162 See Strada, ii. 264.
163 Busbecq was evidently on the watch for some turn in the affairs of the Netherlands which might tend to the advantage of the House of Austria. He did not care for decisive Spanish successes. See Letter XLI.
165 De Viteaux was the murderer of du Guast, see page 116. The duel is described by Brantôme at great length; he had an account of it from Seigneur Jacques Ferron, who had acted as fencing-master to young Millaud, de Viteaux’s antagonist. Ferron climbed up a tall walnut tree in order to get a good view of the contest. Brantôme was a great admirer of de Viteaux. ‘Ainsi mourut ce brave baron, le parangon de France, qu’on nommoit tel, à bien venger ses querelles par grandes et determinées resolutions. Il n’estoit pas seulement estimé en France, mais en Italie, Espaigne, Allemaigne, en Pouloigne et Angleterre; et desiroient fort les estrangers venant en France le voir; car je l’ay veu, tant sa renommée volloit. Il estoit fort petit de corps, mais fort grand de courage. Ses ennemis disoient qu’il ne tuoit pas bien ses gens que par advantages et supercheries. Certes, je tiens de grands capitaines, et mesmes d’italiens, qui sont estez d’autresfois les premiers vengeurs du monde, in ogni modo, disoient-ils, qui ont tenu ceste maxime, qu’une supercherie ne se devoit payer que par semblable monnoye, et n’y alloit point là de deshonneur.’—Brantôme, vi. 89.
166 ‘Le mercredi 15e febvrier, le baron de Viteaux, revenant sur le soir du Louvre, fut chargé, en la rue Saint-Germain, près le fort l’Evesque, par dix ou douze hommes de cheval, bien montés et armés à l’avantage. Et mist ledit Viteaux brusquement la main à l’espée, et, vaillamment se défendant, se retira enfin sain et sauf.... On eust cette opinion que ceste charge avoit esté faicte par le jeune Millaud, désirant venger la mort de son père.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 105.
167 Brantôme gives a long list of de Viteaux’s achievements. He adds—‘S’il eust vescu, il en vouloit tuer encores deux que je sçay bien, qui, je croy, ne regrettérent guieres sa mort ... et possible s’il eust eschappé de ce combat, il fust tumbé en une embuscade qu’on luy avoit préparée, comme j’ay sceu despuis: car il commençoit à estre plus craint qu’aymé de quelques très-grands et très-grandes: si que ce trait du meurtre de M. du Guast fut estimé de grande résolution et asseurance.’—Brantôme, vi. 86-95.
168 In the early part of 1575 Montal, the governor of Lower Auvergne, was killed in a defile by the cavaliers of Magdelene de Senetaire, the widow of Guy de Saint-Exupery, Seigneur de Miraumont. ‘Cette Amazone, l’une des merveilles de son siécle pour la beauté, mais encore plus pour le courage et pour la vertu, avoit toûjours auprés d’elle soixante jeunes Gentils-hommes en bon équipage, qui s’efforçant tous à l’envy de meriter l’honneur de son estime, faisoient voir dans leur petite troupe l’échantillon de cette verité autrefois énoncée par un Ancien, Qu’une armée composée d’Amans seroit invincible.’—Mezeray, iii. 375.
The Latin is Montenellus, and we have identified him with Montal on the authority of de Foy; his case, however, hardly furnishes a parallel to the death of de Viteaux, and possibly Louvier de Montrevel (or Maurevert) is intended, who was killed about this time by the son of a man he had assassinated. This atrocious scoundrel had been like Besme (see p. 99) a page in the household of Guise, had murdered the governor of the pages and deserted. In spite of his crime he was readmitted to his old position, and undertook to murder Coligny. With this object he deserted to the Huguenots, and was most kindly received by Moüy, governor of Niort, who shared with him his bed, his board, and his purse. Unable to find an opportunity of assassinating the Admiral, Montrevel murdered his benefactor in the most dastardly manner. Mezeray draws a parallel between him and de Viteaux, who had at least the redeeming quality of courage. See Mezeray, iii. 224 and 555.
169 Bussy d’Amboise was a notorious duellist. On one occasion, for instance, a gentleman named Saint-Phal was looking at a piece of embroidery, and made the innocent remark that a certain letter worked on it was X; Bussy, in order to provoke a quarrel, insisted that it was Y. The upshot of the dispute was a duel with six champions on either side; at the first meeting Bussy was slightly wounded, on which Saint-Phal withdrew from the combat. Bussy endeavoured to arrange another meeting, but was prevented by the King.
His end was as follows. The King obtained some letters of Bussy’s boasting of an intrigue with a married lady, and showed them to her husband, the Count of Monsoreau. The latter carried off his wife to a lonely castle and compelled her to write a letter to Bussy, inviting him to visit her. He fell into the trap, and was murdered by a band of assassins as soon as he entered the castle. No one regretted him, not even Alençon, to whom he had attached himself.—Ambassadeurs Vénetiens, ii. 453.
Bussy’s sister Renée afterwards married Balagny (see Letter XXIX.) on condition that he would avenge her brother, a promise he never fulfilled. She is the heroine of Cambrai described by Motley, United Netherlands, iii. 350, 351.
170 For the real reason of this outburst, see Letters XXII. XXIX. The King suspected her of causing his despatches to be intercepted and his messenger murdered. Whether Margaret was guilty of this murder or not, she was capable of such acts. See note, p. 116.
171 ‘La dame de Duras et la damoiselle de Bethune.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 130.
172 Jacques de Harlay, Seigneur de Chanvallon, was the reputed father of Marguerite’s son.
173 One of the chief objects of the first expedition of Santa Cruz to the Azores (see Letter VI.) was to provide for the safety of the fleet which was expected from India. Telles Silva, having secured Goa and the other Portuguese possessions in India for Spain, despatched a messenger, Jerome Lima, to Philip by an overland route, viâ Ormuz, Bagdad, Aleppo, Jerusalem, and Tripoli, to inform him of his plans. Matters appear to have been well timed by the Spaniards, for shortly after the defeat of Strozzi the Indian fleet hove in sight, and Santa Cruz, after throwing a garrison into St. Michael, escorted the convoy to Lisbon. Don Antonio was thus left master of the other islands, but, as has already been seen, he quickly decamped, leaving Emmanuel Silva in command. The following year the French sent their second expedition, consisting of 600 men under de Chattes, Knight of Malta; on reaching Terceira this gallant officer strongly urged the Portuguese commander to concentrate his troops in some strong place, as he saw no hope of preventing the Spaniards, who were shortly expected, from disembarking. Silva refused to take his advice; Santa Cruz succeeded in landing, and after a sharp engagement the French, who were deserted by their Portuguese allies, were driven into the interior.
De Chattes asked Silva to join him, suggesting that with their united forces they would be able to offer a better resistance or secure better terms. Silva returned a most insolent answer, telling him to join the Spaniards, and boasting that he and his Portuguese were a match for them both, meanwhile he sent to Santa Cruz, offering to surrender and betray his French allies. This proposition the Spanish admiral forwarded to de Chattes by a man who had served with the latter at Malta. De Chattes no longer hesitated to accept the liberal terms offered by Santa Cruz, and surrendered with 400 men, on condition of their keeping their side arms, and being sent back to France. Silva was quickly hunted down, tortured, and executed. The French who had been taken prisoners before the surrender of the main body were sent to the galleys. See Thuanus, iii. 637-642.
175 ‘Le 10e septembre, vindrent à Paris, en forme de procession, huict ou neuf cens, qu’hommes, que femmes, que garsons, que filles, vestus de toile blanche, aveq mantelets aussi de toile sur leurs espaules, portans chapeaux ou de feutre gris chamarrés de bandes de toile, ou tous couvers de toile sur leurs testes, et en leurs mains les uns des cierges et chandelles de cire ardens, les autres des croix de bois, et marchoient deux à deux, chantans en la forme des pénitens ou pélerins allans en pélerinage. Ils estoient habitans des villages de S. Jean des deux Gemeaux et d’Ussy, en Brie, près la Ferté Gaucher. Et estoient conduis par les deux gentilshommes des deux villages susdits, vestus de mesme parure, qui les suivoient à cheval, et leurs damoiselles aussi vestues de mesmes, dedans ung coche. Le peuple de Paris accourut à grande foule pour les voir venans faire leurs prières et offrandes en la grande église de Paris, esmeu de pitié et commisération, leur voiant faire tels pénitenciaux et dévocieux voyages pieds nuds, et en longueur et rigueurs des chemins. Ils disoient avoir esté meus à faire ces pénitences et pélerinages pour quelque feux apparans en l’air et autres signes, comme prodiges veus au ciel et en la terre, mesmes vers les quartiers des Ardennes, d’où estoient venus les premiers tels pélerins et pénitens, jusques au nombre de 10 ou 12 mille, à Nostre-Dame de Reims et de Liesse, pour mesme occasion.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 134.
176 Busbecq regarded his books as personal friends; see the end of the 2nd Turkish letter (vol. i. p. 191). He will not have them slighted! De Foy omits this letter from his translation on the ground that it has no historic interest. His real reason is evidently his inability to reconcile its statements with his own notes on Letter XII., in which he explains Busbecq’s appeal for a settlement as to the Greek manuscripts, by supposing that they had been stopped at the Venetian custom-house. For an account of these books see vol. i. p. 417.
177 Their names are given, Thuanus, iii. 633. The King selected three Archbishops, each of whom was accompanied by a distinguished layman.
178 Twenty-six of Busbecq’s miles (see vol. i. p. 82 note) are equivalent to about sixty English miles, which is the distance of Château Thierry from Paris.
179 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, P. VI. ch. vi.
180 To those who know the history of the times, it will not be surprising that Alençon did not care to come to court. Henry III. allowed and encouraged his favourites to treat his brother in the most insolent manner, mimicking him to his face, and pointing at him. The following is the description of their behaviour at St. Luc’s wedding:—‘Le duc d’Anjou (Alençon) ne voulut point assister à la cérémonie; cependant, par complaisance pour la reine-mère, il se présenta le soir au bal, et eut tout lieu de s’en repentir.... Chacun le montroit au doigt; on le regardoit en ricanant: on se parloit de lui à l’oreille, assez haut cependant pour qu’il entendît que sa taille, son air, sa démarche étoient la matière des plaisanteries.’—Anquetil, viii. 77.
181 The King had on a former occasion acted with great precipitation with regard to Alençon, entering his room at night, searching his bed for papers, and insisting on seeing a note which his brother with clasped hands implored him not to open. It turned out to be a billet-doux!—See Mémoires de Marguerite, 136-7.
183 Busbecq’s opinion was amply confirmed by Balagny’s subsequent career. He established himself at Cambrai as an independent Prince.—See United Netherlands, i. 8, 100; and iii. 347-350. See also p. 227. Balagny was the son of Busbecq’s friend Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence (see p. 35, note 2), who considered himself married to his mother. ‘Je croy qu’il ne prit point l’ordre de Prestrise, mais il se donna la licence d’avoir une femme, dont vint Jean de Montluc-Balagny; car ayant fort pratiqué les Docteurs des nouvelles opinions, il estoit dans ce mauvais sentiment que le Celibat n’estoit pas une qualité necessaire aux Ecclesiastiques.’—Mezeray, iii. 450.
184 As for instance du Guast, Fervaques, and Brantôme.
185 ‘Le dimanche 13e de novembre, le Prévost de l’Hostel et ses archers prirent prisonnières 50 ou 60, que damoiselles, que bourgeoises, contrevenant en habits et bagues à l’édit de la réformation des habits, sept ou huit mois auparavant publié, et les constituèrent prisonnières au fort l’Evesque et autres prisons fermées, où elles couchèrent, quelque remonstrance et offre de les cautionner et paier les amandes encourues que peussent faire les parens et amis: qui fut une rigœur extraordinaire et excessive, veu que par l’édit il n’y gissoit qu’une amande pécuniaire. Mais il y avoit en ce fait un tacit commandement et consentement du Roy, qui ferma la bouche aux plaintes qu’on en vouloit faire.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 139.
186 Cardinal de Birague’s unpopularity with the Court may be partly accounted for by a very amusing story told by Thuanus. As Chancellor of France he was commanded by the King to make a speech before the Parliament asking for the confirmation of some financial measures which his Majesty had sent to them. Henry was present with all his courtiers. Whether Birague intended the sarcasm or not it is impossible to say; but to the great amusement of the ready-witted Frenchmen he said, looking round on the royal favourites, ‘Really the causes of the King’s poverty and want of money are so obvious that everyone can see them.’ He repeated the phrase again and again, amid roars of laughter. See Thuanus, iii. 626. Compare also pp. 177, 178.
The following is the opinion of his fellow officials:—‘Ce chancelier estoit Italien de nation et de religion, bien entendu aux affaires d’Estat, fort peu en la justice; de sçavoir, n’en avoit point à revendre, mais seulement pour sa provision, encores bien petitement. Au reste, libéral, voluptueux, homme du temps, serviteur absolu des volontés du Roy, aiant dit souvent qu’il n’estoit pas Chancelier de France, mais Chancelier du Roy de France, ce que son successeur a sceu encores mieux prattiquer que lui. Car il mourust pauvre pour un homme qui avoit longtemps servi les Roys de France, n’estant aucunement ambitieux, et meilleur pour ses amis et serviteurs que pour soi-mesmes. Il disoit, peu auparavant son décès, qu’il mouroit cardinal sans tiltre, prebstre sans bénéfice, et chancelier sans seaux.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 140.
187 Philippe Hurault, Comte de Cheverny.
188 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI., chap. vi. It is interesting to compare the dates as given by Motley with Busbecq’s letter. The latter throws a fresh light on the character of the ‘roaring demagogue’ Imbize. It appears from Thuanus (iii. 646) that Imbize, to gain the favour of the people, immediately on becoming Senator, threw into prison certain citizens, whom he accused of intriguing with the Spaniards, and having betrayed the Pays de Waes to them. The trick succeeded; Imbize won the confidence of the people, and, having attained his object, yielded to Champagny’s entreaties and released the prisoners.
189 The following is a description of Henry III. at the Carnival of 1577:—‘Il faisoit jouxtes, tournois, ballets et force masquarades, où il se trouvoit ordinairement habillé en femme, ouvroit son pourpoint et descouvroit sa gorge, y portant un collier de perles et trois collets de toile, deux à fraize et un renversé, ainsi que lors les portoient les dames de sa Cour.’—De l’Estoile, i. 180.
190 When Throgmorton was known to have confessed, ‘there was a flight of Catholics over the Channel thick as autumn swallows.’—Froude, chap. lxv.
191 The Earl of Northumberland—a mistake of Busbecq’s.
192 See Froude, chap. lxv.
193 Thuanus, iii. 679.
195 Michel de Seure, Grand Prior of Champagne, a great favourite with Catherine de Medici. The following scene is described as occurring after Alençon’s sudden arrest and liberation in 1578: ‘Laquelle estant finie de cette façon, le chevalier de Seure, que la Royne ma mere avoit baillé à mon frere pour coucher en sa chambre, et qu’elle prenoit plaisir d’ouyr quelquesfois causer, pour estre d’humeur libre, et qui disoit de bonne grace ce qu’il vouloit, tenant un peu de l’humeur d’un philosophe cynique, se trouvant devant elle, elle luy demande: “Et bien, monsieur de Seure, que dictes vous de tout cecy?” “C’est trop peu,” dict-il, “pour faire à bon escient, et trop pour se jouer.” Et se tournant vers moy, sans qu’elle le peust entendre, me dit: “Je ne croy pas que ce soit icy le dernier acte de ce jeu; nostre homme (voulant parler de mon frere) me tromperoit bien, s’il en demeuroit là!”’—Mémoires de Marguerite, p. 148.
196 ‘Le 6e jour de mars, le Roy estant au Conseil, en son chasteau du Louvre, entra en grande colère contre le chevalier de Seure, grand-prieur de Champaigne, jusques à lui donner des coups de poing et de pied, pource que (comme il est haut à la main et furieux en sa colère) il avoit dit à Milon, seingneur de Videville, premier intendant des finances, qu’il estoit un larron et assassin du peuple de France, d’ailleurs par trop affligé, l’aiant chargé de huit millions d’escus, sous couleur de paier les debtes du Roy, qu’il disoit monter à ladite somme, combien qu’elles ne montassent qu’à cinq millions, et par ce moien surchargeoit furtivement le pauvre peuple de trois millions. Et au Roy, survenant sur ces propos, osa encores dire: “Sire, vous savez bien ce qui en est;” et lui aiant respondu le Roy qu’il ne s’en souvenoit point, fust d’abondant si temeraire que de répliquer hautement et superbement: “Si vous voulez mettre la main sur la conscience, Sire, vous savez ce qui en est.” Ce que le Roy (ne prenant pas d’ailleurs plaisir a ouïr de tels propos) print pour une forme de démenti, et par une promte colère mist la main sur ledit chevalier, l’excédant, ainsi que dit est.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 149. Michel de Seure was one of the commissioners mentioned pp. 198, 201. See Thuanus, iii. 633.
198 See Froude, chap. lxvi.
199 Strada, ii. 281.
201 ‘Sur la fin de ce mois (May), la Roine-mère s’en alla à Monsseaux et de là à Chasteau-Thierri, voir M. le Duc son fils, grièvement malade. Elle en revinst le premier juing, et fist apporter par eau les plus précieux meubles de son dit fils, abandonné des médecins et de tout humain secours.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 154.
202 The secret is told us by a contemporary:—‘Le 16e jour de may, le duc Desparnon partist de Paris par mandement et commission du Roy, pour aller en Gascongne trouver le Roy de Navarre, lui porter lettres et créance de la part de Sa Majesté, par lesquelles elle l’ammonestoit, enhortoit et prioit, pource que la vie du duc Dalençon, son frère, estoit déplorée et n’en attendoit-on de jour à autre que nouvelles de sa mort, de venir à la Cour près d’elle et d’aller à la Messe, parce qu’il le vouloit faire recongnoistre son vrai héritier et successeur de sa couronne, lui donner grade et dignité près de sa personne, tels que méritoient les qualités de beau-frère et légitime successeur de ladite couronne de France, et recevoir de lui tous les honneurs, avantages et bons traitemens que telles qualités et la bonne amitié qu’il lui portoit pouvoient requerir.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 153.
203 This is evidently Busbecq’s verdict, which he cautiously assigns to others. Compare Motley’s sketch of Alençon, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part V. chap. v. Henry IV. expressed his opinion of Alençon as follows:—‘Un cœur double, un esprit malin, et tourné comme son corps mal bâti.’
204 Navarre’s title to the succession was recognised in his marriage contract with Marguerite.—See Thuanus, iv. 3.
205 I.e. Monsieur. ‘A nul appartient d’estre appellé en France simplement Monsieur, que le premier prince du sang ampres le Roy.’—Brantôme, iii. 83.
206 Compare Thuanus, iii. 680.
207 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vii.
208 See Strada, ii. 306, 307. Motley, United Netherlands, i. 156.
209 ‘Le 25e juillet, le Roy, après avoir fait quelque séjour à Vincennes, pour y establir ses Hiéronimites, retourna à Fontainebleau, et de là prist le chemin de Lyon; où estant arrivé, osta le gouvernement de la ville au seingneur de Mandelot, et le bailla au seingneur du Bouchage, frère du duc de Joieuse.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 164.
210 Des Pruneaux. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 58 seq.
211 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 31, where this passage is quoted as Busbecq’s own opinion. Such, no doubt, it is, but, with his usual caution, he puts it in the mouth of others.
212 A full account of Parma’s operations at Dendermonde is to be found Strada, ii. 308-11. Busbecq’s brother-in-law, Jacques de Yedeghem, had been captain, governor and high bailiff of Dendermonde (Tenremonde) during 1566 and 1567. He kept the town quiet during those troublous times, and gained the approval of the Governor-general of the Netherlands.—Dalle, Histoire de Bousbecque, p. 50.
215 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 113, and note p. 7.
216 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 21-23. Strada, ii. 317.
217 ‘Le 19e octobre, le Roy, de Blois, et les Roines, de Chenonceau, partirent en grand haste, pource que deux ou trois damoiselles de la Roine se trouvèrent frappées de peste; dont l’une, nommée Monmorin, en mourut. Et se trouvant Ruscellaï à Fontainebleau, au disner du Roy, et s’estant meu propos de ceste peste, et de la peur que le Roy et les Roines en avoient eue et avoient encores, il osa dire au Roy “que Sa Majesté ne devoit point craindre ceste maladie, pource que la Cour estoit une plus forte peste, sur laquelle l’autre ne pouvoit mordre.”’—De l’Estoile, ii. 172.
218 Jean Baptiste Tassis (or Taxis) was one of Philip’s most able diplomatists. He was the son of Jean Baptiste de Tassis, who in 1545 was appointed Postmaster General throughout Germany and the Netherlands by Charles V., and whose uncle Francis had in 1516 established a riding post between Brussels and Vienna by order of the Emperor Maximilian. To his family, as Strada points out, the world is indebted for the first regular system of posting in modern times—even down to 1866 the Princes of Thurn and Taxis managed the posts of Würtemberg, Nassau, Hesse, the Hanse towns, and some other German principalities. This is the point of James I.’s complaint that ‘Spain sent him a postilion-ambassador.’ Motley seems to explain the remark by stating that Tassis was chief courier to Philip. It is hardly probable that a great ambassador would be employed in such an office. See also note, p. 28.
219 The Kings of England claimed the same power. ‘The days on which this miracle was to be wrought were fixed at sittings of the Privy Council, and were solemnly notified by the clergy in all the parish churches of the realm. When the appointed time came, several divines in full canonicals stood round the canopy of state. The surgeon of the royal household introduced the sick. A passage from the sixteenth chapter of the Gospel of Saint Mark was read. When the words, “They shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover,” had been pronounced, there was a pause, and one of the sick was brought up to the King. His Majesty stroked the ulcers and swellings, and hung round the patient’s neck a white riband to which was fastened a gold coin.’—Macaulay, History of England, chap. xiv.
220 Senlis.—Thuanus, iii. 714.
221 The practical advantages of this plan are illustrated by the cases of Montmorency and Damville. See pp. 68, 69, 77.
222 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap, iv., and Letter IX, note. He was a member of the house of St. Aldegonde, Seneschal to the King of Spain, and Lieutenant of the Royal bodyguard of Archers. He had been sent by Philip in 1578 to Don John of Austria and the States-General to negotiate peace.—Tassis, Mémoires.
223 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 95, note.
224 Busbecq calls this nobleman de Herbei. This was the regular French spelling of the name. Noailles, the French ambassador to Queen Mary, always uses it. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 98, and Froude, chap. lxvii.
225 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 67.
226 His name was Ferrand. He was secretary to the King of Navarre, and asserted that he had made the attempt at the instigation of his Queen (Marguerite).—De l’Estoile, ii. 181.
227 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 139.
228 See Ranke, History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap xxi.
229 See Ranke, History of Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxi.
230 ‘Ligue sainte, dy-je, pourpensée et inventée par défunct Charles, Cardinal de Lorraine, voiant la lignée de Valois proche de son période, et l’occasion se présenter, sous ce beau masque et saint prétexte de religion, d’exterminer les premiers de la Maison de Bourbon et les plus proches de la Couronne, pour faire ouverte profession de ladite Religion Prétendue Réformée, et par ce moien empiéter la couronne de France, qu’ils disoient avoir esté ravie à Lotaire, dernier Roy de France de la race de Charlemagne, et à ses enfants, leurs prédécesseurs, par Hugues Capet, qui n’y pouvoit prétendre aucun droit que par la violente et injuste usurpation, par le moien de laquelle il s’en estoit emparé.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 184.
231 This surmise was perfectly correct. See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 111.
232 William Robert de la Marck, Duke of Bouillon and Prince of Sedan from 1574 to 1588. A Huguenot like his father. ‘Le Roy, adverti de tous ces remuemens de divers seingneurs et endroits de son roiaume, et mesmes par le duc de Bouillon, qui lui donna advis de la grande levée de gens de guerre que sous main faisoit le duc de Guise, pendant qu’il s’amusoit à baller et masquer, fist responce qu’il ne le croioit ni ne craingnoit.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 185.
233 See Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxi.
234 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 117.
235 They asked that the Estates should meet once every three years.—Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xxi.
236 Sixtus V. was elected Pope the day before this letter was written. Gregory XIII., who died on April 10, though he was reported to have approved of the Catholic Princes taking up arms in defence of their religion (see Sismondi, xx. 150), yet refused to issue any Bull in their favour. ‘Ce Pape n’avoit jamais adhéré à la levée des armes de la Ligue, et peu de jours avant sa mort, avoit dit au cardinal d’Est, que la Ligue n’auroit ni Bulle, ni Bref, ni Lettres de lui, jusques à ce qu’il vid plus clair en leurs brouilleries.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 190. The statement in the text must therefore be a canard started by the Leaguers.