98 Claude Antoine de Vienne, Baron de Clervant, born at Metz, 1505. He was the chief leader of the Huguenots in the north-east of France.
100 Marguerite de la Marck, sovereign Countess of Aremberg, in her own right, was widow of Jean de Ligne, the Comte d’Aremberg who died so gallantly at Heiliger-Lee (see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part III. ch. ii.) She had already had the honour of escorting Elizabeth, when she came to France as a bride. She visited Marguerite de Valois when she went to Spa in 1577. ‘Plusieurs seigneurs et dames d’Allemaigne y estoient venus pour me voir, et entre aultres madame la comtesse d’Aremberg (qui est celle qui avoit eu l’honneur de conduire la royne Elizabeth à ses nopces à Mezieres, lors qu’elle vint espouser le roy Charles mon frere, et ma sœur aisnée au roy d’Espaigne son mary), femme qui estoit tenue en grande estime de l’imperatrice, de l’empereur, et de tous les princes chrestiens.’—Mémoires de Marguerite, p. 109.
101 Du Guast was one of Henry III.’s favourites, and possessed unbounded influence over his master. On his return from Poland, whither du Guast had accompanied him, Henry gave him the bishoprics of Amiens and Grenoble. The former ‘il vendit à une garse de la Cour la somme de 30,000 francs: aiant vendu auparavant l’évesché de Grenoble 40,000 francs au fils du feu seingneur d’Avanson.’—De l’Estoile, i. 39. The King also gave him 50,000 livres he had raised by a forced loan from the Councillors and Advocates of the Parliament and Châtelet at Paris (De l’Estoile, i. 54). De l’Estoile, i. 92, gives an account of his murder. ‘Il fust tué dans sa maison à Paris, rue Saint-Honoré, et avec lui son valet de chambre et un sien laquais, par certains hommes armés et masqués, qui l’assassinèrent à coups d’espées et de dagues, sans estre congneus ne retenus. Il dit, mourant, que c’estoit le baron de Viteaux, qui estoit à Monsieur, qui l’avoit tué: toutefois cela ne fust point avéré, encores que la présumption en fust grande, et que ce coup avoit esté fait soubs bon adveu et par commandement; d’autant que ce mignon superbe et audacieux, enflé de la faveur de son maistre, avoit bravé Monsieur jusques à estre passé un jour devant lui en la rue Sainct-Antoine, sans le saluer ni faire semblant de le congnoistre, et avoit dit par plusieurs fois qu’il ne recongnoissoit que le Roy, et que quand il lui auroit commandé de tuer son propre frère, qu’il le feroit.’ De l’Estoile makes the reflection that, as he had shed much innocent blood at the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew, so according to the word of God his own was shed, and that he himself was surprised and killed in his bed in the same manner as he used to boast he then surprised and killed others. Six months before the murder, Brantôme, who was an intimate friend of both parties, had made an attempt to induce du Guast to withdraw his opposition to the pardon which de Viteaux was anxious to obtain for the murder of Millaud. (See page 189 and notes.) He thus concludes his account of the murder: ‘Pour fin, le baron de Viteaux après avoir fait son coup, sort si heureusement du logis, et se retira si bien et sans aucun bruit, qu’on n’en soupçonna celuy qui avoit fait le coup que par conjectures, tant il fut fait secrettement, et ne se put jamais guieres bien prouver; mesmes à moy, qui luy estois amy intime, ne me l’a voulu confesser.’—Brantôme, vi. 93. The Baron de Viteaux was a notorious duellist; his death is described by Busbecq (pages 189, 190). Du Guast was hated by Alençon, and his sister Marguerite. The former’s income depended on the favourite’s pleasure, ‘mon frere n’ayant eu jusques alors son appennage, et s’entretenant seulement de certaines pensions mal assignées, qui venoient seulement quand il plaisoit au Guast’ (Mémoires de Marguerite, p. 63). He had also got Marguerite into scrapes, and was the deadly enemy of her lover, Bussy d’Amboise. All the evidence points strongly to the fact that he was murdered at her instigation. Not only do Thuanus (iii. 108-9) and Mezeray (Histoire de France, iii. 391) give graphic accounts of her visit to de Viteaux at the monastery of the Augustins at Paris, where he had taken sanctuary, and tell how she persuaded him by her caresses to commit the murder, but her friend Brantôme, while he praises her for not oftener availing herself of this means of punishing her enemies, and asserts that she never retaliated on du Guast, makes the following admission (v. 187): ‘Il est vray que lors qu’on l’eut tué, et qu’on luy vint annoncer, elle estant malade’ (she had a bad cold, Mémoires, p. 66), ‘elle dict seulement “Je suis bien marrie que je ne suis bien guerie pour de joye solemniser sa mort.”’ In her Mémoires (p. 79), she alludes to du Guast’s death only incidentally, but at the same time leaves on record unmistakeable evidence of her feelings towards him. ‘Le Guast lors estoit mort, ayant esté tué par un jugement de Dieu, pendant qu’il suoit une diette, comme aussy c’estoit un corps gasté de toutes sortes de villanies, qui fust donné à la pourriture qui des longtemps le possedoit, et son ame aux dæmons, à qui il avoit faict hommage par magie et toutes sortes de meschancetez.’
103 The word in the text is Casteldunum (Châteaudun), but this must be a misprint or mistake, as Châteaudun is on the other side of the Loire, and a long way from Poitiers. From a journal kept by an Avocat of Saint-Maixent in Poitou, we are able to fix Alençon at La Guerche, which is close to Châtelherault, on October 1. Châtelherault is therefore probably the place intended. See Le Riche, p. 238.
104 The Duke of Guise seems hardly to have deserved the credit he acquired at the battle of Château Thierry. With 10,000 infantry and 1,000 heavy cavalry, he attacked Thoré, whose troops did not number more than 2,500; even of these some had been tampered with and went over to the Duke. Neither was the way in which he received the wound which gave him the soubriquet of ‘le Balafré’ much to his credit as a soldier. The struggle had been decided, and he was engaged in hunting down one of the fugitives in a thicket of brambles, when the man turned and shot him in the face. See Thuanus, iii. 105-6.
‘Le mardi 11e octobre, le seingneur de Fervacques arriva á Paris, et apporta nouvelles au Roy de deux mille, que Reistres, que François, conduits par M. de Thoré, desfaits par le duc de Guise, près Fismes, en passant la rivière de Marne au-dessus de Dormans. Dont le Roy fait chanter le Te Deum solennel. Ceste desfaite estoit avenue le jour de devant 10e octobre, entre Dameri et Dormans, dont le bruit fust plus grand que l’effait; car il n’y mourust point cinquante hommes de part et d’autre, et après que deux ou trois cornettes de Reistres, prattiquées par argent, eurent fait semblant de se rendre à la merci du duc de Guise, le seingneur de Thoré passa sain et sauf à Nogent-sur-Seine avec mil ou douze cens chevaux, et s’alla rendre à M. le Duc (d’Alençon) à Vatan. Le duc de Guise, en ceste rencontre, par un simple soldat à pied qu’il attaqua, fut grièvement blessé d’une harquebuzade, qui lui emporta une grande partie de la joue et de l’aureille gauche.’—De l’Estoile, i. 91.
105 Giovanni Michel, the Venetian Ambassador, paid his respects to Busbecq’s Queen, and has left an interesting notice of her appearance in her white widow’s dress. ‘I was most cordially received by the Queen, the wife of the late King, and daughter of the Emperor. She knew me at once, and appeared delighted to see me. She looked very well in her widow’s dress.’—Ambassadeurs Vénitiens, ii. 220.
106 John von Manderschiet Blankenheim, Bishop of Strasburg, 1572-92. The town of Saverne was an appanage of the Bishopric, and here in later times the Bishops of Strasburg had a magnificent château.
107 ‘Limer, or Lime-hound, the same as Bloud-hound, a great dog to hunt the wild boar.’—World of Words.
108 Gaspard de Schomberg, Comte de Nanteuil, was descended from a German family of Meissen, but educated at Angers, in France. In 1562 he fought in defence of the last-named town on the Protestant side. He afterwards entered the royal service and fought for the king at Moncontour. He was next employed on a mission to the German Princes to induce them to form a league against Spain. He accompanied Henry III. to Poland, as his Seneschal. He was one of those who persuaded Henry IV. to go to Mass, and took a prominent part in the negotiations for peace between him and his rebellious subjects. He was on several occasions employed as the agent of the French Government for raising German troops. When Busbecq saw him he had just come to Paris with Bassompierre and Count Mansfeldt to conclude a bargain with the King for a levy of 8,000 mercenaries.
The Kinskys were an ancient Bohemian family. Perhaps, in the course of his negotiations for hiring German troops, Schomberg had some dealings with Maximilian’s protégé.
109 This was no exaggeration, as the following extract from the Diary of a contemporary will show: ‘Le lundi 5e décembre, la Roine veufve, madame Ysabel d’Austriche, partist de Paris, pour s’en retourner à Vienne, chés son père et sa mère: et lui bailla le Roy messieurs de Luxembourg, comte de Rais, et l’évesque de Paris, pour l’accompagner: qui la rendirent entre les mains des députés par l’Empereur son père, pour la recevoir à Nanci en Lorraine. Elle fut fort aimée et honorée par les François tant qu’elle demeura en France, nommément par le peuple de Paris, lequel, plorant et gémissant à son départ, disoit qu’elle emportoit avec elle le bonheur de la France.’—De l’Estoile, i. 95.
Miss Freer (Henry III., vol. ii. p. 40), says ‘the Queen quitted Paris during the first week of August, 1575.’ She was led into this error by the description given by Godefroy (Le Cérémonial François, i. 927) of Elizabeth’s entrance into Orleans on August 21, and has confounded her journey to Amboise (see p. 96), with her return to Germany.
110 I.e., Hither Austria. The possessions of the House of Hapsburg in Swabia and Alsace.
111 This is the lady who refused to marry Henry VIII. because she had only one head! See note p. 63.
112 The incidental touches, in which Busbecq makes us acquainted with the character of his mistress, require some little additions in order to place before the reader an adequate idea of this good and interesting lady. She was born June 5, 1554, and was consequently a baby of a few months old when Busbecq started for the East. She was married to Charles IX. of France, Nov. 26, 1570, when she was but sixteen. In her new sphere she quickly won the respect and love of all who knew her. Two years after her marriage, and just before the birth of her daughter, came the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. During that awful night she was quietly sleeping, unaware of the horrors that were passing around her. Next morning she heard the news, ‘Hélas, dit-elle soudain, le Roy mon mary, le sçait-il?—Ouy, madame, repondit-on: c’est luy mesme qui le fait faire.—O mon Dieu! s’escria-t-elle, qu’est cecy? et quels conseillers sont ceux-là qui luy ont donné tel advis? Mon Dieu, je te supplie et te requiers de luy vouloir pardonner; car, si tu n’en as pitié, j’ay grande peur que cette offense ne luy soit pas pardonnée.’—Brantôme, v. 297.
During her husband’s last illness it was noticed that when she came to see him she did not take a seat by his pillow, but chose the position from which she could best gaze at the loved features; she did not speak, no sound passed her lips, but ever and anon she raised her handkerchief to her face, and wiped away the silent tears; even the hardened courtiers were touched by this picture of agony suppressed. After her husband’s death it was observed by one of the women of her bedchamber that she constantly took the little silver candlestick, which served as a night-light, inside the curtains of her bed, and as soon as she thought her attendants were asleep, she knelt up to read and pray. It is interesting to find that during her widowhood she became a diligent reader of the Bible. After her return to Vienna she founded the Nunnery of Santa Clara, where she resided till the time of her death, which took place January 22, 1592, in the 38th year of her age. See vol. i. p. 70.
One story yet remains to be told. She had known Marguerite de Valois in the pride of her beauty; towards the end of her days she heard of her as an outcast from her family, poor and desolate. If her own relations deserted her, her sister-in-law was not forgetful of the poor fallen woman. She not only sent her kind messages, but most generously bestowed on her one half of her French revenues. It seems strange that so warm and loving a nature should ever have been accused of heartlessness (see note, p. 56). In spite of the silence and reserve which marked her character she was, beyond all doubt, a most affectionate daughter, a thoughtful mother, and a devoted wife.
113 Cosmo Gienger, a distinguished soldier, who fought against the Turks. He was at this time vice-dominus of Austria. He died in 1592, aged 77.
114 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part V. ch. v.
115 For the outrages committed by Alençon’s troops in French territory see De l’Estoile, ii. 13-14.
116 Just six years have elapsed since Busbecq conducted his Royal mistress to Vienna. The reason suggested (vol. i. p. 67) may perhaps partly account for this gap in the correspondence. Meanwhile he had been engaged in watching the Queen’s interests in France, and no doubt also in enforcing the admirable rule of which he was probably the suggester. The Queen had the right of appointing certain officers and judges in the towns and districts from which her revenues were derived. Such posts were commonly bought and sold, but Elizabeth gave strict directions that no such traffic should be allowed with regard to the appointments of which she had the patronage. See Thuanus, iii. 87.
117 Charlotte de Bourbon, Princess of Orange, died May 5, 1582. For this letter see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. v. See also p. 66.
118 A great many Albanians (Epirotes) were serving in the Spanish cavalry, see Strada, and also Motley, United Netherlands, ii. 47-51, and iii. 108, where a gigantic Albanian is mentioned.
119 In 1578 Sebastian, the boy King of Portugal (see p. 30, note), was killed in battle against the Moors on the field of Alcazar. By his death the crown devolved on his uncle Henry, the Cardinal, who, though nearly seventy years old, at first thought of marrying; this project was stopped by Philip of Spain; he then appointed a council of regency to arrange the succession. The two most prominent candidates were Philip of Spain, who had the best right by blood, but who was most unpopular in Portugal, and Don Antonio, Prior of Crato, the illegitimate son of Luis, Duke of Beja, brother of the reigning King. Don Antonio received the support of the representatives of the people, but, on the death of Henry in 1580, he was quickly driven out of Portugal by Alva, and took refuge alternately in France and England, where he received countenance and support from Henry III. and Elizabeth. The French expedition to the Azores is frequently mentioned in Busbecq’s letters. The importance of these islands consisted in their affording a station for ships coming home either from America or India. We learn from a contemporary historian (Histoire de Portugal, 1610), that Catherine de Medici had agreed with Antonio to accept Brazil in settlement of her claims on the Portuguese throne (see note, page 161), hence the interest which she took in this expedition, at the head of which she placed her gallant cousin Philip Strozzi, with de Brissac, son of the Maréchal de Brissac, as his lieutenant. They were attacked off St. Michael’s by a greatly superior force of Spanish ships under Santa Cruz; de Brissac cut his way through and escaped, Don Antonio contrived to be absent, and Strozzi and Don Antonio’s Constable, the Count of Vimioso, were wounded and captured. The latter, being a relation of Santa Cruz, was kindly treated, but died two days later of his wounds. Strozzi, according to some accounts, was treated with great barbarity; at any rate he was thrown overboard by the orders of the Spanish Admiral. His gallant end, and the cruelty of his captors, excited a strong feeling in France, which found expression in epigrams, of which the following is a specimen.
An old historian speaks of these epigrams as ‘tumbeaux cizelez de la plume,’ and of this specimen as one to which none but a Spaniard could object.
120 The Andalusian fleet under Martinez de Recalde, one of the chiefs of the Spanish Armada.
121 It is interesting to find Raleigh criticising Strozzi’s tactics in fighting at close quarters with the huge galleons of Spain. It would appear that the engagement supplied a warning to the captains who five years later baffled the Armada. See Historie of the World, p. 791.
122 Prince Dauphin of Auvergne, son of Louis de Bourbon, Duc de Montpensier and Dauphin d’Auvergne. He distinguished himself at Jarnac, Moncontour, and Ivry. Died in 1592.
123 The brother of Admiral Coligny. His son succeeded to the County of Laval in right of his mother, Claude de Rieux.
124 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vi. According to Motley, Parma received a severe check. Froude tells us that Norris and the English repulsed the Spanish forces after the States’ troops had fled. History of England, chap. lxvi.
125 The Earl of Morton, late Regent of Scotland, was executed on a charge of being an accomplice in the murder of Darnley. His ruin was brought about by Comte d’Aubigny, then Earl and afterwards Duke of Lennox. See Froude, History of England, chap. lxiii.
126 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. vi.
128 The case of Salceda was one which greatly exercised the mind of de Thou, the historian, who ascribes the death of his father Christopher de Thou to vexation at finding his advice neglected when the ruffian was brought to trial. Salceda had been condemned to death by the Parliament of Rouen, for forging money. The Guises, who had need of his services, obtained his pardon, or to speak more correctly perhaps, a suspension of his sentence, for his pardon was not registered by the Parliament of Rouen, though granted by the King. His mission, according to Motley, was to poison Alençon and Orange, but according to Salceda’s own confession he was to join Alençon with some troops, gain his confidence, and get himself appointed to the command of Dunkirk or some other strong place, which he was to betray to the Guises. These last were then to rise and compel the King to place them at the head of his army which they intended to lead against Alençon and Orange. On being arrested Salceda made various confessions implicating the Guises and other leading men in France. Christopher de Thou, President of the Parliament of Paris, one of those before whom he was tried, was convinced that there was a great deal of truth in Salceda’s statements, and was most anxious that his life should be spared with a view to bringing others to justice, but too many great people were interested in stopping the mouth of their unfortunate tool, and he was therefore executed. It is probable that the story of an attempt to poison Alençon and Orange was a mere veil to cover the grounds on which he was executed. The fact that a distinguished Netherlander, Lamoral Egmont, cousin of the French Queen, and son of the famous general, was concerned in Salceda’s plot, seems to point to the accuracy of de Thou’s version. It is evident that Busbecq thought there was something more in the matter than appeared on the surface. Compare Thuanus, iii. 565-566, and especially the account in his life. De vita suâ, 27-31. Miss Freer gives a very full and interesting account of Salceda’s conspiracy; see Henry III. vol. ii. pp. 304-319.
129 The following note was made by one who was in all probability an eye-witness: ‘Quand Tanchou, lieutenant de robbe courte, présent à l’exécution avec ses archers, vinst dire au Roy que sur le bas eschaffaut, sur lequel estoit son corps quand il fust tiré, il s’estoit fait deslier les deux mains pour signer sa dernière confession, qui estoit qu’il n’estoit rien de toutes les charges qu’il avoit mises sus aux plus grands de ce roiaume, le Roy s’escria: “O le meschant homme! voire le plus meschant dont j’aye onques ouï parler!” Ce disoit le Roy, pource qu’à la dernière question qui luy avoit esté baillée (où le Roy avoit assisté caché derrière une tapisserie), il lui avoit ouï jurer et affermer, au milieu des tortures, que tout ce qu’il avoit dit contre eux estoit vrai (comme beaucoup l’ont creu et le croient encores aujourdhui, veu les tragœdies qui se sont jouées en France par les accusés.)’—De l’Estoile, ii. 75.
132 La Noue. The famous Bras de fer. See note 2, p. 21. For an interesting account of his captivity, see Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. chap. iv. Parma was offered Count Egmont and de Selles (see Letter XLV.), in exchange for La Noue; his answer was that he would not give a lion for two sheep. Philip expressed his willingness to restore his illustrious captive to liberty if he would consent to have his eyes put out. Busbecq must have felt some little grudge against this gallant soldier, for three years before, 1579, he had stormed Comines and established himself in the castle of the Halluins. Bousbecque was also occupied by his troops. See Dalle, Histoire de Bousbecque, p. 247.
133 The following is an account of one of the royal pilgrimages: ‘L’onziesme jour d’avril, qui estoit le lendemain de Pasques, le Roy avec la Roine son espouse partirent de Paris à pied et allèrent à Chartres, et de Chartres à Cleri, faire leurs prières et offrandes à la Belle Dame révérée solemneilement ès églises desdits lieux, à ce que, par son intercession, il pleust à Dieu leur donner la masle lignée que tant ils désiroient. D’où ils furent de retour à Paris, le 24e dudit mois, tous deux bien las et aians les plantes des pieds bien ampoullés d’avoir fait tant de chemin à pied.’—De l’Estoile, ii. 121.
135 I.e., a son and heir.
136 St. Luc had been one of the ‘mignons’ of Henry III. An amusing story is told of his fall from favour. The King had procured him a bride in the daughter of Maréchal de Brissac; when they were married she objected to her husband’s taking part in the dissipations of the Court. St. Luc, anxious to remain in the Court circle, and at the same time desirous of gratifying his wife, determined to frighten Henry into reforming his ways. Accordingly he had a secret passage cut through the panels of the King’s bedchamber, and one night presented himself dressed up in the character of an angel. With a piece of brass piping he imitated the scene of Belshazzar’s feast, and threatened the King with a most horrible fate if he did not reform his ways. The King was completely taken in and thoroughly frightened. For sometime afterwards, whenever it thundered, the King imagined it to be the sign of his approaching doom, and took refuge under the beds, and in the cellars of the palace. Unfortunately for St. Luc he could not keep the joke to himself; at last the King heard of it, his fears were relieved, and his favourite was dismissed.
137 ‘Il arriva de mesme à M. de Sainct-Luc à Anvers, dans la chambre de M. d’Alençon, luy estant en son cabinet; mais le prince d’Orange en vit le jeu en sortant, qui fut contre le sieur de Gauville, où il y eut quelques coups, dont le prince d’Orange s’en estonna, et dit que telles choses ne furent jamais veues ny faites en la chambre, ny salle, ny logis de l’Empereur son maistre; autrement il eust mal basté pour les délinquants.’—Brantôme, vi. 136.
‘Il arriva de mesmes à M. de Sainct-Luc, brave et vaillant seigneur certes. Ayant esté deffié et appellé par M. de Gauville, dont j’ay parlé cy-devant, estans tous deux à Anvers au service de Monsieur, ainsi qu’il alloit resolu au combat, et qu’il vouloit sortir hors la ville, fut arresté par La Vergne, capitaine de la garde françoise de Monsieur.’—Brantôme, vi. 182.
140 Catherine de Medici’s claim was through her mother, a lady of the House of Auvergne and Boulogne; in order to establish it she had to go back more than 300 years to the first marriage of Alphonso III. to the widow of a Count of Boulogne. Catherine alleged there were children of this marriage from one of whom she was descended. Some have thought that her only object was to show that she came of royal and ancient descent; this may have been the motive in part, but there can be no doubt that she hoped to exchange her visionary claim for some substantial advantage; thus, as has been already stated, she was willing to sell her pretensions to Don Antonio for Brazil. (See note p. 146). She was eager also to get an offer from Philip in satisfaction of her claims. ‘Je ne diray jamais ce que je demande, au contraire, attendrai ses offres qu’il fault qui soient raisonnables, puis qu’il est saisy et occupateur de ce que je pretendz m’appartenir.’—Lettre de la Reine Mère à Longlée, January 16, 1585, quoted by Motley, United Netherlands, i. 104. Henry threatened to retaliate by accepting the sovereignty of the Netherlands, if Philip did not compromise the matter. Catherine de Medici’s pretensions to the Crown of Portugal were an important factor in the politics of the time. See Histoire de Portugal, 1610, and Motley, United Netherlands, i. 101-105.
141 ‘The largest unbroken plain in Belgium is called Campine, and comprises the north-east portion of Antwerp, and north-west of Limburg.’ Mac Culloch, Geographical Dictionary.
142 One of the steps in Alençon’s scheme for the seizure of Antwerp not noticed by Motley.
143 These troubles were occasioned by Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, Archbishop of Cologne, having fallen in love with Agnes Mansfeld. He married her and became a Protestant, but tried notwithstanding to keep his see and electorate. See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. vi., and United Netherlands, i. 31, 32, and elsewhere. For a full account, see Thuanus, iii. 582-8.
144 See Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Part VI. ch. vi.
145 Busbecq hesitates to accept what is now known to have been Alençon’s version of the affair.
146 It seems probable that Busbecq’s diplomacy was directed towards securing the governorship of the Netherlands to a member of the Austrian house. Hence his dislike of French interference. (Letters I. and X.) Ernest did ultimately become Governor of the Netherlands in 1594.
147 Jean Bodin was Alençon’s chancellor, and acted as his adviser during the Prince’s stay in England and the Netherlands. After Alençon’s death he settled down at Laon where he used his influence in favour of the League; after a time he changed his views, and induced the citizens to declare in favour of Henry IV. He was the author of a treatise On the Republic in six books, and other works.
148 Catherine de Medici and Mary Queen of Scots; the latter, before her execution, disposed of money due to her from the King of France. See Froude, History of England, chap. lxix.
151 See De l’Estoile, ii. 29.
152 We see from this notice of Busbecq’s that Alençon intended making Dunkirk the seat of his Government. It is not referred to by Motley, but Ranke regards it as a most important piece of information. See Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, chap. xx.
153 Daughter of William by his first marriage. Her brother Philip William had been carried off into Spain by Philip II.’s orders. She eventually married Count Hohenlo.
154 This order was called the Penitents of the Annunciation, because it was first instituted at that festival. The members of the fraternity used on certain occasions to go in procession from church to church, walking two and two, and wearing sacks of different colours, the knights of the King blue, the knights of St. Michael black, and the rest white. They were distinguished from similar associations, which were numerous at that time, by having their faces covered with a mask, and a large whip hanging from their girdles. The cross was generally carried by the Cardinal de Guise, who had as his acolytes the Chancellor and the Keeper of the Seals (i.e. Birague and Cheverny.)
155 Maurice Poncet. The King and his courtiers had gone in procession on a wet day. Poncet, in allusion to their dress, quoted a French proverb as to the folly of trying to keep off rain with wet sackcloth. He was rewarded for his temerity by imprisonment in the monastery of St. Peter at Melun. See Thuanus, iii. 627.
156 ‘Le 29e mars, le Roy fist fouetter, au Louvre, jusques à six vingts, que pages, que laquais, qui en la Salle Basse du Louvre avoient contrefait la procession des Penitents, aians mis leurs mouschoirs devant leurs visages, avec des trous à l’endroit des yeux.’—De l’Estoile., ii. 112.
158 Edmund Auger, the King’s confessor. He was not favourably disposed towards the League, and on this account was recalled by his superiors. See Thuanus, iii. 626. De l’Estoile, who detested him, declares that he was originally a juggler, ‘basteleur.’
159 See Motley, United Netherlands, i. 342.
160 See Strada, ii. 261-2.