pleased with this reply, called for wine and drank a glass. In the evening he ordered me to read a tenth of the Korán; I commenced where I had left off on the holy night of Kadr at Ayá Sofiá, that is, at the Súra Aa’ráf, and read two hundred and four verses, divided into two mákam, twenty-four sha’ba, and forty-eight tarkíb. I then repeated the names of the Sultáns Ahmed, Othmán, and all their illustrious ancestors, to whom I transferred any merit I might have from this reading of the Korán, and concluded with the Fatihat (first chapter of the Korán). The Sultán then presented me with a fish-bone belt set with jewels, which he had in his hand; and asked Emírgúneh whether they read the Korán so well in Persia. Emírgúneh replied that the Persians cared little to conform their actions to the Korán, and much less to read it properly. “It is only to the piety of your majesty, that we are indebted for such reading, which reminds us of the assemblies of Husain Bhikará.” At this moment the Mu’azzins began to call to prayers at the head of the staircase, which looks toward the court-yard of the palace. The emperor ordered me to assist them; I flew like a peacock to the top of the staircase, and began to exclaim, “Hai a’la’-as-saláh! i.e. Ho! to good works!” Before the commencement of prayers, I was observed by my good master Evliyá Efendí, the imperial Imám, who meeting the emperor in the oratory, outside of the imperial mosque, close to the Khás-oda, thus addressed him: “My gracious emperor, this boy, the darling of my heart, has not attended my lectures since the sacred night of Kadr, when you took him to the Harem. He has already learnt by heart the whole of the Korán, according to the seven readings; he is thoroughly acquainted with the Shátabíeh treatise on that subject, and was beginning the study of the ten different readings; allow him, then, to perfect himself in these studies, after which he may return to your majesty’s service.” The emperor, not in the least regarding these requests, said, “Efendí! do you suppose that our palace is a tavern, or a den of robbers? Three thousand pages are here devoted night and day to the study of the sciences, besides attending to the seven general lectures, and the two which your reverence delivers twice a week. He may attend your lectures as before; but I cannot leave him to your disposal, for he is a lively and intelligent youth, and must remain with me as my son. His father, the chief of the goldsmiths, is my father; but he may come as often as he pleases to see his son.” Evliyá Efendí seeing there was no hope of obtaining what he wished, said: “Well, my gracious sovereign, allow him at least the books that are necessary for his education.” The Sultán immediately called for pen and ink, directed the treasurer to be in attendance, and with his own hand he wrote the following imperial order: “Thou, chief of the treasury, shalt immediately supply Evliyá with the following works: the Káfiah, the commentary of Jámí, the Tafsír Kází, the Misbáh, the Díbácheh, the Sahíh Moslem, the Bokhárí, the Multeka-al-Abhar, the Kadúrí, the Gulistán and Bostán, the Nisáb-sabiyán, and the Loghat Akhtarí.” The kehiyá or deputy treasurer immediately brought me these valuable works, which had been written for the use of sovereigns, and the Sultán presented me with a copy of the Korán, in the hand-writing of Yákút Musta’samí, which he was in the habit of reading himself; also a silver inkstand set with jewels, and a writing-board inlaid with mother-o’-pearl. At the same time he gave instructions to the Kílárjí-báshí respecting my accommodation. Thus three times a week I read the Korán with Evliyá Efendí, and also had lessons in Arabic, Persian, and writing. In this manner it was but seldom I could attend in the service of the emperor, but whenever I came into his presence he was always delighted, and treated me so graciously, that I never failed to shew my wit and pleasantry. I should never have been tempted to repeat any of my witty sayings, but for the express commands of the Sultán. Kara Hisárí, the great calligrapher my writing-master, and many other witnesses are still living, who can attest that, versed as I then was in every branch of science, I enjoyed the greatest favour of the Sultán, who liked a joke or a laugh as well as any plain dervísh.6 I had frequently the honour of conversing familiarly with this great monarch, and were I to relate all the conversation that passed between us I should fill a volume. In short, Sultán Murád was a man who had the nature of a Dervísh, but he was brave and intelligent. His fingers were thick, but well proportioned, and the strongest wrestler could not open his closed fist. He generally dressed in blue coloured silk, and liked to ride very fast. Neither the Ottoman nor any other dynasty of Moslem princes ever produced a prince so athletic, so well-made, so despotic, so much feared by his enemies, or so dignified as Sultán Murád. Though so cruel and bloodthirsty, he conversed with the rich and poor without any mediator, made his rounds in disguise night and day to be informed of the state of the poor, and to ascertain the price of provisions, for which purpose he frequently went into cookshops and dined incognito. No monarch, however, was guilty of so many violent deeds. On the march to Baghdád, when he left Cæsarea, a wild goat was started in the mountains of Develí Kara Hisár. The emperor immediately gave it chase, struck it with his spear, followed it up amongst the rocks, and divided his prey amongst his vezírs. The whole army was surprised to see him dismount and climb up the craggy mountain in pursuit of his game. On another occasion I saw him seize his Salihdárs Melek Ahmed and Músá Aghá, both remarkably stout men, take them by their belts, lift them over his head, and fling them one to the right and the other to the left. Ahmed Páshá, Hasan Páshá the calligrapher, Delí Husain Páshá, and Pehleván Díshlenk Soleïmán, were all athletic men who were fond of playing and wrestling. The Sultán frequently stripped himself and wrestled with these men, on a spot of the seráï called Chemen-sofa. It was I who on such occasions read the usual prayer of the wrestlers. It is as follows: “Allah! Allah! For the sake of the Lord of all created beings—Mohammed Mustafá, for the sake of Mohammed Bokhárá of Sárí Sáltik, for the sake of our Sheikh Mohammed who laid hold of the garments and the limbs, let there be a setting-to of hand upon hand, back upon back, and breast upon breast! And for the love of Alí the Lion of God, grant assistance O Lord!” After this prayer the Sultán began to wrestle either with Melek Ahmed or Delí Husain. They met according to the rules of wrestling, laying hold of each other, and entwining themselves like serpents. But when the emperor grew angry he knelt down upon one knee, and endeavouring to master his opponent from beneath, it was difficult to resist him. He generally succeeded in bringing his antagonist to the ground. All the early heroes of Islamism, such as Ma’di Karb, Okail Ben Abú Táleb, Sohail Rúmí, Sa’íd, Kháled Ben Walíd, Asa’d Ben Mokdád, Haddád, Omar, Alí, Hamza, and Malek, used to wrestle in the presence of the Prophet, who was himself a great wrestler, and at different times vanquished his enemies, the cursed Abúlahab and Abújahal. Thus wrestling became one of the favourite exercises of the Moslems; and Pír Mahmúd became the patron saint of the art, which was made to consist of forty arts, seventy rounds, and one hundred and forty tricks, and with all of which a good wrestler must be thoroughly acquainted. Wrestlers are forbidden to engage in karakosh, boghma, and jeríd, because wrestling is an exercise on foot, and not a contest with an enemy. If in battle an enemy lays hold on another to wrestle, he may take advantage of the karakosh, boghma, or jeríd. He may even cut off the head of his adversary. Murád, when a stout young man, was never satisfied until he brought his antagonist to the ground. One day he came out covered with perspiration from the hammám (bath) in the Khás-oda, saluted those present, and said, “Now I have had a bath.” “May it be to your health,” was the general reply. I said, “My emperor, you are now clean and comfortable, do not therefore oil yourself for wrestling to-day, especially as you have already exerted yourself with others, and your strength must be considerably reduced.” “Have I no strength left?” said he, “let us see;” upon which he seized me as an eagle, by my belt, raised me over his head, and whirled me about as children do a top. I exclaimed, “Do not let me fall, my emperor, hold me fast!” He said, “Hold fast yourself,” and continued to swing me round, until I cried out, “For God’s sake, my emperor, cease, for I am quite giddy.” He then began to laugh, released me, and gave me forty-eight pieces of gold for the amusement I had afforded him. Sometimes he would take his two sword-bearers, Melek Ahmed and Músá, both stout men, and carrying them in his hands would make the circuit of the Chemen-sofa several times. He was a man who ate much, and indeed he was a hero surpassing Sám, Zál, Narímán, Afrásíáb and Rustam. One day he pierced with a jeríd the shield of an Albanian, which was composed of seven layers of the root of the fig-tree, and sent it to Cairo, where it is suspended in the díván of Sultán Ghúrí. Hasan the calligrapher wrote the toghra of the Sultán in gold and purple on Chinese paper five cubits square. This is also preserved in the díván of Ghúrí. When I was there, I inscribed underneath it the names of the four associates of the prophet (Abúbekr, Omar, Othmán and Alí), also in the manner of a toghra (monogram), imploring the blessing of God upon them.
On another occasion Murád, in the presence of the German and Dutch ambassadors, pierced some shields composed of ten camel-hides, which they had brought with them as presents. He returned these shields, and the spear with which he had pierced them, as presents to the emperor of Germany. I saw them suspended in the archway of the inner gate at Vienna. Ten other shields, sent as presents by the emperor of Germany, he pierced in the same manner, and sent them to Músá Páshá when governor of Bude, where I saw them suspended. When he was at Halep (Aleppo) he threw a jeríd from the castle, which passing over the ditch and a considerable space beyond, fell in the market-place of the stirrup-makers, where a column inscribed with a chronogram marks the spot where it fell.
One day while he was exercising himself in the old palace, he saw a crow on the crescent of the left minareh of Sultán Báyazíd. He immediately rode to the At-maidán, and throwing his jeríd to the height of the mosque, struck the crow, which fell dead at his feet. The At-maidán of the old palace is distant one mile from the minareh of Sultán Báyazíd. If the jeríd had not hit the raven, but had pursued its course, it would certainly have fallen in the poultry-market. On the spot where the crow fell there now stands a white marble column of the height of a man, with a chronogram by Júrí inscribed with letters in gold. A similar monument of the extraordinary distance to which a jeríd was thrown stands in the garden of Beykos, also inscribed with a chronogram by Júrí.
Sultán Murád was taught the science of archery by Pehleván Hájí Soleïmán and Sárí Solák. There is still to be seen in the Ok-maidán near the Tekieh of the archers, a marble column indicating the spot where an arrow shot by Sultán Murád fell. This shot surpassed that of all the former Pehleváns excepting Túzkoparán, and left far behind the aims of Karalandha, Báyazíd Khán, Khattát Sheikh, Demirdilisí and Meserlí Dúndár. In the gardens of Tokát, Sultán Murád once cut an ass in two with one stroke of his sword. In the game of the mace (gúrz) he could wield with the greatest ease a mace weighing two hundred okkas, and perform all the tricks of the art. And so did he distinguish himself in the exercises of wrestling and boxing. Our master in these exercises, Dervísh Omar, on hearing several slang expressions of the art, such as, “Cut not! strike not! hold not!” used by Sultán Murád, exclaimed, “Look at that master-butcher!” in reference to his cruel disposition, which was never satisfied without shedding blood. The Sultán was pleased with the joke, and smiled at it. He was also expert in the game of matrak, in which balls are struck with clubs, and which has no less than one hundred and sixty band or tricks. He used to strike the ball with such force that it struck the head of his partner. His master in this game was Toslák Kapúdán, the juggler of the admiral’s galley, who was an expert marine (levend), and whose name is recorded in the elegy composed by Júrí Chelebi Sheikh in twelve languages. This Toslák Kapúdán, though considered one of the most skilful in this play, did not equal Sultán Murád.
Finally, the emperor was a good poet, equal to Nafa’í and Júrí; and his diván or collection of odes, consists of three hundred leaves; but it wants the odes ending in the letters Ta and A’in. These were to have been supplied by Vahabí Othmán Chelebí, but he died before he could complete them.
During the winter he regulated his assemblies as follows: On Friday evening he assembled all the divines, Sheiks, and the readers of the korán, and with them he disputed till morning on scientific subjects. Saturday evening was devoted to the singers who sang the Iláhí, the Na’t, and other spiritual tunes. Sunday evening was appropriated to the poets and reciters of romances, such as Nafa’í, Júrí, Nadímí, Arzí, Nathárí, Beyání, Izzetí, &c. On Monday evening he had the dancing boys, Sárí Chelebí, Chakmak Chelebí, and Semerjí-zádeh; and the Egyptian musicians Dabágh Oghlí, Parpúr Kúlí, Osmán Kúlí, Názlí Kúlí, Ahmed Kúlí, and Sheher Oghlání. This assembly sat till daybreak, and resembled the musical feast of Husain Bhikará. On Tuesday evening he received the old experienced men who were upwards of seventy years, and with whom he used to converse in the most familiar manner. On Wednesdays he gave audience to the pious saints; and on Thursdays to the Dervíshes. In the mornings he attended to the affairs of the Moslems. In such a manner did he watch over the Ottoman states, that not even a bird could fly over them without his knowledge. But were we to describe all his excellent qualities we should fill another volume.
Praise be to Allah, that my father was the chief of the goldsmiths from the time of Sultán Soleïmán till that of Sultán Ibrahím; and I was honoured with the society of so glorious a monarch as Sultán Murád IV. Previously to his Majesty’s undertaking the expedition to Baghdád I left the imperial Harem, and was appointed a Sipáhí, with an allowance of forty aspres per day.
The first was Rajab Páshá, who, as we have before related, captured three hundred Cossack boats in the Black Sea, and brought them to Constantinople. His successor, Khalíl Páshá, an Albanian by birth, took near the rocks of Flúra in the Mediterranean, a famous ship of the infidels which was called Kara-jehennem (black-hell), and which had a large mill within it, and a garden on the quarter-deck.
Hasan Páshá, the son of a Janissary of Tahtáljeh, near Constantinople. In the year 1035 (1625) he built two castles on the Dneiper. He was afterwards degraded, and died suddenly at Yenísheher in 1041 (1631).
Vezír Jánpúlád Zádeh Mustafá Páshá, married Fatima the sister of Sultán Murád, and was made Kapúdán Páshá in 1041. His name spread terror over the whole of the Mediterranean even as far as the straits of Gibraltar; he built a castle at Athens; and even before that was finished he was appointed governor of Rúmeïlí. In this capacity he was ordered to undertake the expedition against Eriván, and so many troops did he assemble, that the suburbs of Constantinople were filled with them; and three months were required to have them passed over the Bosphorus to Scutari on flat-bottomed boats.
Ja’fer Páshá resigned the office of Bostánjí Báshí for that of Kapúdán Páshá in 1043 (1633). He spread terror amongst the infidels. That same year, on the Feast of Victims, he met three English men-of-war in the Mediterranean, between the castles of Kesendreh and Kolúz. The English being fire-worshippers, according to the sacred text, “They were burnt and the men drowned;” they set fire to two of the vessels. The third, with two hundred guns, was taken before they could set fire to it, and was brought with immense booty to Sultán Murád.
After Ja’fer Páshá, Delí Husain Páshá was made Kapúdán Páshá, in which capacity he took the field against Eriván. He was afterwards appointed governor of Egypt.
His successor was Kara Mustafá Páshá, an Albanian by birth, and educated a Janissary. During the siege of Baghdád, he was the deputy of Píáleh at the Ters-kháneh (arsenal), and cruised in the Black Sea with two hundred ships of the imperial fleet. In this expedition he encountered two hundred Cossack boats, of which he captured seventy, with the hetman. The rest made their escape during the night, and secured themselves, in the reeds and marshes of the river Kúbán. Píáleh Páshá pursued them, and closed the entrance of the river; but the infidels carried their boats overland, whilst Píáleh waited for their appearance in vain. At last he was informed by Khoajeh Kana’án Páshá, the governor of Oczakov, and by the khán of the Tátárs, of the scheme of the infidels; upon which he weighed anchor, came round to the island of Tamán, and shut up the channel by which the Cossacks had intended making their escape. Being now surrounded on land by Khoajeh Páshá, and the Tátár Khán, the Cossacks made a camp with their boats in the mouth of the river, and defended themselves for seven days and nights. This battle is even now memorable by the name of Adakhún. Finally, not one of their boats escaped, but they were all carried in triumph to Constantinople, with the crosses of their flags turned downwards, and the whole fleet anchored opposite the arsenal. The news of this victory gave fresh courage to the troops engaged at the siege of Baghdád.
The other Kapúdán Páshás were, Salihdár Mustafá Páshá, and Síávush Páshá. The latter was an Abází by birth, and being a man of the strictest honour, he was disliked by the people of the arsenal, and was consequently dismissed from office.
Yehiyá, the son of Zekeríá, was Sheikh al Islám when Sultán Murád ascended the throne; in the year 1034, he was succeeded by Khoajeh Zádeh Isa’d Efendí, and in 1041 by Husain Efendí, who was slain in the rebellion and thrown into the sea. Yehiyá was then made Sheikh al Islám a third time. I was then the first Mu’azzin at the mosque of the eunuch Mohammed Aghá, when he appointed me his reader of the Na’át, in which capacity I attended him every Friday.
The chief judges of Constantinople were, Kehiyá Mustafa Efendí; Bostan-zádeh Efendí, and his brother; Azmí Zádeh Efendí; Sáleh Efendí; Cheshmí Mahmúd Efendí; Hasan Efendí; and Cheshmí Efendí, a third time.
Abdul-ghaní Mohammed Efendí; Sheríf Mohammed Efendí; Kara Chelebí Zádeh Efendí; Husain Efendí in the year 1037; Azmí Zádeh Mustafá Efendí 1038; Hasan Efendí 1039; Bostánjí Zádeh Yehiyá Efendí 1039; Abú Sa’íd Efendí 1039; Husain Efendí, a third time chief judge of Rúmeïli; Cheshmí Efendí; Husain Efendí, a fourth time judge of Rúmeïlí; Kara Chelebí Zádeh Mohammed Efendí, a third time 1042; Abdullah Efendí 1042.
Azmí-zádeh Efendí 1032; Sheríf Mohammed Efendí, a second time, and his son Chelebí Zádeh Abdullah, 1037; Abú Sa’íd Efendí, 1039; Abú Sa’úd Zádeh Efendí, 1040; Cheshmí Mohammed Efendí, 1041; Ahmed Efendí Zádeh; Núh Efendí.
Cheshmí Mohammed Efendí, 1032; Sáleh Efendí; Hedáyet-allah Efendí, 1033; Oshákí Zádeh Efendí, 1035; Abú Isa’d Efendí, 1035; Otlokjí Hasan Efendí, 1035; Abú Sa’úd Zádeh Efendí, 1036; Abu Sa’íd Efendí; Núh Efendí, 1039; Rajab Efendí, 1040; Músá Efendí, 1041; Jeví-zádeh Efendí 1042; Makhdúm Husain Efendí 1043; Azíz Efendí Kara Chelebí Zádeh 1043.
Cheshlejí Alí Aghá; Kara Mustafá Aghá; Bairám Aghá; Khosrau Aghá; Mohammed Kehiyá Aghá; Alí Aghá; Khalíl Aghá; Soleïmán Aghá; Hasan Aghá; Hasan Khalífeh Aghá; Mustafá Aghá; Kosseh Mohammed Aghá; Mohammed Aghá.
When Sultán Murád had returned from Baghdád crowned with victory, he was obliged to undertake an expedition in person against Malta, an island in the Mediterranean. The causes which led him to this determination are as follows. Complaints were made by the Musulmáns in every direction of the depredations committed by the Maltese Christians in every port of the Mediterranean, particularly on the African coast. Trade of every sort was at a stand, and the pilgrims to the holy cities were molested in their passage. But above all, the Mainotes had become very troublesome in the Archipelago. These had been subdued in the time of Sultán Mohammed II., and at the time of this rebellion they amounted to fifty thousand men. They had about one hundred vessels with which they plundered the islands, intercepted the ships of merchants and pilgrims, and every year took thousands of prisoners. Since the time that the Kapúdán Púlád-zádeh had scoured the coast of Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia no imperial fleet had made its appearance in those quarters, the infidels raised their heads, their audacity knew no bounds, and they plundered on the shores of the Ottoman empire.
These complaints were at length laid before the Sultán in a report by Kara Mustafá Páshá. A council was immediately held consisting of the grand vezír Kara Mustafá Páshá, the Kapudán Síávush Páshá, the Kehiyá of the arsenal Píáleh, and seventy begs of the sea (captains of war-ships), and the most experienced officers of the arsenal; the result of which was that the building of a báshtirdeh (admirals ship) and of twenty galleys, each eighty cubits long, was immediately commenced by the express order of the emperor. Two thousand purses (one million of piastres) were allotted to the Kapúdán Páshá, to the Kehiyá, and to the inspector of the arsenal. Five docks near the arsenal were pulled down, and three new ones were built in their stead each as large as a caravanserai; and in them a báshtirdeh for the emperor, and two green máonas were constructed in the space of three months. The máonas had seventy benches and one hundred and forty oars, each of which was moved by eight men. At the stern and bow of each there was a large gun, weighing from forty to fifty okkas, besides hundreds of guns on each side. They were indeed such vessels that even Noah might have considered himself secure in them. In short, on the return of spring, two hundred ships of war, consisting of báshtirdehs, galleys, and others were ready for sea, with arms, men, and provisions three times the quantity required. The galleys of all the islands of the Archipelago of Egypt and of the Morea, amounted to five hundred, which were followed by the same number of transport ships. They had besides some huge vessels called Káruváns because they made a voyage to Egypt only once a-year, requiring six months to load and six months to discharge. Each of these carried fifteen hundred serving men and two thousand troops. Besides these, there were five hundred smaller vessels of every description; viz. Barja (barges), Kalíún (galleys), Perk, Porton, Shika, and Kara-mursál which were hired by government. In short the whole fleet amounted to eleven thousand seven hundred vessels, which being prepared for sailing, were moored in the harbour of Constantinople.
The Togh (tails) and Seráperdeh (tents) were already raised at Dávud Páshá preparatory to a new expedition, when the emperor enfeebled by sickness found it impracticable to set out. According to the Arabic text: “Every one must perish,” and the Persian verse: “If any person could remain for ever upon the earth, Mohammed would have remained; if beauty could secure immortality, Yúsuf (Joseph) would not have died,” no one is exempt from destiny. And Sultán Murád being obedient to the call, “Return to thy lord,” bade farewell to this perishable world and entered on his journey to the everlasting kingdom. The whole of the Mohammedan nation were thrown into the deepest affliction, and lamented his loss. Horses hung with black were let loose in the At-Maidán, where his Majesty was buried close to Sultán Ahmed.
The new emperor, Sultán Ibráhím, gave the seals to Kara Mustafá Páshá. Kara Hasan Páshá was made Defterdár; Abd-ur-rahím Efendí, Shaikh-ul-Islám; and in order that the fleet prepared by Sultán Murád against Malta should not lie useless, it was sent to the Mediterranean, where a máona was lost, nothing of consequence effected, and the whole fleet with its troops returned to Islámbol after the autumnal equinox. One of the máonas was moored off the arsenal and painted black to represent the mourning for the death of Sultán Murád, an event which gave the Maltese infidels an opportunity of recommencing their hostilities. “Man proposes, but God disposes.” I have since heard from the pearl-shedding lips of my worthy lord, Kara Mustafá, that had God spared Murád but six months longer, the whole of the infidels would have been reduced to the capitation tax. The Ragusians came forward as mediators for the infidels of Malta and Spain, stipulating on the part of the former to give up the island of Malta, and on the part of the latter, the Red-apple (Rome). But fate had otherwise decreed.
Ibráhím, the youngest of Sultán Ahmed’s seven sons, ascended the throne in the year 1049 (1639). He was then twenty-five years old; but not very intelligent.
Kara Mustafá Páshá was vezír when Ibráhím came to the throne, and was confirmed in his office. Fearing he should fall a victim to the rebels, he fled from the garden of the Seráï to his own palace, and changed his dress, but he was shot by a bústánjí opposite the palace of Músá Páshá. He was buried in his own mausoleum at the Pármak-kapú. He was followed by Juván Kapújí-báshí, who died at the siege of Candia. Sáleh Páshá, a Bosnian by birth, from the village of Lúbin in Herzegovina, was put to death by the intrigues of Tezkerehjí Ahmed Páshá. Ahmed Páshá succeeded him, but he too was intimidated by the rebels, which being discovered by Mohammed Páshá, he was strangled, his body thrown into the At-Maidán, and instantly torn to pieces by the rebels. The same day Pezavenk, and the emperor’s mosáhib, Khoajeh Jenjí, were also torn to pieces by the permission of the Ulemá.
Várvár Alí Páshá, the governor of Sívás, having refused to give to Mavrúl for Sultán Ibráhím, his daughter, the wife of Ibshír Páshá, on the ground that such a demand was contrary to law, he was dismissed from his office; after which he placed himself at the head of a party of troops to maintain his cause against the order issued for his death. Kopreilí Mohammed Páshá took the field against him; but he vanquished Kopreilí, and on his arrival at Cherkesh, he was assailed and put to death by Ibshír Páshá, on whose account he had rebelled.
Ibráhím built several koshks in the New Seráï, on which many chronograms were composed.
Nasúh Páshá Zádeh was defeated in the plains of Scutari by Kara Mustafá Páshá. The Cossacks became masters of Azov, the khán of the Tatars having been tardy in affording it the necessary succours; in consequence of which, seven hundred vessels were sent to besiege Azov. The siege continued two months, during which time the Moslems reduced the walls of the fortress to dust; but the infidels held out, by subterraneous trenches, a month longer, when, on account of the approach of winter, the brave army of Moslems was obliged to return without victory. In the following year Juván Kapújí Báshí equipped three hundred ships, and filling them with Moslem warriors, renewed the siege of Azov. The Cossacks, being much alarmed, left the castle without the least attempt to defend it; and hence the well-known proverb, “Husain Páshá gave battle, but Mohammed Páshá conquered without battle.” Mohammed Páshá kept the whole army of Moldavia, Valachia, Circassia, and the Ottoman troops, in order to rebuild the fortress, which was effected in the space of seven months. I, the humble Evliyá, saw it in the fourth campaign when I remained in the Crimea, and the Tátár Khán wintered with his army in Azov. The grand vezír at the same time returned with the imperial fleet to the Sublime Porte.
The second conquest of Sultán Ibráhím is that of Valachia and Moldavia by the khán of the Tátárs. Mátí Voivode, the prince of Valachia, and Lipúl, the prince of Moldavia, having reigned twenty years and acquired the wealth of Kárún (Crœsus), they cherished a deadly enmity against each other. Lipúl gave one of his daughters in marriage to the Hettman of the Cossacks, Prince Khmelentski, who assisted him with 20,000 Cossacks; whilst Mátí Voivode collected an army of 100,000 men at Bucharest. The accounts of this quarrel having reached Constantinople, the troops of Rúmeilí and of the Tátár Khán were ordered out to prevent their coming to battle. The armies of the two infidels, however, met at Fokshán, on the frontiers of Moldavia and Valachia. Lipúl was beaten, and upwards of 70,000 men were killed on both sides. The Ottoman army and the Tátár troops availed themselves of this opportunity to make numerous inroads into the countries of Moldavia and Valachia, whence they carried off more than 100,000 prisoners, besides many thousands of cattle. They, moreover, wasted the country, reduced the towns to ruins, and carried the Voivode Lipúl to Constantinople, where he was imprisoned in the Seven Towers. The Voivode of Valachia was pardoned for the sum of two thousand purses (a million of piastres), and confirmed in his principality. Heaven be praised that I was in the Tátár army at the time of this splendid victory; and after sharing plentifully in the plunder, returned to the Crimea.
The third conquest is that of Canea in the island of Candia, by Salihdár Yúsuf Páshá. This glorious victory must be ascribed to the piety of Sultán Ahmed Khán, who prayed that he might obtain that island from the Venetians, with the view of appropriating its revenues to the endowment of two mosques. Another cause, however, of the conquest was, that a large caravella, carrying 3,000 pilgrims, with the late chief of the eunuchs Sunbul Aghá, to Egypt, was attacked off Degirmenlik by six Maltese vessels. After a fierce battle of two days, in which Sunbul Aghá, and the master of the caravella were killed, the Maltese became masters of it, and carried it to Canea in Candia, where they anchored; although this was contrary to the treaty entered into by Khair-ud-dín Páshá, according to which the infidels were not allowed to shelter in their harbour any vessels taken by the enemies of the Ottoman empire. The Venetians however favoured the Maltese, and even allowed all the horses and property of the deceased chief of the eunuchs to be sold at Canea. Sultán Ibráhím, displeased with this proceeding, feigned an expedition against Malta, and appointed Salihdár Yúsuf Páshá to the command of seven hundred ships. These first sailed as far as Navarino, where they took in water, left twenty of the slowest sailing vessels behind, filled the others with troops, and sailed directly for the castle of San Todors on Candia, which immediately surrendered. They then laid siege to Canea, which was the sixth conquest, and shall be described shortly. Thank God! I was present at this sixth conquest, being on board the frigate of Dúrák-beg, who plundered the islands of Cerigo and Cerigotto. Yúsuf Páshá, the conqueror of Canea, having returned to Constantinople, as a reward for his services, was killed at the instigation of Jinjí Khoájeh.
The fourth victory was that over Várvár by Ibshír Páshá the traitor. Várvár Alí preferred losing his place to giving up his daughter, the wife of Ibshír Páshá, to Sultán Ibráhím. The infamous traitor Ibshír joined his father-in-law at Tokát, and persuading him that he would accompany him to Constantinople, there to seek redress for the outrage committed on their family, lulled him into a sleep of security; and on arriving at a place called Cherkess, attacked him suddenly, sent his head to Constantinople, and as a reward, received the government of Síwás.
The Venetians having ravaged the native country of Yúsuf Páshá, the conqueror of Canea, who was a Croatian by birth, and having brought over to their interests the Uskoks, the inhabitants of those countries, Tekelí Páshá was nominated commander, and besieged the castle of Sebenico in the Adriatic sea for forty days. On the fortieth day they were driven from the trenches by a dreadful storm, after which they assembled in the plain of Vanul near Sebenico. The next morning they found themselves surrounded by many thousands of banners bearing the cross, and a bloody engagement ensued, in which 22,000 Moslems were slain, 18,000 made prisoners, and the whole camp fell into the hands of the infidels. I, the humble Evliyá, was present at this unfortunate battle, being in one of the regiments of Janissaries; and in order to save myself, I fled on horseback towards the mountains of Ghulámúj, where I left my horse, entered a thick forest, and remained concealed seven days and nights, living upon roots and herbs. The infidels then advanced to Kilisa, where they pitched the Ottoman tents, and the commander-in-chief even put on the turban of Tekelí Mustafá Páshá. The garrison, deceived by this stratagem, came out without fear to meet the diván, whilst the infidels rushed in, and thus became masters of that strong hold. Such misfortunes never befel the Ottoman empire as those which followed the defeat at Sebenico. The ships with pilgrims were captured by the Venetians, as was also the imperial fleet on its annual cruise in the Mediterranean; and the whole were carried to Venice.
Kara Mustafá Páshá, the brave and sagacious vezír, being put to death, the Sultán fell into the hands of all the favourites and associates of the harem, the dwarfs, the mutes, the eunuchs, the women, particularly Jinjí Khoájeh, and the vezír Ahmed Hazár-pára Páshá, who corrupted him to such a degree that he received bribes from his own vezírs. He lavished the treasures of Egypt on his favourite women Políeh, Sheker Pára, Tellí, and Sájbághlí Khásekí; and squandered his revenues in circumcision feasts, building koshks lined with sable, and in presents to his favourite Jinjí Khoájeh, who at last, with the vezír Ahmed, fell under the displeasure of the public. So loud was the cry for vengeance, that the vezír was obliged to call to his assistance the Ottoman troops who had served in Candia under the command of Delí Husain Páshá. Jinjí Khoájeh, the favourite, was constantly about the person of the Sultán, the vezír, or the válideh; and whenever the latter went out in the carriage or the chair, he always accompanied her. When any gave good advice he laughed in their faces, and by his flattering conversation, he kept the Sultán in a state of constant lethargy: in short, he knew nothing of state affairs. He was originally called Shaikh-zádeh, and attended with me at the college of Hámid Efendí. I was then reading the Káfiyeh with Jámí’s commentary, under my worthy tutor Akhfash Efendí, when this boy was taken from his grammar into the presence of the Sultán, whose favour he obtained by reading several tales, and lulled him into the sleep of carelessness. He then received the name of Jinjí Khoájeh. As I was well acquainted with him, I knew that he had no taste for the secret sciences; and that the rise of his brilliant star would only tend to his own misfortune and that of the empire.
At length Murád Aghá arrived from Candia to the assistance of the Sultán; but the latter having demanded of him a present of one thousand purses, seventy sable skins, and two female slaves, he put himself at the head of the Sipáhís and Janissaries, who turned out in the At-maidán in open rebellion. Sultán Ibráhím was confined in a part of the palace called Sircheh-seráï, and his son Mohammed IV. was proclaimed emperor. The divines and vezírs made obeisance to him; Dervísh Mohammed was named grand vezír, and Murád, ághá of the Janissaries. The day after, Ahmed Páshá, the late vezír, who had concealed himself, was discovered and torn to pieces by the populace, as were also Yani Sireh and Jinjí, and their bodies were thrown out upon the At-maidán. The rest of the favourites were either killed or exiled. Of the favourite women, Sheker-pára was banished to Ibrím, the rest were confined in the old Seráï, or distributed amongst the vezírs. On the morning of the 25th of Rajab, Sultán Mohammed proceeded in state to the mosque of Eyúb, to be invested with the sword. On his return, he visited the tomb of his ancestor Mohammed II. and then took his seat in the Khás-ódá. In the mean time a report was circulated through the city that Sultán Ibráhím had escaped from his confinement, and that he was supported by a party of the Bóstánjís. In consequence of this report, many thousands were in an uproar, and proceeded armed to the At-maidán, where they received a fetvá, or warrant for the execution of Ibráhím Abdu-r-rahmán Efendí. The grand vezír, Murád, Emír-Páshá, and some of the first officers of government, also assembled in the Sircheh Seráï. The vezír, with many blows, obliged Kara Alí, the executioner, to enter the Sircheh Seráï and do his work. Ibráhím asked: “Master Alí, wherefore art thou come?” He replied, “My emperor, to perform your funeral service.” To this, Ibráhím replied, “We shall see.” Alí then fell upon him; and whilst they were struggling, one of Alí’s assistants came in, and Ibráhím was finally strangled with a garter. This happened in 1058 (1648). Kara Alí received a reward of five hundred ducats, and was urged to remain no longer at Constantinople, but to proceed on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The corpse of the emperor was washed before the Khás-ódá, and the last prayers were read under the cypresses before the Díván-Kháneh, in the presence of all the vezírs, and of Sultán Mohammed himself, the Shaikh-ul-Islám acting as Imám. The vezírs wore black veils, and horses covered with black were led before the coffin, which was deposited in the mausoleum of Sultán Mustafá I., the uncle of Sultán Ibráhím.
This emperor ascended the throne on Saturday the 18th of Rajab 1058 (1648), being then seven years old. Not a single falús was found in the treasury, and it was evidently necessary to collect some money by executing those who had squandered it away in the time of Sultán Murád, to make the usual largess to the troops. From the property of Jinjí were realized 3,000 purses; from that of the late vezír, 5,000; and from that of Sheker-pára, 1,000; so that on Tuesday the 5th of Sha’bán, 3,700 purses were distributed as presents, and 7,000 purses as arrears of pay. Three thousand Janissaries, who had been proscribed and ordered to march to Baghdád, and the same number of Sepáhís destined for Candia, although they had no claim to the largess, received 1,000 purses; and the whole army were highly satisfied. On the 11th of Sha’bán, the largess was distributed amongst the servants of the Seráí. The cooks and confectioners, not having received any thing, rebelled, on which account the Kilárjí-báshí was disgraced.
Though very weak when he mounted the throne, he acquired strength when, at the age of twenty, he took to field sports. He had broad shoulders, stout limbs, a tall figure, like his father Ibráhím; a powerful fist, like his uncle Murád, open forehead, grey eyes, a ruddy countenance, and an agreeable voice, and his carriage was princely, in short, that of an emperor. The astrologers had predicted to Sultán Ibráhím that he should have a son called Yúsuf (Joseph), and possessing the beauty of a Joseph, who would subdue the nations from the east to the west, and quell all external and internal commotions. When his mother was near her time, Ibráhím took an oath, that if it were a male child, he would name him after the person who should first bring him the good news. By the decree of God, he received the intelligence from Yúsuf, the Imám of the palace, who at the same time read the confession of faith over the young prince, calling him Yúsuf, which name he had only seven hours; the favourites and women of the palace having insinuated that Yúsuf was a slave’s name, and that Mohammed would sound much better, he was accordingly named Mohammed, though in truth he grew up beautiful as Yúsuf. He had a small beard, large mustaches, and was much devoted to field sports.
Mevleví Khoájeh Dervísh Mohammed Páshá retired from the office of defterdár with the rank of a Páshá of three tails, and resided in a monastery of Mevlevís. He was appointed grand vezír when Sultán Mohammed IV. came to the throne; but having made immense confiscation of property in order to raise funds for the payment of the troops, he was obliged to retire to Malagra, where he was strangled. He was a just and valuable servant of the state. His successor was Kara Murád Páshá, who was born in Albania, and was brought up as a Janissary. Like his predecessor, he was dismissed from office for having spent too much money in organizing the imperial navy and army. He was succeeded by my lord Melek Ahmed Páshá, who was born at Constantinople; but at the age of three years was sent to the country of Abáza, where he was educated till he was fifteen. He was then, along with my mother, sent as a present to Sultan Ahmed. He was consigned to the pages in the harem, and my mother was given to my father, shortly after which union, the humble writer was born. Melek Ahmed’s father was the kehiyá of the kapújís of Ozdemir-oghlí Osmán Páshá; and having been present in the battles of Shírwán, Ganjeh, and Derbend, died at the age of one hundred and forty years. Melek then became the sword-bearer and confidential attendant of Sultán Murád IV., and on the day of the conquest of Baghdád, he received the government of Díárbekr. He subsequently enjoyed all the high offices in the state; and having held the governments of Cairo and Budin, and become an old and experienced statesman, he was at last raised to the rank of grand vezír. He sent 3,000 Sipáhís to aid Delí Husain Páshá in Candia, and a togh (tail) to Biklí Mustafá Páshá. By this assistance, Delí Husain was enabled to take the castles of Selina and Retimo. The following year Hasám Oghlí Alí Páshá was made Kapúdán Páshá, and sailed to the Mediterranean with a fleet of 300 vessels, equal to the famous fleet of Kílí Alí Páshá. After an engagement with the infidels, in which the latter were defeated, the fleet anchored in the harbour of Kara Khoájehler, and the troops having carelessly gone on shore, the infidels came upon them and set fire to forty galleys and eleven galeons. When the news of this calamity reached the vezír, he offered to give up the seals, but the emperor would not accept his resignation, and thus he remained in office with a salary of 700 purses.