1 Text, k͟hūd-hunarkārī, ‘his own workmanship,’ but the MSS. have k͟hūd-sarkārī. See also Iqbāl-nāma, p. 87, which says that Jamālu-d-dīn had had it made in Bījāpūr. ↑
2 Really a topaz. Tavernier points out that the natives call various precious stones rubies, distinguishing them by their colour. ↑
3 Text, ba-andāza-i-muʿtād-i-man, ‘of capacity corresponding to my custom.’ Presumably it was a drinking-cup, and held Jahāngīr’s customary potation. ↑
4 Ḥalqa ba-gūshān. Apparently referring to his being one of those who bored their ears in imitation of Jahāngīr. ↑
5 The text is corrupt. The true reading seems to be ṣad dāna-i-kīs͟h, ‘one hundred pieces of muslin’ (?). I.O. 181 seems to have kabs͟h, ‘rams’. ↑
6 Here follow two unintelligible words, Pagāna Bankāna. ↑
7 Perhaps this should be fag͟hfūrī, ‘porcelain.’ ↑
8 Jauhar-dār, defined by Vullers as bone or wood bearing veins, i.e. striated. ↑
9 See Akbar-nāma, ii, 315. It was sent before Jahāngīr was born. It, too, was an African elephant. ↑
10 Here the two words referred to at note 2 on p. 321 are repeated. ↑
11 Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā. i, 736. K͟hān ʿĀlam’s name was Mīrzā Bark͟hūrdār. ↑
12 This seems wrong; the number of horse would probably not be reduced. ↑
13 So in text, but No. 181 has 600, and this is more likely, for the number of horse is never, I think, larger than the zāt rank. ↑
16 The two I.O. MSS. have the following sentence here: “On this day it happened that however much I tried to write, my heart and hand would not act. Whenever I seized the pen my condition altered. At last I had to tell Iʿtimādu-d-daulah to write.” ↑
17 This sentence is not in the I.O. MSS. ↑
18 Here comes the passage which the two I.O. MSS. enter higher up. ↑
19 I.O. MS. 181 has “writes that on the 11th,” etc. ↑
20 The I.O. MSS. add here “of the 11th year.” ↑
21 Probably this is the Chimnī Begam, a daughter of S͟hāh Jahān, whose grave is near that of the saint K͟hwāja Muʿīnu-d-dīn Chis͟htī (“Rajputana Gazetteer,” ii, 62). Probably Chimnī should be Chamanī, which means ‘verdant’ and comes from chaman, a garden. Perhaps she died of smallpox. It was in the summer. ↑
22 Apparently the reference is to the parents of the child and to the grandfather, that is, the writer of this notice. ↑
23 I.O. MSS. have Monday, the 6th Tīr, and say that Jahāngīr went to Chas͟hma-i-Nūr on the 9th, which they say was a Thursday. And we see later that Jahāngīr speaks of Saturday as the 11th. ↑
24 The word ‘dagger’ is omitted in the text. ↑
25 I.O. MSS. have bar daur, ‘round.’ ↑
26 Elliot, vi, 346. There is a better account of the plague in the Iqbāl-nāma, pp. 88, 89. ↑
27 The words are dar wilāyat, and may mean ‘any country’ or ‘any foreign country.’ ↑
28 The son of the historian Niz̤āmu-d-dīn. Sir T. Roe refers to this affair. ↑
29 Text Anand, but this makes no sense. The I.O. MSS. have amba, mangoes, and though the remark seems abrupt this is no doubt the correct reading. Jahāngīr was particularly fond of mangoes, and perhaps he is here playing on the similarity between the words amba and anand. ↑
30 In Sarkār Sahāranpur (Jarrett, ii, 292). It is now in the Muz̤affarnagar district (I.G., vii, 308). ↑
31 “It is a pity that no trace of these is left at Agra. Had there been, they would have been the wonder of the age” (note of Sayyid Aḥmad). Perhaps they are the two figures which have generally been supposed to have been put up by Akbar and to represent Chitor heroes. The word tarkīb in the text may mean that they were mounted statues. But then the description of them as marble statues would be wrong. ↑
32 Text has gūsfand-i-nar, ‘a ram,’ but the MSS. have gūsfand u bar, or buz, and it is evident that the true reading is ‘a sheep, a goat.’ See Blochmann, p. 266, where goats are mentioned among the animals distributed by Akbar. The number of animals distributed corresponded with the years of Jahāngīr’s age (48) multiplied by 3, and so would be 48 × 3 = 144 (see Blochmann, l.c.). The weight of Jahāngīr was 6,514 tulchas, and Blochmann (p. 267, n.) takes this to be the same as tolas, and estimates Jahāngīr’s weight at 210½ lb. troy or 15 stone. Probably this is excessive, and his weight might be 82 sir or about 2 maunds, i.e. 164 lb. or 11½ stone. The perfumes against which he was weighed were ambergris, not amber (which has no scent), ʿūd, i.e. lignum aloes, and bān (not pān as in text), which apparently is the same as lubān, ‘frankincense’ (see the chapter on perfumes in Blochmann, p. 77). I am not sure of the meaning of the phrase ba-dast nihāda. The MSS. have not the preposition ba. Perhaps the meaning is ‘put them into the hands of the fakirs.’ Jahāngīr was born on the 18th S͟hahrīwar, 977 = 31st August, 1569. The weighings described in the text took place on the 26th S͟hahrīwar. Perhaps this was because his birthday was on the 24th S͟hahrīwar according to the Jalālī year. ↑
33 Generally written tag͟hma, ‘a badge of honour,’ ‘a medal,’ etc. ↑
34 See Tūzuk, p. 11, Blochmann, p. 482, and Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, iii, 355. The statement at Tūzuk, p. 11, about Delhi seems a mistake, and is not in the MSS. Mīrzā ʿAlī came from Badakhshan. He is frequently mentioned in vol. iii of the Akbar-nāma. ↑
35 This is the same phrase as, according to the MSS., occurs at p. 11. Apparently the ulūs referred to is the Timuride family to which Jahāngīr belonged. It is connected with Mīrzā ʿAlī’s title of Akbars͟hāhī. ↑
36 See in Blochmann, l.c., the affecting story of his death. ↑
37 This letter being of the usual Persian style, and having nothing to do with Jahāngīr’s history, is omitted. It relates to the sending of Muḥammad Ḥusain Chelebī with presents to the emperor, and to the offering his services for the purchase of jewels, etc. ↑
38 Text 20th Ābān, but the MSS. have 8th, and this is clearly right. By the latter part of the sentence Jahāngīr means that S͟hāh Jahān was to start first, and that he himself was to leave afterwards. The “auspicious palace” referred to in the next sentence is apparently S͟hāh Jahān’s establishment. Jahāngīr did not leave for about a fortnight. Though S͟hāh Jahān and the establishment (daulat-k͟hāna-i-humāyūn) made a start on the 8th or 9th Ābān, he did not finally leave till the 20th Ābān. See infra. ↑
40 ‘Of body like Krishna, or like a flute’? ↑
41 According to Roe, it was not the English carriage, but a copy. Perhaps Jahāngīr had the original carriage and S͟hāh Jahān the copy. ↑
43 The day was Saturday, not Tuesday, and it is Saturday in the MSS. ↑
44 Elliot has Deo Rānī, and it is Deo Rānī in I.O. MS. 305. ↑
45 Jahāngīr arrived in Ajmir on the 26th Ābān, 1022, and left it on the 21st Ābān, 1025. The Muhammadan dates are 5th S͟hawwāl, 1022, and 1st Ẕī-l-qaʿda, 1025 = 18th November, 1613, and 10th November, 1616. ↑
46 Text tar, but MSS. have abtar, i.e. inferior and perhaps low land. The text seems corrupt. ↑
47 MSS. have 86,500 horse and 347,000 foot, and this agrees with the Āyīn (Jarrett, ii, 272). ↑
48 Text wrongly has Nīl. The tank in question is the Bīsalya tank of the Rajputana Gazetteer, ii, 4, which was made by Bīsal Deo Chohān about 1050 A.D. It is described in Tod’s “Personal Narrative,” i, 824, of Calcutta reprint. It is, or was, about 8 miles in circumference and is about a mile west of the Ānāsāgar, which was made by Bīsal Deo’s grandson. ↑
49 About 20 miles south-east of Ajmir. ↑
50 This is the name of a water-bird in Turkī. It is also called māg͟h and water-crow (zāg͟h-i-āb), and in Hindī jalkawā (note of Sayyid Aḥmad). ↑
51 Probably the meaning is that he allowed those who wished to drink to do so. Many, or at least some, would be abstainers. ↑
54 In Sarkār Marosor (Jarrett, ii, 208). It was in Malwa. But the I.O. MSS. have Nauda. ↑
55 Text Ūdaipūr, but this was not on the border of the Rānā’s territory, and the MSS. have Dūdpūr. ↑
56 Perhaps the Toda of Sir T. Roe. ↑
58 Son of Niz̤āmu-d-dīn the historian. ↑
59 Gorāna in MSS. and the distance 2¼ kos and 1 jarīb. ↑
64 Should be Fatḥ-jang as in MSS. ↑
66 The name seems to be wrong. Jahāngīr is evidently copying from the Āyīn, and the rivers mentioned there (Jarrett, ii, 195) are the Narbada, Sipra, Kālīsindh, Betwa, and the Kodī (or Godī). ↑
67 29,668 (Jarrett, ii. 198). ↑
68 The MSS. also have sweet pomegranates from Yezd, and sub-acid (may-k͟hwus͟h) ones from Farāh, and pears from Badakhshan (see Elliot, vi, 348). ↑
69 The MSS. have k͟hāṣṣa-i-s͟harīfa. ↑
70 Qu. komla? Instead of qābiltar the MSS. have māʾiltar. ↑
71 Pahnāʾī. Its area or shade. Perhaps the 175½ are yards, not cubits. ↑
72 Evidently the four-horned antelope, the Tetracerus quadricornis of Blanford, p. 520, and which has the Hindustani name of doda. Blanford describes its colour as dull pale brown. “The posterior horns are much larger than the anterior ones, which are situated between the orbits and are often mere knobs. It is the only Indian representative of the duikarbok of Africa. Another Indian name is chausingha. In jungle this species and the hog-deer may easily be mistaken the one for the other. It is not gregarious, and moves with a peculiar jerky action.” The resemblance between the four-horned antelope and the hog-deer—the kūtāh pāycha or short-legged deer of Bābar and Jahāngīr—may account for Blanford’s giving doda as a native name for the hog-deer (Cervus porcinus). For Bābar’s description of the kūtāh pāya or pāycha see Erskine, p. 317. Gladwin in his history of Jahāngīr writes the native name as Dirdhayan. ↑
74 Text, k͟hurmā, a date, but evidently the k͟hurmā-i-Hind or the tamarind, i.e. ‘the palm of India,’ is meant (see Bābar’s Mem., Erskine, p. 324). I do not understand the measurements. The word yak, ‘one,’ before the word s͟hāk͟h is not in the MSS. and is, I think, wrong. I think the 16 gaz and 15½ gaz are the lengths of the two branches, and that the measurements 2½ and 2¾ gaz refer to the length and circumference of the two branches at the place when they started from the trunk and before they put out leaves. ↑
75 Hindwas or Hindāwas in MSS. ↑
76 This is in accordance with and probably derived from Bābar’s Commentaries, Erskine, p. 51, where he says that 1,584 years have elapsed from the time when Bikramājīt made his observatory. Erskine takes this to show that Bābar was writing in 934, and if we add 92 years, or the difference between 934 and 1026, we get 1,676 years (or 1,675 if we take the year to be 1025). ↑
77 See Jarrett, ii, 196. Abū-l-faẓl says there that the flow occurred a week before his arrival at Ujjain. ↑
80 Text, miḥrābī-s͟hakl uftāda, ‘a place like a prayer-niche.’ Possibly the true reading is majrā bī-s͟hakl uftāda, ‘a passage without form.’ However, the MSS. have miḥrāb. The account in the text may be compared with the Maʾās̤iru-l-umarā, i, 574, and with the Iqbāl-nāma, p. 94. The measurements of the mouth of the hole in the Maʾās̤ir are taken from the Iqbāl-nāma, and differ from the account in the Tūzuk. The Maʾās̤ir, following the Iqbāl-nāma, calls the ascetic Achhad or Ajhad. It also gives his subsequent history. He went to Mathura and was there cruelly beaten by Ḥākim Beg. Jahāngīr’s visit to Jadrūp is referred to by Sir Thomas Roe, who mentions a report that the saint was said to be 300 years old. Jahāngīr does not say any such nonsense. ↑
81 See Jarrett, iii, 271, etc. The Sanskrit word is Āsrama, or Ās͟hrama. ↑
84 Text qat̤ʿī dar miyān ālat nihāda, but apparently this should be ālat qat̤ʿ ba miyān nihāda: that is, “membrum virile in involucris reponens.” ↑
85 Text, sarb biyāsī, which may mean ‘distributing everything.’ The Iqbāl-nāma, p. 96, has sarb nāsī, ‘destroying everything.’ ↑
86 I.O. MS. No. 306 says nothing about a garden, but speaks of a village Khirwār and of halting under a mango-tree. Nor does No. 305 mention a garden. ↑
87 Cf. Elliot, vi, 348. The MSS. say nothing about two sons. ↑
89 Cf. Jarrett, ii, 197. The story is also told with many more details in Price’s Jahāngīr, p. 108 etc. ↑
90 Text, Mādan. But the name is Māndan, as MS. No. 181 and the Āyīn-i-Akbarī (Jarrett, ii, 197) show. The legend is intended to show how Māndū got its name (see also Tiefenthaler, i, 353). ↑
92 Monday, the 23rd Isfandārmuẕ, the day on which he reached Māndū. It was about the 6th March, 1617. ↑
94 See Elliot, vi, 351 and 362, note. Jahāngīr only gives details of the 17,167 animals killed by himself. The mhāka is possibly a clerical error for mār-k͟hwur. The text says it is allied to the gawazn, but the MSS. have gūr, a wild ass. The details of the quadrupeds come to 3,203, the total stated by Jahāngīr. The details of the birds come to 13,954, but the 10 crocodiles bring up the figures to 13,964, and the total 3,203 + 13,964 comes to the 17,167 mentioned. It has been suggested to me that the mhāka of the text is the mahā or swamp-deer of the Terai, Rucervus Duvaucelli. ↑