Glamorgan was not satisfied with abandoning as worthless the treaty which had cost him so much, he must needs swear fealty to the nuncio in terms such as perhaps no other English layman has ever used. ‘I swear,’ he wrote, ‘to obey all your commands readily without reluctance and with a joyful mind. I make this perpetual protestation on my bended knees to your most illustrious and reverend lordship, not only as the Pope’s minister but also as a remarkable personage, and as witnesses of the purity of my intentions I invoke the Blessed Virgin and all the Saints of Paradise.’ The result of this alliance was the consent of the Supreme Council to prolong the cessation till May 1, so as to give time for the arrival of Sir Kenelm Digby’s original articles. Neither Digby nor the documents ever reached Ireland, for the Queen did not choose that they should, and peace was concluded with Ormonde on March 28, on the understanding that the terms were not to be divulged until May 1, Rinuccini failing to get a further postponement. ‘I command you,’ Charles had written, ‘to conclude a peace with the Irish, whatever it cost; so that my Protestant subjects there may be secure, and my regal authority preserved. But for all this, you are to make the best bargain you can, and not to discover your enlargement of power till you needs must.’ This was early in 1645. Six months later, after Naseby, the King ‘absolutely and without reply,’ commanded Ormonde to make the peace, with the consent of his Council if possible, but to make it anyhow. The contracting parties were Ormonde alone on the King’s part and the following commissioners for the Confederate Catholics: Ormonde’s uncle, Viscount Mountgarret, and his brother-in-law, Viscount Muskerry, Sir Robert Talbot, Tyrconnel’s eldest brother; Colonel Dermot O’Brien; Patrick Darcy of Plattin; Geoffrey Brown and John Dillon, two lawyers who were designated as future judges. The conditions of a peace which was no peace might seem hardly worth dwelling on, but that they mark clearly the furthest point to which Charles would openly, if not altogether willingly, go in his dealings with the Irish Roman Catholics. A few weeks after the peace was signed, and before it was published, he ceased to be a free agent, and the desperate expedients of a prisoner scarcely count. The articles occupy twenty-two printed pages, but the principal points may be clearly brought out in a short abstract.

1. The oath of supremacy to be abolished, so far as concerns Roman Catholics, in the next Irish Parliament; and an oath of allegiance substituted. All statutory penalties and disabilities to be repealed by the same Act. ‘That his Majesty’s said Roman Catholic subjects be referred to his Majesty’s gracious favour and further concessions.’

2. An Irish Parliament to be held before November 30, when all the articles were to be performed by law, the King undertaking to make no alterations under Poynings’ Act.

3. All legal acts done against Roman Catholics since August 7, 1641, to be vacated. Debts to remain as they stood before the outbreak.

6. Titles to land to be confirmed under the graces of 1628.

7. All educational disabilities affecting Roman Catholics to be removed.

8. All offices, civil and military, to be open to Roman Catholics.

9. The Court of Wards to be abolished on payment of 12,000l.

10, 11. Peers without estates in Ireland to have no votes. Irish Parliament to be as independent as it ever had been.

12. Titles to land to be decided by law and not by the Council.

13. Acts in restraint of trade to be repealed.

14. Viceroys to hold for a limited term of years and not to acquire estates.

15. An Act of oblivion for all offences civil and criminal since October 23, 1641, with some exceptions to be hereafter specified.

16. Officials and judges to have no interest in the revenue.

17. Monopolies abolished.

18. To regulate the court of Castle-chamber.

19. ‘That two Acts lately passed in this kingdom, prohibiting the ploughing with horses by the tail, and the other prohibiting the burning of oats in the straw, be repealed.’

20. Breakers of the cessation or of this peace to be punished.

21, 22. Simplification of legal remedies.

23, 24. Quit-rents increased by Strafford to be reduced again.

25. Commissioners named to raise and transport to England 10,000 men for the King’s service, and to collect overdue taxes.

26, 27. Commissioners named to appoint to judicial offices until Parliament meets, but without power to decide questions of title, and no other judges to have power within the Confederate quarters.

28. The status quo as to garrisons.

29. Further details as to taxation.

30. The judicial commissioners to have jurisdiction in every case, including murder, arising since September 15, 1643.[87]

These articles when duly executed were placed in Clanricarde’s hands, to be kept secret until such time after May 1 as Ormonde might choose for their publication. Before that day the Parliamentary fleets had begun their summer cruises and the sea was entirely at their mercy. Chester having fallen, it was almost out of the question to land men in Wales. Six thousand of the promised troops were ready, and orders were given for levying the remainder, but shipping could not be provided, and there was no money either at Dublin or Kilkenny. The attempt to put down the English people with Irish troops failed as it had failed in the days of Strafford, and as it was destined to fail in the days of Tyrconnel. In the meantime Lord Digby found a plan of his own for bringing the Prince of Wales to Ireland and rallying round him there all the forces opposed to the Parliament. Rinuccini dreaded the success of this scheme, but it was not he who prevented it. Digby sailed with two small frigates and 300 men to Scilly, where the Prince remained from March 4 to April 16, but did not get there till after the latter date. ‘The men of the island,’ wrote Plunket to Ormonde, ‘put themselves in arms and loudly cried that no Irish rebels should land there, the Lord Digby thereupon parted thence with one frigate, and one hundred of the men to Guernsey or Jersey.’ The other frigate with the remaining men returned to Waterford. According to Daniel O’Neill, the King’s principal secretary was ‘drunk nine days out of ten with white wine’ during the preparation of his little expedition, which may have had something to do with its being late. The Confederates depended on Glamorgan’s treaty for relief to their religion further than that promised by Ormonde. It was true that both sets of articles depended really upon the King’s word and upon his ability to keep it, but as professed Royalists they could not reject the first nor assume the permanent absence of the second. Rinuccini, who had no duties except to the Church, very rightly held that Charles’s word was worth nothing, and it was evident to him that if the royal power was destroyed in England it could not long survive in Ireland without foreign help. The King had justified the nuncio’s opinion by repudiating Glamorgan, and when this was known at Kilkenny he lost all credit, ‘with the merchants in particular, so that he really had not enough to live upon.’ He spoke to the French agent Dumoulin about leading the troops intended for England into Louis XIV.’s service, but there was no chance of that being allowed. The nuncio’s position was strengthened by a royal letter to Ormonde written from Newcastle under Scotch influence. ‘We think fit,’ the King said, ‘to require you to proceed no further in treaty with the rebels nor to engage us upon conditions with them after sight hereof’; the alleged motive being anxiety for the safety of the Irish Protestants. This came to Ormonde’s hands three months after the signature of the Dublin peace. A very few days later Digby returned from France, where a letter had been received from the King in which he declared that he was no longer free, and that Ormonde was to proceed as before. Digby accordingly publicly declared the Newcastle letter to be a forgery or written under duress. This satisfied the Council, and the peace was proclaimed in Dublin on July 30. On August 3 the Supreme Council at Kilkenny followed suit. ‘We require,’ they wrote, ‘the above proclamation to be printed, and do order and require the same to be published, and due obedience to be given thereunto by all the Confederate Catholics of Ireland.’[88]

Barnabas O’Brien, sixth Earl of Thomond, had endeavoured to stand neutral during the early years of the war, and to live quietly in Clare. As a Protestant his natural leaning was to Ormonde, who could not protect him; and in October 1644 the Kilkenny assembly, treating neutrals as enemies, ordered his tenants to pay no rent, and took steps to sequestrate his vast estates for the benefit of the Confederacy. Finding his position intolerable, Thomond surrendered Bunratty to the Parliament in March 1646, and soon went himself to England. A Parliamentary fleet under Penn lay in the Shannon, and there was no difficulty about putting a garrison of 700 men under Colonel MacAdam into Bunratty Castle, which lies upon the estuary of the Ogarney river. It is now the most melancholy of ruins; but Rinuccini, who beheld it in its days of grandeur, thought it the finest thing he had ever seen, and Bellings’s description bears him out. ‘It is,’ he says, ‘a noble structure, reputed strong when engines of battery were not so frequent, and before time and experience had brought the art of taking in places to perfection. On the south it hath the river of the Shannon, distant from it about a mile of marsh and meadow ground. On the east it is washed by the river which falling to the Shannon at the end of a goodly plain, ebbs and flows with it. To the north at some distance from the castle it is environed with an eminent ridge of earth, which bounds a goodly park, save that it wanted the ornament of timber trees; it was then stored with the largest deer in the kingdom.’ Glamorgan, who was now entirely in the nuncio’s hands, went to Limerick and busied himself about preparations for the recovery of Bunratty; but the garrison were at first successful. A party of Irish, consisting of 120 horse and 300 foot, came from Sixmilebridge and burned a few houses, but were routed by a sally and lost eighty men, their commander, Captain Magrath, and his lieutenant, being taken prisoners. In the afternoon of the same day the victors, amounting to fifty horse and 600 foot, went to Sixmilebridge and attacked the Irish camp. About 1400 men were strongly entrenched there, but were driven out and took to the woods. A few were slain, but a more important success was the capture of 250 barrels of meal, which supplied the garrison of Bunratty with bread for six weeks. Next day they went as far as Ballyquin, where the Irish had first encamped, burned a large store of corn, and returned with some plunder to Bunratty. Magrath and his subaltern both died of their wounds and were buried with military honours.

It was not till the middle of May that the Irish began to press the siege by taking the outlying castles of Cappagh and Rossmanagher. The works of Bunratty itself were strengthened by the labour and skill of the sailors, but it became difficult to supply the garrison with food and ammunition. The besiegers encamped in the park, where the underwood supplied material for gabions and fascines, and ate the deer, which they roasted with the dry wood of the palings. Muskerry arrived at the end of the month, and after that the siege became closer. Letters were received from Broghill, but no relief came. Rinuccini came to Limerick about the middle of May, where he had the satisfaction of superintending the rejoicings for Benburb, but he found that the siege of Bunratty was likely to be raised for want of money to pay the soldiers. There were frequent sallies from the garrison, but nothing decisive on either side. The nuncio went himself to the camp at the end of June with all that remained of the Pope’s money, to which he added some of his own, and the attack was after that pressed with more vigour. Colonel MacAdam was killed by a stray round shot which came in at a window, and his loss proved fatal to the defence. Eighteen bags of money and some of Thomond’s plate had been guarded by the commandant; but this treasure was now divided among themselves by the officers who found it, in spite of Penn’s remonstrances. When Muskerry’s men succeeded in getting heavy guns down to the shore where the action of the defenders was weak, ships could no longer lie near, and want of provisions soon became felt. On July 14 the garrison capitulated, and were carried off in Penn’s boats. Rinuccini was satisfied that his presence and assistance during the siege would cause ‘the people to recognise it as an apostolic undertaking,’ and a Te Deum was sung in the cathedral, where ten captured colours were displayed.[89]

While Rinuccini was at Limerick, and before Bunratty was taken, O’Neill gained his great victory at Benburb. The tidings were peculiarly grateful to the nuncio, in that success was entirely due to the Ulster Irish, and in no sense to the Supreme Council or to any who favoured Ormonde’s peace. And, moreover, the efficiency of O’Neill’s army was mainly due to the Pope’s money, brought over and distributed by Rinuccini himself.

In the early summer of 1646 the Confederacy was so weakened by internal dissensions that Monro thought it possible to take Kilkenny. It was arranged that Sir Robert Stewart’s army should enter Connaught while he engaged O’Neill. In the event of both attacks being successful, he could then march southwards without any great probability of meeting an enemy that could stop him. He had 3400 foot ‘effective under arms,’ with eleven troops of horse and six field pieces. Campbell of Auchinbreck was left in command at Carrickfergus. The general’s nephew, Colonel George Monro, was to join him at Glaslough in Monaghan, bringing 240 musketeers and three troops of horse from Coleraine. Monro left the neighbourhood of Belfast on June 2, and spent the night of the 3rd at or near Dromore. On the following morning he detached a troop of horse, under Daniel Monro, with orders to cross the Blackwater at Benburb and meet his namesake at Dungannon. At Armagh Daniel learned from a prisoner that O’Neill was concentrating his forces at Benburb, and the fear lest George Monro should be cut off probably accounts for the Scottish general’s subsequent proceedings. The army spent the night of the 4th at Hamilton’s Bawn, and in the morning Monro went through Armagh to view the bridges and ford at Benburb. Both are commanded by high rocks crowned by Shane O’Neill’s castle, and it was impossible to attempt the passage in front of the Irish army. Monro then marched to Caledon, where he crossed the Blackwater, doubled back on the left bank, and faced the enemy late in the afternoon. After the long march it would have been prudent to halt till the morning; and, moreover, sun and wind were in the eyes of the Scots, but they were overconfident of victory. ‘All our army,’ says Monro, ‘foot and horse, did earnestly covet fighting, which was impossible for me to gainstand without being reproached of cowardice.’ Sir James Turner, however, declared that his greatest fault as a general was a tendency to underrate his enemy. O’Neill had with him about 5000 men, including 500 horse, ‘such as they were,’ and took up a position on hilly ground to the west of Benburb. He detached the greater portion of his mounted men to intercept George Monro, but they scarcely did more than neutralise that skilful leader. The two armies met at Drumflugh, between the Oona brook and Benburb. O’Neill made a short speech to his men, reminding them that they were the ancient inhabitants of Ulster, professing the same faith as those who first brought Christianity into Ireland. ‘You have arms in your hands,’ he said, ‘you are as numerous as they are; and now try your valour and your strength on those that have banished you and now resolve to destroy you bud and branch. So let your manhood be seen by your push of pike; and I will engage, if you do so, by God’s assistance and the intercession of His blessed mother and all the holy saints in heaven, that the day will be your own. Your word is Sancta Maria; and so, in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, advance, and give not fire till you are within picket-length.’[90]

The battle did not begin till about six in the evening, by which time the sun was well in the eyes of the Scots. The wind was also against them, and there were clouds of dust and smoke. Monro’s guns were placed on high ground, but they did little damage, the round shot going over the heads of O’Neill’s men as they descended into the plain, which was full of bushes and scrubby timber. Monro’s front was too narrow, and there were no proper intervals for his rear divisions to come out in front. So learned a general might have remembered something about the Roman maniples. Overcrowding resulted in confusion, and this was increased by a squadron of his own cavalry, ‘consisting,’ as he says, ‘for the most part of Irish riders, although under the English command, who did not charge, but retreated disorderly through our foot, making the enemies’ horse for to follow them at least one squadron.’ He thought they were at least half traitors. The foot fought on bravely till sunset, when they broke and fled. The majority sought the neighbouring ford of the Blackwater, where Battleford Bridge now is, and the slaughter there was frightful. Sir Phelim O’Neill, who commanded the horse, specially charged his men to take no prisoners and to give no quarter. Others fled towards Caledon, and many of them were drowned in Knocknacloy Lake. Of those who crossed the river a large number were killed in passing through the county of Armagh. Most of the horse escaped with Monro, who acknowledges a loss of 500 or 600 men; but the Irish accounts say that from 3000 to 4000 bodies were counted. A long train of carts followed the army, so that many camp-followers were probably killed, and the truth is likely to be somewhere between the two extremes. The Irish slain were under forty, and the wounded under 250. George Monro got back to Coleraine without the loss of a man. Monro’s wig, cloak, sword, and cap fell into the victor’s hands with thirty-two colours and the standard of the cavalry. Even those who escaped for the most part threw away their arms, which enabled O’Neill to enrol fresh men. Lord Blayney, who commanded the artillery, was killed, all his guns being taken. Lord Montgomery of Ardes, who led the cavalry during the battle, was taken prisoner with about twenty other officers. Monro’s army was not annihilated, but it was to a great extent disarmed, and ceased to be an aggressive force. Over-confidence was certainly one main cause of his defeat. ‘The Lord of Hosts,’ he says himself, ‘had a controversy with us to rub shame on our faces, as on other armies, till once we shall be humbled; for a greater confidence did I never see.’ The ‘British Officer’ agrees that this was the chief cause of disaster; also mentioning the sun and wind and the long march, and that the soldiers, who had had little rest or refreshment since leaving Lisburn, stood to their arms for at least five hours. Another reason, he adds, is ‘that the Irish pikes were longer by a foot or two than the Scottish pikes, and far better to pierce, being four square and small, and the other pikes broad-headed, which are the worst in the world. Withal to my knowledge, the soldiers, I mean some that were not strong in the British army for his pike on a windy day, would cut off a foot, and some two, of their pikes—which is a damned thing to be suffered.’[91]

Military authorities are agreed that the general who wins a great victory ought to pursue his beaten enemy to the uttermost. One reason why O’Neill did not do this may have been that he was afraid of Sir Robert Stewart falling upon Tyrone in his absence; but he was a man of few words, and it does not appear that he ever said as much. He raised new regiments, which he armed with the spoils of victory, and waited for orders from Kilkenny. Want of money was no doubt a cause of delay. His appearance at Augher caused Stewart to retire towards Londonderry, and O’Neill lay inactive, first at Tanderagee and then at Loughanlea in Cavan. Four days after the battle he sent Boetius MacEgan, an eminent Franciscan, to Limerick with a letter to Rinuccini, who was quite certain that a miracle had taken place. The Jesuit O’Hartegan, who had returned from France, followed with the captured colours, which were carried in procession through Limerick to the cathedral. The people filled the streets and windows, the Te Deum was sung by the nuncio’s choir, and high mass afterwards by the Dean of Fermo in the presence of four bishops and of the civic magistrates. When the news reached Rome, Innocent X. attended at Santa Maria Maggiore and heard a Te Deum sung there also. Rinuccini was sure that if he had only money enough he could make the greater part of Ireland obedient to the Pope. All his letters declare that money would do almost everything in Ireland; but it was a scarce commodity, and without it even the clergy could not ‘keep the soldiers quiet and united.’ The nuncio had still a little left, and he despatched Dean Massari to Ulster, who gave three rials to each soldier and larger sums to the officers. The donative was small, but it tended to foster the notion that it was the nuncio’s war, and that little regard need be paid to the viceroy or to the Council at Kilkenny, where Anglo-Irish influences were in the ascendant.

Preston had also been successful in Connaught, but the capture of Roscommon, though important, paled before the glories of Benburb. Neither general was in a condition to attack Sligo. Preston had no ammunition for a siege, no means of drawing his guns over the Curlew hills, and no money to pay his men. Even the sums promised—for they had not arrived at the end of July—were not enough to last for a week on active service. The country was so wasted that everyone would have to carry a month’s provisions with him, and this could only be had for ready money. Ormonde urged Preston to reduce Connaught before the summer season slipped away, but admitted that little help in money for the Leinster army could be expected from Leinster. Both Preston and O’Neill offered Rinuccini to march on Dublin, looking no doubt to him for the means; but he refused because Dumoulin, the French agent, was there, lest the Pope might be embroiled with the Most Christian King. The part of that province which bordered on Ulster was overrun by O’Neill’s men, who plundered all classes and creeds impartially, so that they appeared as conquerors rather than allies. Ormonde attributed it ‘to the necessities imposed on General O’Neill for want of means to go on or to keep his men in better order where he is.’[92]

Want of money and ill-feeling between the native and Anglo-Irish notables prevented the greatest of Irish victories from having any permanent results. Rinuccini left the Supreme Council at Limerick under the impression that he would not object further to Ormonde’s peace, but he continued to counter-mine it while they despatched Muskerry, who would have been more useful in Munster, to be present at the proclamation in Dublin. Arriving at Waterford at the beginning of August, the nuncio summoned the clergy to meet him there in order to take steps for constituting a national synod. When he had got them together, they immediately fell to debate the peace; and this had, no doubt, been his real object. Scarampi, who had not yet sailed, was authorised to write letters urging the municipalities of Limerick, Cashel, Clonmel, Kilkenny, Galway, Wexford, and New Ross not to allow the peace to be published. In the meantime, Ulster King-at-Arms had arrived at Waterford with orders from Ormonde to proclaim the peace there. The mayor and aldermen refused him permission on various grounds. They had already been warned by the previous appearance of a pursuivant, who had to give a little boy sixpence to show him the way to the mayor’s house, and who declared that there were ‘by imagination about a thousand priests and friars gazing’ upon him and Ulster when they had succeeded in getting an interview with the corporation. After two days they were allowed to go in peace to Kilkenny, not without covert threats of violence if their departure were longer delayed. Scarampi’s letters were written before they left Waterford, though the attitude of the civic authorities was nominally due to the fact that proclamation had not been first made at Kilkenny and by order of the Supreme Council. Waterford was preferred on the ground that it was the most ancient city of Ireland after Dublin; but perhaps Ormonde hoped that his herald would create dissension enough to break up the clerical assembly.[93]

The Supreme Council at Kilkenny transmitted the original articles of the peace to Waterford by the hands of Nicholas Plunket and Patrick Darcy. The nuncio had not seen them before, though he was, of course, well acquainted with their substance. After several days’ debate it was decided ‘that all and singular the Confederate Catholics, who shall adhere to such a peace, or consent to the fautors thereof, or otherwise embrace the same, be held absolutely perjured: especially for this cause, that in these articles there is no mention made of the Catholic religion, and the security thereof, nor any care had for conservation of the privileges of the country as is found promised in the oath [of association]; but rather all things are referred to the will of the most serene King, from whom in his present state nothing certain can be had.’ In the meantime everything remained subject to the authority of Protestant officials, ‘to free ourselves from which we took that oath.’ And it was plainly hinted that excommunication would follow in due course. The document was signed by the nuncio himself, by two archbishops, ten bishops, and many vicars-general and heads of religious houses. It professes to be absolutely unanimous; but Archbishop Bourke of Tuam, Bishop Dease of Meath, and the Franciscan Peter Walsh, whose stormy career in Ireland now begins, did not sign, though they took part in the debates and were among those to whom the question was referred. On the same day the peace was proclaimed at Kilkenny ‘in the presence of the mayor and the magistrates only, the people not choosing to appear,’ according to Rinuccini, who says the Supreme Council terrorised the city with soldiers. At Callan, Fethard, and Cashel proclamation was made in spite of clerical opposition, but there was no popular enthusiasm. The corporation of Clonmel declared that they would do as Waterford had done. The town had received supplies of arms from the nuncio and was subservient to the clergy, though some of the more prudent inhabitants would have complied. The most the herald could obtain was a promise to reopen the question after proclamation had been made at Limerick.[94]

The proclamation at Kilkenny was an open declaration of war with the nuncio, who immediately sent Dean Massari to Rome to explain that both clergy and people were against the peace, and that its few supporters could do no harm. Meanwhile, Ulster went on his way to Limerick. Arriving after the gates were shut, he was refused admittance, and had to pass the night in an old house outside. Next day he was received by Sir John Bourke, the mayor, and at first it seemed that all would go smoothly; but the civic authorities went on arguing the question till the following day was well advanced, and time was thus given for a formidable agitation to grow. James Wolfe, a Dominican friar, harangued a mob in the streets, and declared that all who adhered to the peace would incur the penalties of excommunication. The chief citizens assembled at the mayor’s house, where Dr. Walter Lynch, warden of the Galway college, employed his eloquence in the same cause. A third priest ‘carried a great crucifix through the streets on the top of a pole.’ The mayor, nevertheless, favoured the proclamation and tried to protect the herald while doing his office, but stones flew like hail, and his house was wrecked. He was himself knocked down and nearly murdered, while Ulster was hunted from the room, the friars calling out in Irish, ‘Kill, kill! I will absolve you.’ He received two serious wounds on the head and one in the hand, while his body was covered with cuts and bruises. Dr. Thomas Arthur, a famous physician, who had succeeded twenty years before in curing Archbishop Ussher of a disease which had puzzled the London faculty, did what he could to pacify his co-religionists and to save the herald’s life at the risk of his own. Appeals to the law of nations which protects heralds were fruitless, and the more moderate citizens were forced to carry Roberts to gaol for safety and to give out that he was dead. He and his companions were detained for ten days, when Rinuccini said they might be discharged. Bourke was deposed from the mayoralty, and Thomas Fanning, a leader of the rioters, was installed in his room. The new mayor received the nuncio’s thanks and apostolical benediction for his good conduct in the matter.[95]

While the Congregation at Waterford were fulminating their censures against all who adhered to the peace with Ormonde, the Protestant clergy who had taken refuge in Dublin were congratulating him on having ‘preserved not only in this city, but also in all the out-garrisons, the free and full exercise of the true reformed religion.’ They besought him to continue in this way as the only means to make Ireland obedient to the King, and to provide them with some maintenance until they could return to their benefices. ‘If any of our number,’ they concluded, ‘be found disaffected to the religion, book of service, public worship, government of the Church, his Majesty’s service, or disturbers of the present peace, we do not supplicate for such, but leave them to your lordship to be proceeded with as you shall find convenient.’ This was signed by eleven archbishops and bishops and by seventy-seven other clergymen, many of whom afterwards rose high in the Church. Ormonde’s loyalty to the Church of England was incompatible with Rinuccini’s views; but it did not prevent the Council at Kilkenny from inviting the King’s representative to his own town and castle. He left Dublin on August 28 and reached Kilkenny on the 31st, where he was received with triumphal arches and many demonstrations of joy; and even succeeded in collecting some of his long-lost rents. Ormonde left 1500 foot at Gowran, under Sir Francis Willoughby, and took 500 horse on with him, whom he quartered about Bennetsbridge. In passing Naas he took the precaution of borrowing eight barrels of powder from Sir John Sherlock, the governor, and they proved very useful. Digby and Clanricarde accompanied him to Kilkenny. His previous negotiations with Preston led him to believe that that general would keep the victorious Ulster army at a distance. Ormonde’s last act before leaving Dublin was to send Daniel O’Neill to his uncle, Owen Roe, with power to make him great offers if he would adhere to the peace. These included the custody of all lands in O’Neill-land belonging to men who questioned the King’s authority and of all Lord Caulfield’s estate, and confirmation in his command. These were promises, while the nuncio was able to give hard cash, without which an army could not be moved—4000l. at first out of the Pope’s money, and 5000l. later from the contributions of the faithful, or by means of an advance from the Spanish agent.[96]

After staying a few days at Kilkenny, Ormonde went to his other house at Carrick, so that he might be near Waterford and in a position to confer with the clergy; but they were past the reach of argument. Rinuccini issued a decree ordering them all to denounce the peace publicly and to threaten actual excommunication by himself of all who favoured it. He had seen, he said, ‘with grief of heart that the Protestant ministers in some places appear, and threaten that they will recover both the churches and the exercise of their religion.’ Finding that nothing could be done on the Waterford side, Ormonde set out for Cashel, intending to encourage those who had proclaimed the peace there; but he was met on the road by a messenger from the mayor begging him not to draw down upon the town the vengeance of O’Neill, who was already at Roscrea. Piers MacThomas Fitzgerald, with the Munster horse, ‘appeared upon a hill to the left hand, near Clonmel.’ Preston had been summoned to attend, but he pleaded ill-health, and a few days later declared that, though he distrusted the Ulster army, he had ‘received a positive inhibition from the clergy that neither myself nor any of my commanders, upon pain of excommunication, shall obey any orders from my Lord lieutenant.’ The position of Ireland could scarcely be better described than in this letter of Preston’s. The Confederates had all along professed loyalty to the Crown, and had never denied that Ormonde was the King’s representative. But when it came to a trial of strength between the viceroy and the papal nuncio, it was the latter that they were forced to obey.[97]

Castlehaven was sent to sound the clergy at Waterford, but he found them impracticable, rejoined Ormonde near Cashel, and persuaded him to get back to Dublin as quickly as possible, lest he should be intercepted and captured. Castlehaven argued that the clerical party was getting stronger every day, ‘and that the Supreme Council were dissolved on the proclamation of peace, and consequently of no authority to make good the public faith.’ Other advices were to the same effect, and it seemed probable that O’Neill’s object was to get between the viceroy and his capital. Castlehaven tried in vain to gain over MacThomas, who followed Ormonde as far as Callan, but without coming to blows. Orders were sent to Willoughby to seize the fortified pass over the Barrow at Leighlin Bridge with his infantry. Colonel Walter Bagenal, who was in command there, offered no opposition, and Ormonde joined the main body at Kilcullen. He had sent Castlehaven and his brother-in-law, Sir George Hamilton, to the corporation of Kilkenny, offering to stand by them if they wished it and would adhere to the peace, but they begged him to pass on his way. The mob plundered his baggage, and the very men, says Bellings, ‘who a fortnight before had employed both cost and invention in erecting statues and triumphal arches adorned with inscriptions, setting forth his own actions, and the trophies of his ancestors, were suddenly as busy in pulling them down, and defacing the monuments of his solemn entry, lest the northern army, which could have easily mastered, might be incensed to their destruction.’ Willoughby, when expecting an attack, found that the bulk of his powder, which had been given in part payment of 30,000l. by the Confederates at the first cessation, was so bad as to be quite useless, and but for the eight barrels lately borrowed from Sir John Sherlock he would have been in no condition to fight.[98]

Digby remained at Kilkenny and made one more effort for the King. He proposed that the nuncio and three or four bishops should give an undertaking in writing to support the peace and unite with Ormonde against the common enemy, on condition of receiving a firm private assurance that the penal laws should be repealed and that they should not be disturbed in their church possessions until a meeting of a new Parliament to carry out the articles. Rinuccini would hear of nothing less than Glamorgan’s treaty fortified by part of Sir Kenelm Digby’s. Of the latter he never received the official text, and his instructions were not to proceed without it. He entered Kilkenny in triumph and took the city into his protection, relieving it from the interdict which Roth, Bishop of Ossory, had proclaimed. O’Neill’s army encamped in the immediate neighbourhood and made all resistance impossible. Rinuccini then proceeded to imprison the old Supreme Council. Mountgarret’s eldest son Edmond, Bellings the secretary and historian, and Lord Muskerry, the viceroy’s brother-in-law, were among those confined in the castle. Geoffrey Brown, who had been conspicuous among the commissioners for concluding the peace, and was intended to be a judge, was arrested at Galway, but the citizens refused to send him to the nuncio. O’Neill and Preston both entered Kilkenny, and assisted ‘the lord nuncio and congregation of the clergy’ in choosing a new council of seventeen members. Four were bishops, Walsh of Cashel, Bourke of Clonfert, Macmahon of Clogher, and French of Ferns; among the others were Glamorgan, who was appointed general of Munster in Muskerry’s place, Owen Roe O’Neill, Preston, and Sir Phelim O’Neill. The great object was now to take Dublin, and Ormonde was told that he had no chance of defending himself against 17,000 foot and 1700 horse. If the city was taken by assault it was likely that neither man, woman, nor child would be spared, but this might be averted if Ormonde would adhere to the Glamorgan treaty. ‘If,’ was the Lord-Lieutenant’s answer, ‘I could have assured the clergy my lord of Glamorgan’s conditions, I had not retired hither. They are things I have nothing to do with, nor will have. If they be valid in themselves, they need no corroboration; if invalid, I have no power to give them strength.’ After this Rinuccini concluded that if he wanted Dublin he would have to get it taken, while Ormonde, who felt his weakness, opened communications with the English Parliament.[99]

Rinuccini wished O’Neill to attack Dublin before Ormonde could return thither; but the Ulster general excused himself on the ground that he had no artillery, and came to Kilkenny instead. Benburb had been fought and won by men who were defending a strong position in their own country, and the means for a serious siege were wanting. An officer who was with the northern army near Birr described it as consisting of 5000 infantry, of which rather more than half were pretty well armed, ‘the rest as the rabble used to be in the beginning of the distractions.’ The horse were under 400, good and bad, and there were only five field-pieces ‘of about a foot and a half long.’ When O’Neill was at Kilkenny a month later Ormonde learned that his army was composed of 8000 foot, more than half of them without muskets, and seventeen or eighteen small troops of miserable horse ‘whereof not above two armed with pistol, and none with defensive arms.’ About 8000 ‘of the Ulster families, unarmed,’ accompanied the troops. Preston’s cavalry were well appointed, but it was estimated that the combined armies could not in any case exceed 13,000, with five pieces of artillery and very few stores of any kind. The two generals acted quite independently. O’Neill took all the castles and towns in Queen’s County, and made himself master of Athlone. Preston temporised, and both were much more intent upon outwitting each other than upon taking Dublin. The Leinster people did not like to see the hungry northerns devouring their province, and they flocked to Preston’s standard, so that he became as least as strong as his rival. Early in October Rinuccini went to Kilkea, then in the possession of Robert Nugent, provincial of the Jesuits, to whom it had been granted for the use of the Society by his kinswoman Elizabeth Countess of Kildare. Nugent lent 1500l. to the nuncio, and voluntarily undertook the task of victualling the army; but this clerical commissary was not more successful than a clerical general proved to be later on. ‘The good man,’ says Bellings, ‘how perfect soever his mathematical demonstrations might have been, failed in the practice, which affords a thousand circumstances that commonly lie out of the road of divinity and speculation.’ The two armies were together, though not united, in the neighbourhood of Kilcock, whence they advanced by Harristown and Naas to Lucan, within seven miles of Dublin. The Leinster men thought O’Neill’s object was to conquer them, while he believed, or perhaps only professed to believe, that Preston was conspiring with Ormonde to place him between two fires. Successful joint action under these circumstances was impossible, and it appeared to the nuncio that ‘arms at first devoted to religion were about to minister to private passions alone.’ The two generals met at Lucan, but could not agree, and Rinuccini joined them there in hopes of at least preventing a collision between Leinster and Ulster.[100]