1 The MSS. have the 6th stage instead of “last.” ↑
2 This is the famous K͟hān Jahān Lodī of S͟hāh Jahān’s reign. ↑
5 Jahāngīr did not like the K͟hānk͟hānān, and so here belittles his services. ↑
6 During S͟hāh Jahān’s reign, K͟hān Jahān Lodī fled from Court, was pursued, and killed. ↑
7 Perhaps the antelope’s name was Rāj, and the syllable man the pronoun ‘my,’ when the translation would be ‘my antelope Raj.’ See Elliot, vi, 302, and R.A.S. MS., No. 124. ↑
8 Perhaps the Jandiāla of the Indian Gazetteer, vii, 137. ↑
11 Text, sūsanī; apparently a blue iris. ↑
12 The text has s͟humār wrongly for s͟hiyār, and it seems that the negative of the text is wrong, since it does not occur in the MSS. Abū-l-faẓl gives the number of petals and stamens more correctly than Jahāngīr. ↑
13 Az tikka andāzī; perhaps ‘the cast of a javelin.’ ↑
14 Lit. ‘have joined hands.’ ↑
15 Sih-barga; but this reading seems doubtful; perhaps it is sīr-i-barga, full of leaves. Jahāngīr says that to lay a carpet on the grass would be bī-dardī, unfeeling, unsympathetic, and kam salīqagī. ↑
16 The text has naqs͟h bar jāy, but the true reading seems to be nafīẓtar. ↑
17 ʿIlm-i-k͟halaʿ-i-badan, ‘withdrawal of the soul from the body’ (Erskine). ↑
18 So in text, but the MSS. and Elliot, vi, 307, have “on one of the gates.” ↑
19 The figures seem wrong, and the MSS. differ. See Elliot, vi, 307. Apparently the correct sum in rupees is 34 lakhs 25,000. At p. 61 the khani of Turan is reckoned at one-third of a rupee. If the dam be taken at its ordinary value of one-fortieth of a rupee, the number of rupees should be 40 lakhs 25,000, and if the khani of Turan be one-third of a rupee we should read one kror instead of one arb. Probably Jahāngīr has used arb as meaning kror, and not 100 krors. There is a valuable note on his expedition through the Ghakkar country in Blochmann, p. 486. Blochmann takes the figures for the rupees to be four krors, but probably this is due to wrong pointing. ↑
20 The MSS. and text have Pila or Pīla. I adopt Tīla from Blochmann, p. 487, note. Elliot has Tillah, vi, 307, and note. ↑
21 In Tolbort’s account of Lūdhiyāna, J.A.S.B. for 1869, p. 86, bhakhra is given as the name of a creeping plant (Pedalium murex). ↑
22 Rūd-k͟hāna; this, according to Blochmann, should be the river Kahan, k͟hāna being a mistake for Kahan. See p. 487 note. But all the MSS. have k͟hāna. ↑
23 See Elliot, vi, 309 note. ↑
24 Būgyāls; Elliot, vi, 309. They are descendants of Sultān Būgā. ↑
25 Paka is mentioned in Tiefenthaler, i, 114. ↑
26 Khor; Elliot, vi, 309 note. Near the Mānikyāla tope. ↑
27 K͟harbūza Sarāy is marked on Elphinstone’s map. ↑
28 Mr. Rogers has “The soul of the fool thou canst purchase for little.” Perhaps the sense is “God grants life to the fool on hard terms.” Erskine has “To serve a fool is hard indeed.” Possibly the literal meaning is “You buy the soul of the fool at a high price,” that is, it costs a great deal to win him over. Elliot had what is probably the best rendering, “Barbarous characters should be treated with severity”; though in Elliot, vi, 310, the translation is, “The life of fools is held very cheap in troublous times.” ↑
29 Apparently this remark must have been written after Jahāngīr’s visit to Kashmir by the Bāramūla route in the fourteenth year. ↑
30 Bhanwar, as Mr. Lowe has pointed out, means in Hindi an eddy or whirlpool. ↑
31 William Finch says that at Ḥasan Abdāl there were many fish with gold rings in their noses hung by Akbar, and that the water is so clear that you may see a penny in the bottom. Jahāngīr’s informants were apparently not versed in hagiography. Bābā Ḥasan Abdāl is apparently the saint who was an ancestor of Maʿṣūm Bhakarī, and is buried at Qandahar. See Beale, and Jarrett’s translation of the Āyīn, ii, 324 note. The Sikhs identify the place with their Bābā Nānak. It is not a wife of Akbar who is buried at Ḥasan Abdāl, but Ḥakīm Abū-l-fatḥ and his brother. ↑
32 Elliot has Amardī, but the MSS. have Amrohī. The Maʾās̤ir, ii, 755, has Āhrūʾī. See Blochmann, p. 522. ↑
33 Az t̤ag͟hyān farūd āmada. Perhaps the meaning is exactly the opposite, viz. ‘had come down in violence.’ But if so, could a bridge have been made, and with eighteen boats? The time was the 4th or 5th May. Elliot has “the Nīlāb was very full.” ↑
34 According to the Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 376, Maʿmūr is a village in Arabia. ↑
35 The MSS. have ṣad instead of chand, i.e. 100. ↑
36 This Āṣaf K͟hān is Qawāmu-d-dīn Jaʿfar Beg and the No. iii of Blochmann, p. 411. Apparently his appointment as Mir Bakhshi was made in 989 (1581), in which year Akbar went to Kabul. Blochmann says Āṣaf K͟hān was made Mir Bakhshi in the room of Qāẓī ʿAlī, and we find at p. 372 of A. N., iii, that Qāẓī ʿAlī Bak͟hs͟hī was appointed in that year to the Panjab. Twenty-eight years before 1016 (to the beginning of which Jahāngīr is referring) yields 988. Basāwal is on right bank of Kabul River below Jalālābād. ↑
37 Text baulī, but the MSS. have lūlī, i.e. dancing-girl. ↑
38 Generally spelt ballūt̤, either the oak or the chestnut. Cf. Erskine’s Baber, p. 145. Sir Alexander Burnes calls the ballūt̤ the holly. ↑
39 See below, p. 52, where the Raʾīs or headman of Chikrī is mentioned. ↑
40 Cf. Erskine’s Baber, p. 145. ↑
41 The fort of Pes͟h Bulāq is mentioned in the third volume of the Akbar-nāma, p. 512. It is marked on the map of Afghanistan between Daka and Jalālābād. ↑
42 Sic in text, but should be Jaunpūr as in the MSS. ↑
43 There was also a S͟hahr-bānū who was Bābar’s sister. Bīka Begam was Bābar’s widow and the lady who carried his bones to Kabul. ↑
44 Bakafs͟h-pāy, which Erskine renders ‘with slippers on’ and Elliot ‘with his shoes on.’ ↑
45 Bāyazīd Biyāt describes Humāyūn as holding a cooking festival in Badak͟hs͟hān. See A.N., i, translation, p. 496, n. 2. They cooked bug͟hra, which appears to be macaroni. The text wrongly has raqẓ az ʿis͟hq (love-dances). The real word, as the MSS. show, is arg͟hus͟htaq, which is a kind of dance (not a child’s game as in Johnson). It is described in Vullers, s.v., in accordance with the account in the Burhān-i-qāt̤iʿ. It is a dance by girls or young men, and is accompanied with singing and with clapping of hands, etc. Probably it is the dance described by Elphinstone in his account of Kabul, i, 311, where he says: “The great delight of all the western Afghans is to dance the Attun or Ghoomboor. From ten to twenty men or women stand up in a circle (in summer before their houses and tents, and in winter round a fire); a person stands within the circle to sing and play on some instrument. The dancers go through a number of attitudes and figures; shouting, clapping their hands, and snapping their fingers. Every now and then they join hands, and move slow or fast according to the music, all joining in chorus. When I was showed this, a love-song was sung to an extremely pretty tune, very simple, and not unlike a Scottish air.” Erskine’s translation is: “Custards and confections were presented, and the amusements of dancing girls and arghustak were introduced.” ↑
46 The words seem to me to yield 1066, but if we read pajs͟hanba instead of panjs͟hanba we get 1016, which is the Hijra date of Jahāngīr’s entry into Kabul and corresponds to 4th June, 1607. A marginal note on I.O.M. 305 makes the chronogram clear by writing rūz-i-panchanba hiz͟hdah-i-Ṣafar, thereby getting rid of the mīm and the yā of hīz͟hdaham and bringing out the figures 1016. ↑
47 Evidently a kind of sheep. ↑
48 This is a reference to Bābar’s Memoirs. ↑
49 A juzʾ is said to consist of eight leaves or sixteen pages. Does Jahāngīr mean that he wrote sixty-four pages? ↑
50 Probably the sections which Jahāngīr wrote were those printed in the Ilminsky edition and which bring the narrative down to Bābar’s death. They seem to have been in great measure copied from the Akbar-nāma. Jahāngīr does not say if he wrote them when he was in Kabul or previously. According to Blochmann, J.A.S.B. for 1869, p. 134, one juzʾ = two sheets of paper. The passage is translated in Elliot, vi, 315. Though Jahāngīr does not say when he wrote the four sections, I think that his language implies that these additions were in the manuscript when he was looking at it in Kabul. Perhaps he made them when he was a student in India, and for the sake of practice in Turkī. He may have translated the sections from the Akbar-nāma. All, I think, he did in Kabul was to put the Turkī note, stating that the sections were his. But possibly even this was done before. Elliot, vi, 315, has the words “to complete the work,” but these words do not occur in the MSS. that I have seen. The translation in Elliot, seems to represent Jahāngīr’s words as meaning that the work was complete, but that the four sections were not, like the rest, in Bābar’s handwriting, and so Jahāngīr re-copied them. But it does not appear that there could be any object in his doing this. There is a valuable article in the Zeitschrift d. Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch. for 1883, p. 141, by Dr. Teufel, entitled “Bâbur und Abû’l-faẓl,” in which the fragments in Ilminsky are discussed. But the passage in the Tūzuk-i-Jahāngīrī is not referred to. ↑
51 The text mentions a horse, but the MSS. have not this, and it seems to be a mistake. ↑
52 Apparently the Shorkot of I.G., xii, 424. In the Rechnau Dūāb (Jarrett, ii, 321). It is north of Multan and in the Jhang district. ↑
54 Perhaps the ʿAlī Dūst K͟hān of Blochmann, p. 533. ↑
55 The MSS. have Herat, and this is probably correct. ↑
56 That is, apparently, Mīrzā S͟hādmān, but perhaps the meaning is that Qarācha had sought a wife for his son among the Hazāras, and not that he had himself married an Hazāra woman. ↑
57 The MSS. have “less than 1½ gaz by ⅛ (nīm-pāo).” ↑
58 Should, I think, be Tattah, i.e. Sind. ↑
59 G͟haibāna, ‘secretly.’ But the phrase merely means that the appointment was not made in the Emperor’s presence. ↑
60 Text bargas͟ht, ‘he turned round.’ But the MSS. have chi rawis͟h-i-tūzukast, “What kind of arrangement is this?” ↑
61 S͟hams͟hīr-i-sīk͟hakī, ‘pointed sword, poniard’? ↑
62 The meaning of two words being used probably is that both Hindu and Persian astrologers are referred to. Blochmann, p. 311, says that S͟hāh-Jahān’s birthday was 30th Rabīʿu-l-awwal. ↑
63 Lit., “His disposition had changed from equability.” ↑
64 Gīlās is a cherry in Kashmiri. See Blochmann’s Āyīn, p. 616. Abū-l-faẓl mentions in the Āyīn (Blochmann, p. 66) that Akbar called gīlās s͟hāh-ālū. ↑
65 Paywandī means ‘to graft,’ and possibly this is the meaning here, but Steingass gives paywandī as part of the name of a plum. The text seems to be corrupt, and perhaps what Jahāngīr wrote was “the zard-ālū resembles the k͟hūbānī.” ↑
66 Text has Yāqūt, but it is clear from the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 25, and from I.O. MS. 181 that the name is K͟hwāja Tābūt, ‘the coffin K͟hwāja.’ The author of the Iqbāl-nāma was the person sent to make the inquiry, and he gives a long account of what he saw. A surgeon was sent with him, as the K͟hwāja was said to have been martyred, and it was necessary to report on the wounds. The coffin story is mentioned in the Āyīn, i, 194. See Jarrett, ii, 409–10, but the translation is not quite accurate, I think. The punctuation of the text seems to me to be correct. It is characteristic of Jahāngīr and the author of the Iqbāl-nāma that they take no notice of the colossal figures at Bāmiyān, though Abū-l-faẓl does. See Jarrett’s note. It is stated in the Iqbāl-nāma that K͟hwāja Tābūt was said to have been killed in the time of Chingīz K͟hān. If so, the Sult̤ān Maḥmūd mentioned by Jahāngīr must be Sult̤ān Maḥmūd G͟horī. ↑
67 He was appointed governor of Sehwān (Iqbāl-nāma, p. 27). ↑
68 The MSS merely have “of a size that I had never seen before.” Probably the text is corrupt, and the meaning may be “as big as a head.” Bih is a quince, and perhaps this is what is meant here. Or the meaning may be “equal to the biggest for size.” Or sar may be a mistake for sih and the meaning be “equal in size to three (ordinary peaches).” ↑
69 I.O. MS. 181 has Qarqara mountains. There is also the reading K͟haraq. ↑
71 Dūʾāba is mentioned as a stage by W. Finch. ↑
72 The text omits the word zinda, ‘alive.’ ↑
73 The urdū or camp was probably not with Jahāngīr then, and he thought that if he sent to it for the capture of 500 there would be confusion. He therefore contented himself at the time with arresting the ringleaders. There is a full account of the conspiracy in the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 27, etc. ↑
74 Possibly the meaning is “his experience was greater than his skill.” ↑
75 Lit., when he was smooth-faced, i.e. beardless. ↑
76 The I.O. MSS. do not call him governor, and the names of the animals captured differ in the MSS. from those given in the text. The latter are obviously wrong, and I have discarded them. The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 30, has Arzana as the name of the hunting-ground. Erskine has Arzina. ↑
77 Erskine has “many of the hounds were destroyed.” Sagān-i-tāzī probably means greyhounds, whether bred in Arabia or elsewhere. ↑
78 Blochmann, p. 377, and Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, ii, 642. He was an Arg͟hūn. ↑
79 The passage is obscure and the text is corrupt. Erskine’s translation is: “His manners towards the soldiers is frank and gallant, but not according to the rules of discipline, especially towards those who have been or are in the wars with him. He is much flattered by his servants, which gives him a light appearance.” Evidently Erskine read udzī or nāz instead of bāz as in the text, and the MSS. support his reading. I think, however, that nāz kas͟hīdan means ‘to jest.’ Instead of the tā bamāndand of text the MSS. have yā namāyand, the meaning being those soldiers who have served him well, or are doing so. We learn from Blochmann, p. 378, that S͟hāh Beg was “a frank Turk.” ↑
80 The peculiarity of this year was that the lunar month and the solar month of Akbar’s birth, viz. Rajab and Ābān, coincided, so that there was a double celebration. ↑
81 Wajīhu-d-dīn was a famous Gujarat saint. He died in 998. ↑
82 The word used by Jahāngīr, and which has been translated ‘repeat continually,’ is mudāwamat, and Erskine understood it to mean that Jahāngīr hoped to prolong his life by this exercise. ↑
83 Har ahūʾī kih zad bar sar-i-tīr raft. The literal rendering apparently is: “whenever an antelope was struck by him the arrow entered up to its (the arrow’s) head.” Perhaps the meaning simply is every arrow (or bullet) that he shot went home. ↑
84 Jalāl K͟hān was a grandson of Sultān Ādam (Blochmann, pp. 455 and 486). ↑
85 See infra for another notice of him in the chapter on Gujrat. ↑
86 One of Jahāngīr’s wives was a daughter of Rāy Rāy Singh (of Bikanir). See Blochmann, p. 310. ↑
87 See Rieu, Cat. ii, p. 634. ↑
88 There is evidently something wrong in the text, for a ruby weighing 6 surkhs could not weigh 2 tanks and 15 surkhs. I.O. MS. 181 has barja instead of surk͟h, but I do not know what this means. Perhaps s͟has͟h-gūs͟ha, ‘hexagonal,’ was intended. This view is confirmed by the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 31, which has s͟has͟h pahlū, ‘six-sided.’ Erskine’s MS. also had ‘six-sided,’ and he translates “a six-sided ruby which weighed two tangs fifteen surkhs.” I.O. MS. 305 has s͟has͟h pārcha, and it is evident that this word, as also the barja of No. 181, is the pārche of Steingass, which means a segment or facet. ↑
89 This remark about Mīrzā G͟hāzī, and also the quotation, do not occur in the two I.O. MSS. ↑
91 Bayaktā, but the I.O. MSS have batagpāy, ‘rapidly.’ ↑
92 Properly Zainu-d-dīn Maḥmūd. See the story in Badayūnī, Ranking, p. 589; also Akbar-nāma translation, i, 611, and Blochmann, p. 539 and note. ↑
93 I do not know if this is the author. There appears to be no mention of the construction in the Akbar-nāma. Nakodar is in the Jalandhar district (I.G., x, 180, and Jarrett, ii. 317). Perhaps the two tombs at Nakodar mentioned in I.G. as of Jahāngīr’s time are those of Muqīm the Wazīru-l-mulk and his wife. See Tūzuk, pp. 6 and 64. ↑
94 K͟hwurd, lit. ‘devoured.’ Apparently he refers to the fact of the birth as a misfortune. I.O. MS. 181 has sar-i-mādar u pidar rā k͟hwurd, and the A.S. 124 has s͟hīr-i-mādar u pidar-i-k͟hūd, ‘the milk of his own mother and father’! ↑
95 This is given as a quotation in No. 181. ↑
96 This should be the 17th if Monday was the 14th. ↑
97 The MSS. seem to have mutaṣṣil-i-mab-i-chaukandī, ‘in shape like a chaukandī(?).’ It was from the roof of this building that Humāyūn fell. ↑
98 Turg͟hai or turg͟hei is a thrush according to Vambéry, and was the name of Timur’s father. Perhaps the bird was the large mainā, the Bhīmrāj or Bhringraj(?) of the Āyīn, Jarrett, ii, p. 125 and note. In Scully’s Glossary, turghai is said to be the lark. The text arranges the words differently from the MSS. They have mus͟hak͟hk͟haṣ Miyān T̤ūt̤ī gufta, and Erskine translates ‘which said clearly Miyān T̤ut̤ī.’ But possibly Jahāngīr meant that it spoke clearly like a parrot. ↑