If there be any fishing place neer the Town, then the Preist also is allowed for to seek him fish three or foure, and in some places half a dozen Indians, besides the offerings in the Church, and many other offerings which they bring whensoever they come to speak unto the Preist, or to confesse with him, or for a Saints feast to bee celebrated, and besides their Tithes of every thing, there is a monethly maintenance in money allowed unto the Preist, and brought unto him by the Alcaldes, or Maiors, and Jurates, which he setteth his hand unto in a book of the Townes expences. This maintenance (though it be allowed by the Spanish magistrate, and paid in the Kings name for the preaching of the Gospel) yet it comes out of the poor Indians purses and labour, and is either gathered about the Town, or taken out of the Tribute, which they pay unto the King, or from a common plat of ground which with the help of all is sowed and gathered in and sold for that purpose. All the Townes in America, which are civilized and under the Spanish government, belong either to the Crowne, or to some other Lords, whom they cal Encomendero's, and pay a yeerly tribute unto them. Those that are tenants to their Lords or Encomendero's (who commonly are such as descend from the first conquerors) pay yet unto the King some small tribute in mony, besides what they pay in other kind of commodities unto their owne Encomendero, and in mony also. There is no Town so poor, where every married Indian doth not pay at the least in mony four Rials a yeer for tribute to the King, besides other four Rials to his Lord, or Encomendero. And if the Town pay only to the King, they pay at least six, and in some places eight Rials by statute, besides what other commodities are common to the Town or Country where they live, as Maiz, (that is paid in all Townes) hony, Turkeys, fowles, salt, Cacao, Mantles of Cotton-wool; and the like commodities they pay who are subject to an Encomendero; but such pay only mony, not commodities to the King. The Mantles of tribute are much esteemed of, for they are choise ones, and of a bigger size, then others, so likewise is the tribute Cacao, Achiotte, Cochinil, where it is paid; for the best is set apart for the tribute; and if the Indians bring that which is not prime good, they shall surely be lashed, and sent backe for better. The heads of the severall Tribes have care to gather it, and to deliver it to the Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and Jurates, who carry it either to the Kings Exchequer in the City, or to the neerest Spanish Justice (if it belong to the King) or to the Lord, or Encomendero of the Towne. In nothing I ever perceived the Spaniards mercifull and indulgent unto the Indians, but in this, that if an Indian bee very weak, poore, and sickly and not able to work, or threescore and ten yeers of age, he is freed from paying any tribute. There be also some Towns priviledged from this tribute; which are those that can prove themselves to have descended from Tlaxcallan, or from certaine Tribes or families of or about Mexico, who helped the first Spaniards in the conquest of that Country. As for their carriage and behaviour, the Indians are very courteous and loving, and of a timorous nature, and willing to serve and to obey, and to doe good, if they be drawn by love; but where they are too much tyrannized, they are dogged, unwilling to please, or to worke, and will choose rather strangling and death then life. They are very trusty, and never were known to commit any robbery of importance; so that the Spaniards dare trust to abide with them in a wildernesse all night, though they have bags of gold about them. So for secrecy they are very close; and will not reveal any thing against their own Natives, or a Spaniards credit and reputation, if they be any way affected to him. But above all unto their Preist they are very respective unto him; and when they come to speak unto him; put on their best clothes, study their complements and words to please him. They are very abundant in their expressions, and full of circumloquutions adorned with parables and simile's to expresse their mind and intention. I have often sate still for the space of an houre, onely hearing some old women make their speeches unto me, with so many elegancies in their tongue (which in English would be non-sense, or barbarous expressions) as would make me wonder, and learne by their speeches more of their language, then by any other endeavour or study of mine owne. And if I could reply unto them in the like phrases and expressions (which I would often endeavour) I should be sure to win their hearts, and get any thing from them. As for their Religion, they are outwardly such as the Spaniards, but inwardly hard to beleeve that which is above sense, nature, and the visible sight of the eye; and many of them to this day doe incline to worship Idols of stocks and stones, and are given to much superstition, and to observe crosse waies, and meeting of beasts in them, the flying of birds, their appearing and singing neer their houses at such and such times. Many are given to witchcraft, and are deluded by the devill to beleeve that their life dependeth upon the life of such and such a beast (which they take unto them as their familiar spirit) and think that when that beast dieth they must die; when he is chased, their hearts pant, when he is faint they are faint; nay it happeneth that by the devils delusion they appear in the shape of that Beast, (which commonly by their choice is a Buck, or Doe, a Lion, or Tigre, or Dog, or Eagle) and in that shape have been shot at and wounded, as I shall shew in the Chapter following. And for this reason (as I came to understand by some of them) they yeeld unto the Popish Religion, especially to the worshiping of Saints Images, because they looke upon them as much like unto their forefathers Idols; and secondly, because they see some of them painted with Beasts; as Hierom with a Lion, Anthony with an Asse, and other wild Beasts, Dominick with a Dog, Blas with a Hog, Mark with a Bull, and John with an Eagle, they are more confirmed in their delusions, and thinke verily those Saints were of their opinion, and that those beasts were their familiar spirits, in whose shape they also were transformed when they lived, and with whom they died. All Indians are much affected unto these Popish Saints, but especially those which are given to witchcraft, and out of the smalnesse of their means they will be sure to buy some of these Saints and bring them to the Church, that there they may stand and be worshipped by them and others. The Churches are full of them, and they are placed upon standers gilded or painted, to be carried in procession upon mens shoulders, upon their proper day. And from hence cometh no little profit to the Preists; for upon such Saints daies, the owner of the Saint maketh a great feast in the Towne, and presenteth unto the Preist sometimes two or three, sometimes four or five crownes for his Masse and Sermon, besides a Turkey and three or four fowls, with as much Cacao as will serve to make him Chocolatte for all the whole Octave or eight daies following. So that in some Churches, where there are at least fourty of these Saints Statues and Images, they bring unto the Preist at least fourty pounds a yeer. The Preist therefore is very watchfull over those Saints daies, and sendeth warning before hand unto the Indians of the day of their Saint, that they may provide themselves for the better celebrating it both at home and in the Church. If they contribute not bountifully, then the Preist will chide, and threaten that he will not preach. Some Indians through poverty have been unwilling to contribute any thing at all, or to solemnize in the Church and at his house his Saints day, but then the Preist hath threatned to cast his Saints image out of the Church, saying, that the Church ought not to be filled with such Saints as are unprofitable to soul and body, and that in such a statues room one may stand, which may doe more good by occasioning a solemn celebration of one day more in the yeer. So likewise if the Indian that owned one of those images die and leave children, they are to take care of that Saint as part of their inheritance, and to provide that his day be kept; but if no son, or heirs be left, then the Preist calleth for the heads of the severall Tribes, and for the chief officers of justice, and maketh a speech unto them, wherein he declareth that part of the Church ground is taken up in vain by such an image, and his stander, without any profit either to the Preist, the Church, or the town, no heir or owner being left alive to provide for that orphan Saint, to owne it; and that in case they will not seek out who may take charge of him, and of his day, the Preist will not suffer him to stand idle in his Church, like those whom our Saviour in the Gospel rebuked, quid hic statis tota die otiosi? for that they stood idle in the market all the day (these very expressions have I heard there from some Friers) and therefore that he must banish such a Saints picture out of the Church, and must deliver him up before them into the Justices hands to be kept by them in the Town-house, untill such time as he may be bought and owned by some good Christian. The Indians when they hear these expressions, begin to feare, lest some judgement may befall their Town for suffering a Saint to be excommunicated and cast out of their Church, and therefore present unto the Preist some offering for his prayers unto the Saint, that he may doe them no harme, and desire him to limit them a time to bring him an answer for the disposing of that Saint (thinking it will prove a disparagement and affront unto their Town, if what once hath belonged to the Church, be now out, and delivered up to the secular power) and that in the mean time, they will find out some good Christian, either of the neerest friends and kindred to him or them who first owned the Saint, or else some stranger, who may buy that Saint of the Preist (if he continue in the Church) or of the secular power (if he be cast out of the Church and delivered up unto them, which they are unwilling to yeeld to, having been taught of judgements in such a case like to befall them) and may by some speedy feast and solemnity appease the Saints anger towards them, for having been so sleighted by the Town. Alas poore Indians, what will they not be brought unto by those Friers and Preists, who study nothing more than their own ends, and to enrich themselves from the Church and Altar! their policies (who are the wise and prudent children of this world spoken of in the Gospel) can easily overtop and master the simplicity of the poor Indians; who rather then they will bring an affront upon their Towne, by suffering any of their Saints to be cast out of their Church, or to be with mony redeemed out of the secular powers hands, will make hast to present unto him an owner of that orphan Saint, who for him shall give to the Preist not only what he may be prized to be worth in a Painters shop for the workmanship, gold and colours belonging to him; but besides shall present him what before hath been observed, for the solemnizing of his Feast. These feasts bring yet unto the Saints more profit then hitherto hath been spoken of; for the Indians have been taught that upon such daies they ought to offer up somewhat unto the Saints; and therefore they prepare either mony (some a Riall, some two, some more) or else commonly about Guatemala white wax-candles, and in other places Cacao, or fruits, which they lay before the image of the Saint, whilst the Masse is celebrating. Some Indians will bring a bundle of candles of a dozen tied together of Rials a peice some, some of three or four for a Riall, and will if they be let alone light them all together and burne them out, so that the Preist at the end of the Masse will find nothing but the ends. Therefore (knowing well of the waies of policy and covetousnesse) he chargeth the Church officers, whom I said before were called Mayordomo's to looke to the offerings, and not to suffer the Indians who bring candles to light more then one before the Saint, and to leave the other before him unlighted (having formerly taught them, that the Saints are as well pleased with their whole candles as with their burnt candles) that so hee may have the more to sell and make mony of. After Masse the Preist and the Mayordomo's take and sweep away from the Saint whatsoever they find hath been offered unto him; so that sometimes in a great Towne upon such a Saints day the Preist may have in mony twelve or twenty Rials, and fifty or a hundred candles, which may be worth unto him twenty or thirty shillings, besides some ends and pieces. Most of the Friers about Guatemala are with these offerings as wel stored with candles, as is any Wax-chandlers shop in the City. And the same candles, which thus they have received by offerings they need not care to sell them away to Spaniards, who come about to buy them (though some will rather sell them together to such though cheaper, that their mony might come in all at once) for the Indians themselves when they want again any candles for the like feast, or for a Christening, and for a womans Churching (at which times they also offer candles) will buy their own againe of the Preist, who sometimes receiveth the same candles and mony for them again five or six times. And because they find that the Indians incline very much to this kind of offerings, and that they are so profitable unto them, the Friers doe much presse upon the Indians in their preaching this point of their Religion, and devotion. But if you demand of these ignorant, but zealous offerers the Indians an account of any point of faith, they will give you little or none. The mystery of the Trinity, and of the incarnation of Christ, and our redemption by him is too hard for them; they will only answer what they have been taught in a Catechisme of questions and answers; but if you ask them if they beleeve such a point of Christianity, they will never answer affirmatively, but only thus, Perhaps it may be so. They are taught there the doctrin of Rome, that Christs body is truely and really present in the Sacrament, and no bread in substance, but only the accidents; if the wisest Indian be asked, whether he beleeve this, he will answer, Perhaps it may be so. Once an old woman, who was held to be very religious, in the Town of Mixco, came to me about receiving the Sacrament, and whilst I was instructing of her, I asked her if she beleeved that Christ body was in the Sacrament, she answered, Peradventure it may be so. A little while after to try her and get her out of this strain and common answer, I asked her what & who was in the Sacrament which she received from the Preists hand at the Altar; she answered nothing for a while, and at last I pressed upon her for an affirmative answer; and then she began to looke about to the Saints in the Church, (which was dedicated to a Saint which they call St. Dominick) and, as it seemed, being troubled and doubtful what to say, at last she cast her eyes upon the high Altar, but I seeing she delayed the time, asked her again who was in the Sacrament? to which she replyed S. Dominick who was the Patron of that Church and Town. At this I smiled, and would yet further try her simplicity with a simple question. I told her she saw S. Dominick was painted with a dog by him holding a torch in his mouth, and the globe of the world at his feet; I asked her, whether all this were with St. Dominick in the Sacrament? To which she answered, Perhaps it might be so; wherewith I began to chide her, and to instruct her. But mine instruction, nor all the teaching and preaching of those Spanish Preists hath not yet well grounded them in principles of faith; they are dull and heavie to beleeve or apprehend of God, or of heaven, more then with sense or reason they can conceive. Yet they goe and run that way they see the Spaniards run, and as they are taught by their idolatrous Preists. Who have taught them much formality, and so they are (as our Formalists formerly in England) very formall, but little substantiall in Religion. They have been taught that when they come to confession, they must offer somewhat to the Preist, and that by their gifts and almes, their sins shall be sooner forgiven; this they doe so formally observe, that, whensoever they come to confession, but especially in Lent, none of them dareth to come with empty hands; some bring mony, some honey, some egs, some fowls, some fish, some Cacao, some one thing, some another, so that the Preist hath a plentifull harvest in Lent for his pains in hearing their Confessions. They have been taught that also when they receive the Communion, they must surely every one give at least a Riall to the Preist, (surely England was never taught in America to buy the Sacrament with a two pence offering, and yet this custome too much practised and pressed upon the people) which they performe so, that I have known some poor Indians, who have for a week or two forborne from coming to the Communion untill they could get a Riall offering. It is to be wondred what the Preists doe get from those poore wretches in great Towns by Confession and Communion Rials in great Townes, where they denie the Sacrament to none that will receive it, (and in some Townes I have knowne a thousand Communicants) and force all above twelve or thirteen yeers of age to come to Confession in the Lent. They are very formall also in observing Romes Monday, Thursday, and good-Friday, and then they make their monuments and sepulchres, wherein they set their Sacrament, and watch it all day and night, placing before it a Crucifix on the ground, with two basins on each side to hold the single or double Rials, which every one must offer when he cometh creeping upon his knees, and bare-footed to kisse Christs hands, feet, and side. The candles which for that day and night and next morning are burned at the sepulchre are bought with another Contribution-Riall, which is gathered from house to house from every Indian for that purpose. Their Religion is a dear and lick-penny religion for such poor Indians, and yet they are carried along in it formally and perceive it not. They are taught that they must remember the souls in Purgatory, and therefore that they must cast their almes into a chest, which standeth for that purpose in their Churches, whereof the Preist keepeth the key, and openeth it when he wanteth mony, or when he pleaseth. I have often opened some of those chests; and have found in them many single Rials, some halfe pieces of eight, and some whole pieces of eight. And because what is lost and found in the high-waies, must belong to some body, if the true owner be not knowne, they have been taught that such monies or goods belong also to the soules departed; wherefore the Indians (surely more for fear or vanities sake that they may be well thought on by the Preist) if they find any thing lost will bestow it upon the soules surer then the Spaniards themselves (who if they find a purse lost will keep it,) and will bring it either to the Preist or cast it into the chest. An Indian of Mixco had found a patacon or peece of eight in a high-way, and when he came to Confession, he gave it unto me telling me he durst not keep it, lest the soules should appear unto him, and demand it. So upon the second day of November which they call All soules day, they are extraordinary foolish and superstitious in offering monies, fowles, egs and Maiz, and other commodities for the soules good, but it proves for the profit of the Preist, who after Masse wipes away to his chamber all that which the poore gulled and deluded Indians had offered unto those soules, which needed neither mony, food, nor any other provision, and he fills his purse, and pampers his belly with it. A Frier that lived in Petapa boasted unto me once that upon their All Soules day, his offerings had been about a hundred Rials, two hundred Chickens and fowls, half a dozen Turkeyes, eight bushels of Maiz, three hundred egs, four sontles of Cacao, (every sontle being four hundred granes) twenty clusters of plantins, above a hundred wax candles, besides some loaves of bread, and other trifles of fruits. All which being summed up according to the price of the things there, and with consideration of the coyn of mony there (halfe a Ryall or three pence being there the least coyn) mounts to above eight pounds of our money, a faire and goodly stipend for a Masse, brave wages for halfe an houres work; a politick ground for that Error of Purgatory, if the dead bring to the living Preist such wealth in one day onely. Christmas day with the rest of those holy daies is no lesse superstitiously observed by these Indians; for against that time they frame and set in some corner of their Church a little thatched house like a stall, which they call Bethlehem, with a blazing Starre over, pointing it unto the three Sage wise men from the East; within this stall they lay in a Crib, a child made of wood, painted and guilded (who represents Christ new borne unto them) by him stands Mary on the one side, and Joseph on the other, and an Asse likewise on the one side and an oxe on the other, made by hands, the three wise men of the East kneel before the Crib offering gold, Frankincense and Myrrhe, the shepheards stand aloof off offering their Country gifts, some a Kid, some a Lambe, some Milk, some Cheese, and Curds, some fruits, the fields are also there represented with flocks of Sheep and Goats; the Angels they hang about the stall some with Vialls, some with Lutes, some with Harps, a goodly mumming and silent stage play, to draw those simple souls to look about, and to delight their senses and fantasies in the Church.
There is not an Indian that cometh to see that supposed Bethlehem (and there is not any in the Town but doth come to see it) who bringeth not either money or somewhat else for his offering. Nay the policy of the Preists hath been such, that (to stirre up the Indians with their Saints example) they have taught them to bring their Saints upon all the holy dayes, untill Twelfth day in Procession unto this Bethlehem to offer their gifts, according to the number of the Saints that stand in the Church, some daies there come five, some daies eight, some daies ten, dividing them into such order, that by Twelfth day all may have come and offered, some money, some one thing, some another; The owner of the Saint, hee cometh before the Saint with his friends and kindred (if there bee no sodality or company belonging unto that Saint) and being very well apparelled for that purpose, he bowes himselfe and kneels to the Crib, and then rising takes from the Saint what hee bringeth and leaveth it there, and so departs. But if there be a sodality belonging to the Saint, then the Mayordomo's or chief Officers of that company they come before the Saint, and doe homage, and offer as before hath been said. But upon Twelfth day the Alcaldes, Maiors, Jurates, and other Officers of Justice, must offer after the example of the Saints, and the three Wise men of the East (whom the Church of Rome teacheth to have been Kings) because they represent the Kings power and authority. And all these daies they have about the Town and in the Church a dance of Shepheards, who at Christmas Eve at midnight begin before this Bethlehem, and then they must offer a Sheep amongst them. Others dance clothed like Angels and with wings, and all to draw the people more to see sights in the Church, then to worship God in Spirit and in Truth. Candlemas day is no lesse superstitiously observed; for then the picture of Mary comes in procession to the Altar, and offereth up her Candles and Pigeons, or Turtle-Doves unto the Preist, and all the Town must imitate her example, and bring their Candles to be blessed and hallowed; of foure or five, or as many as they bring, one onely shall bee restored back unto them, because they are blessed, all the rest are for the Preist, to whom the Indians resort after to buy them, and give more then ordinary, because they are hallowed Candles. At Whitsontide they have another sight, and that is in the Church also, whilst a Hymne is sung of the Holy Ghost, the Preist standing before the Altar with his face turned to the people, they have a device to let fall a Dove from above over his head well dressed with flowers, and for above half an houre, from holes made for that purpose, they drop down flowers about the Preist shewing the gifts of the holy Ghost to him, which example the ignorant and simple Indians are willing to imitate, offering also their gifts unto him. Thus all the yeer are those Preists and Fryers deluding the poore people for their ends, enriching themselves with their gifts, placing Religion in meer Policy; and thus doth the Indians Religion consist more in sights, shewes and formalities, then in any true substance. But as sweet meat must have sowre sawce; so this sweetnesse and pleasing delight of shewes in the Church hath its sowre sawce once a yeer (besides the sowrenesse of poverty which followeth to them by giving so many gifts unto the Preist) for, to shew that in their Religion there is some bitterness, & sowrenesse, they make the Indians whip themselves the weeke before Easter, like the Spaniards, which those simples both men and women perform with such cruelty to their owne flesh, that they butcher it, mangle and teare their backs, till some swound, nay some (as I have known) have died under their own whipping, and have selfe murthered themselves, which the Preists regard not, because their death is sure to bring them at least three or foure Crownes for a Masse for their soules, and other offerings of their friends.
Thus in Religion they are superstitiously led on, and blinded in the observance of what they have been taught more for the good and profit of their Preists, then for any good of their soules, not perceiving that their Religion is a Policy to inrich their teachers. But not onely doe the Fryers and Preists live by them and eat the sweat of their browes; but also all the Spaniards, who not onely with their worke and service (being themselves many given to idlenesse) grow wealthy and rich; but with needlesse offices, and authority are still fleecing them, and taking from them that little which they gaine with much hardnesse and severity.
The President of Guatemala, the Judges of that Chancery, the Governours and High Justices of other parts of the Country, that they may advance and inrich their meniall servants, make the poor Indians the subject of their bountifulnesse towards such. Some have offices to visit as often as they please their Towns, and to see what every Indian hath sowed of Maiz, for the maintenance of his wife and children; Others visit them to see what fowles they keepe for the good and store of the County; others have order to see whether their houses bee decently kept and their beds orderly placed according to their Families; others have power to call them out to mend and repaire the high wayes, and others have Commission to number the Families and Inhabitants of the severall Townes, to see how they increase that their Tribute may not decrease, but still bee raised. And all this, those officers doe never perform but so, that for their pains they must have from every Indian an allowance to bear their charges, (which indeed are none at all) for as long as they stay in the Town, they may call for what fowles and provision they please without paying for it. When they come to number the Townes, they call by list every Indian and cause his children, sonnes and daughters to be brought before them, to see if they bee fit to be married; and if they be of growth and age, and bee not married, the fathers are threatned for keeping them unmarried, and as idle livers in the Towne without paying tribute; and according to the number of the sonnes and daughters that are marriageable, the fathers tribute is raised and increased, untill they provide husbands and wives for their sons and daughters, who as soone as they are married, are charged with tribute; which that it may increase, they will suffer none above fifteen yeers of age to live unmarried; Nay the set time of age of marriage appointed for the Indians, is at fourteen yeers for the man, and thirteene for the woman, alleadging that they are sooner ripe for the fruit of Wedlock, and sooner ripe in knowledge and malice, and strength for worke and service, then are any other people. Nay sometimes they force them to marry who are scarce twelve and thirteene yeeres of age, if they find them well limbed, and strong in body, explicating a point of one of Romes Canons, which alloweth fourteene and fifteen yeers, nisi malitia suppleat ætatem. When I my selfe lived in Pinola, that Town by order of Don Juan de Guzman, (a great Gentleman of Guatemala, to whom it belonged) was numbred, and an increase of tributary Indians was added unto it by this meanes. The numbring it lasted a full week, and in that space I was commanded to joyne in marriage neer twenty couple, which, with those that before had been married since the last numbring of it, made up to the Encomendero or Lord of it an increase of about fifty Families. But it was a shame to see how young some were that at that time were forced to marriage, neither could al my striving and reasoning prevail to the contrary, nor the producing of the Register Book to shew their age, but that some were married of between twelve and thirteene yeers of age, and one especially who in the Register booke was found to bee not fully of twelve yeers, whose knowledge and strength of body was judged to supply the want of age. In this manner even in the most free act of the will, (which ought to bee in marriage) are those poore Indians, forced and made slaves by the Spaniards, to supply with tribute the want of their purses, and the meannesse of their Estates. Yet under this yoke and burden they are cheerfull, and much given to feasting, sporting and dancing, as they particularly shew in the chief feasts of their Townes, which are kept upon that Saints day to whom their Town is dedicated. And certainly this superstition hath continued also in England from the Popish times, to keep Faires in many of our Towns upon Saints dayes (which is the intent of the Papists to draw in the people and country by way of commerce and trading one with another, to honor, worship, and pray to that Saint, to whom the Town is dedicated) or else why are our Faires commonly kept upon John Baptist, James, Peter, Matthew, Bartholomew, Holy Rood, Lady dayes, and the like, and not as well a day or two before, or a day or two after, which would bee as good and fit dayes to buy and sell, as the other? True it is, our Reformation alloweth not the worshipping of Saints, yet that solemne meeting of the people to Fairs and mirth, and sport upon those daies it hath kept and continued, that so the Saints and their dayes may bee and continue still in our remembrance. There is no Town in the India's great or small (though it be but of twenty Families) which is not dedicated thus unto our Lady or unto some Saint, and the remembrance of that Saint is continued in the mindes not onely of them that live in the Towne, but of all that live farre and neere by commercing, trading, sporting, and dancing, offering unto the Saint, and bowing, kneeling, and praying before him. Before this day day cometh, the Indians of the Town two or three Moneths have their meetings at night, and prepare themselves for such dances as are most commonly used amongst them; and in these their meetings they drinke much both of Chocolatte and Chicha. For every kind of dance they have severall houses appointed, and masters of that dance, who teach the rest that they may bee perfected in it against the Saints day. For the most part of these two or three moneths the silence of the night is unquieted, what with their singing, what with their hollowing, what with their beating upon the shels of fishes, what with their Waits, and what with their piping. And when the feast cometh, then they act publikely, and for the space of eight dayes, what privately they had practised before. They are that day well apparelled with silkes, fine linnen, ribbands and feathers according to the dance; which first they begin in the Church before the Saint, or in the Church yard, and from thence all the Octave, or eight dayes they goe from house to house dancing, where they have Chocolatte or some heady drink or Chicha given them. All those eight daies the Towne is sure to bee full of drunkards; and if they bee reprehended for it; they will answer, that their heart doth rejoyce with their Saint in heaven, and that they must drinke unto him, that hee may remember them. The chief dance used amongst them is called Toncontin, which hath been danced before the King of Spain, in the Court of Madrid by Spaniards, who have lived in the India's to shew unto the King somewhat of the Indians fashions; and it was reported to have pleased the King very much. This dance is thus performed. The Indians commonly that dance it (if it bee a great Towne) are thirty or forty, or fewer, if it be a small Town. They are clothed in white, both their dublets, linnen drawers, and Aiates, or towels, which on the one side hang almost to the ground. Their drawers and Aiates are wrought with some workes of Silk, or with birds, or bordered with some Lace. Others procure dublets and drawers and Aiates of Silk, all which are hired for that purpose. On their backs they hang long tuffes of feathers of all colours, which with glew are fastned into a little frame made for the purpose, and guilded on the outside; this frame with Ribbands they tie about their shoulders fast that it fall not, nor slacken with the motion of their bodies. Upon their heads they wear another lesse tuffe of Feathers either in their hats, or in some guilded or painted head-peece, or helmet. In their hands also they carry a fan of feathers, and on their feet most will use feathers also bound together like short wings of birds; some weare shooes, some not. And thus from top to toe they are almost covered with curious and coloured feathers. Their Musick and tune to this dance is onely what is made with a hollow stock of a tree, being rounded, and well pared within and without, very smooth and shining, some foure times thicker then our viols, with two or three long clefts on the upper side and some holes at the end which they call Tepanabaz. On this stock (which is placed upon a stool or fourm in the middle of the Indians) the Master of the dance beates with two sticks, covered with wooll at the ends, and a pitched leather over the wooll that it fall not away. With this Instrument and blowes upon it (which soundeth but dull and heavy, but somewhat loud) hee giveth the dancers their severall tunes, and changes, and signes of the mothion of their bodies either straight or bowing, and giveth them warning what and when they are to sing. Thus they dance in compasse and circle round about that instrument, one following another sometimes straight, sometimes turning about, sometimes turning half way, sometimes bending their bodies and with the feathers in their hands almost touching the ground, and singing the life of that their Saint, or of some other. All this dancing is but a kind of walking round, which they will continue two or three whole houres together in one place, and from thence goe and perform the same at another house.
This Toncontin the chief and principall onely of the Towne doe dance it; It was the old dance which they used before they knew Christianity, except that then in stead of singing the Saints lives, they did sing the praises of their heathenish Gods. They have another dance much used, which is a kind of hunting out some wild Beast (which formerly in time of Heathenisme was to bee sacrificed to their Gods) to bee offered up unto the Saint. This dance hath much variety of tunes, with a small Tepanabaz, and many shels of Tortoi's, or in stead of them with pots covered with leather, on which they strike as on Tepanabaz, and with the sound of pipes; in this dance they use much hollowing and noise and calling one unto another, and speaking by way of Stage play, some relating one thing, some another concerning the Beast they hunt after; these dancers are all cloathed like Beasts, with painted skins of Lions, Tigers, Wolves, and on their heads such headpieces as may represent the head of such Beasts, and other weare painted heads of Eagles or Fowles of rapine, and in their hands they have painted Staves, Bils, Swords and Axes, wherewith they threaten to kill that Beast they hunt after. Others in stead of hunting after a Beast, hunt after a man, as Beasts in a wildernesse should hunt a man to kill him. This man that is thus hunted after must bee very nimble and agil, as one flying for his life, and striking here and there at the Beasts for his defence, whom at last they catch and make a prey of. As the Toncontin consists most of walking and turning and leasurely bending their bodies, so this dance doth wholly consist in action, running in a circle round, sometimes out of circle, and leaping and striking with those tooles and instruments which they have in their hand. This is a very rude sport, and full of scrieking and hideous noise, wherein I never delighted. Another Mexican dance they use, some clothed like men, others like women, which in Heathenish times they did use with singing praises unto their King or Emperour; but now they apply their songs unto the King of Glory, or unto the Sacrament, using these or commonly the like words with very little difference, and some variety of praise,
Salid Mexicanas, bailad Toncontin.
Cansalas galanas en cuerpo gentil. And againe,
Salid Mexicanas bailad Toncontin.
Al Rey de la gloria tenemos aqui.
Thus they goe round dancing, playing in some places very well upon their Guitarres, repeating now and then all together a verse or two, and calling the Mexican Dames to come out to them with their gallant Mantles to sing praise unto their King of Glory. Besides these they have, and use our Morris dances, and Blackmore dances with Sonajas in their hands, which are a round set of small Morris dancing bells, wherewith they make variety of sounds to their nimble feet. But the dance which doth draw to it the peoples wondering is a Tragedy acted by way of dance, as the death of St. Peter, or the beheading of John the Baptist. In these dances there is an Emperour, or a King Herod with their Queens clothed, another cloathed with a long loose Coat who represents St. Peter, or John the Baptist, who whilst the rest danceth, walketh amongst them with a book in his hands, as if hee were saying his prayers, all the rest of the Dancers are apparelled like Captaines and souldiers with Swords, Daggers, or Holbards in their hands. They dance at the sound of a small drum and pipes, sometimes round, sometimes in length forward, and have and use many speeches to the Emperour or King, and among themselves concerning the apprehending and executing the Saint. The King and Queen sit sometimes down to hear their pleading against the Saint, and his pleading for himselfe; and sometimes they dance with the rest; and the end of their dance is to crucifie St. Peter downwards with his head upon a Crosse, or behead John the Baptist, having in readinesse a painted head in a dish, which they present unto the King and Queen, for joy whereof they all again dance merrily and so conclude, taking down him that acted Peter from the Crosse. The Indians that dance this dance most of them are superstitious for what they do, judging as if it were indeed really acted and performed what onely is by way of dance represented. When I lived amongst them, it was an ordinary thing for him who in the dance was to act St. Peter or John the Baptist, to come first to Confession, saying they must bee holy and pure like that Saint, whom they represent, and must prepare themselves to die. So likewise hee that acted Herod or Herodias, and some of the Souldiers that in the dance were to speak and to accuse the Saints, would afterwards come to confesse of that sinne, and desire absolution as from bloodguiltinesse. More particular passages of the Indians according to my experience of them, I shall in the Chapter following truly relate unto my Reader.
Having read in the University of Guatemala for three years space a whole course of Arts, and having begun to read part of Divinity, the more I studied and grew in knowledge, and the more I controverted by way of Arguments some Truths and points of Religion, the more I found the spirit of Truth inlightening me, and discovering unto me the lies, errors, falsities and superstitions of the Church of Rome. My conscience was much perplexed, and wavering, and I desirous of some good and full satisfaction: Which I knew might not bee had there; and that to professe and continue in any opinion contrary to the Doctrine of Rome, would bring mee to the Inquisition, that Rack of tender Consciences, and from thence to no lesse then burning alive, in case I would not recant of what the true Spirit had inspired into mee. The point of Transubstantiation, of Purgatory, of the Popes power and authority, of the merit of mans workes, of his free will to choose all soul-saving wayes, the sacrifice of the Masse, the halving the Sacrament of the Lords Supper unto the Lay people, the Preists power to absolve from sinne, the worshipping of Saints though with δουλεία, as they call it, and not with λατρεία, and the Virgin Mary with a higher degree of worship then that of the Saints, which they call ὑπερδουεία, the strange lies and blasphemies which they call miracles recorded in the Legend and lives of their Saints, the infallibility of the Pope, and councell in defining for truth and point of Faith, what in it selfe is false and erroneous; these points especially, with many more of Romes policies, and the lewd lives of the Preists, Fryers, Nuns, and those in authority, did much trouble and perplex my conscience, which I knew would bee better satisfied if I could returne againe to my owne Countrey of England, where I knew many things were held contrary to the Church of Rome, but what particulars they were, I could not tell, not having been brought up in the Protestant Church, and having been sent young over to St. Omers. Wherefore I earnestly addressed my selfe to the Provincial; and to the President of Guatemala, for a licence to come home, but neither of them would yeeld unto it, because there was a strict order of the King and Councell, that no Preist sent by his Majesty to any of the parts of the India's to Preach the Gospell, should return againe to Spain till ten yeers were expired. Hereupon I seeing my self a Prisoner, and without hopes for the present of seeing England in many yeers, resolved to stay no more in Guatemala, but to goe out to learne some Indian tongue, and to preach in some of their Townes, where I knew more money might bee got to help mee home, when the time should come, then if I did continue to live in the Cloister of Guatemala. Yet in the mean time I thought it not unfit to write to Spain to a friend of mine an English Fryer in San Lucar, called Fryer Pablo de Londres to desire him to obtain for mee a License from the Court, and from the Generall of the Order at Rome, that I might return unto my Country. In this season there was in Guatemala, Fryer Francisco de Moran, the Prior of Coban in the Province of Vera Paz, who was informing the President and whole Chancery, how necessary it was that some Spaniards should bee ayding and assisting him for the discovery of a way from that Country unto Jucatan, and for the suppressing of such barbarous people and Heathens, as stopped his passage, and did often invade some Indian Towns of Christians. This Moran (being my speciall friend, and having been brought up in Spaine in the Cloister of San Pablo de Valladolid, where my selfe was first entred Frier,) was very desirous of my company along with him, for the better bringing into Christianity those Heathens, and Idolaters, telling me that doubtlesse in a new Countrey new treasure and great riches was like to be found, whereof no small share and portion should befall him and me for our pains and adventure. I was not hard to be perswaded, being above all desirous to convert to Christianity a people that had never heard of Christ; and so purposed to forsake that honour which I had in the Universitie, for to make Christ knowne unto that Heathenish people. The Provinciall was glad to see this my courage, and so with some gifts and mony in my purse, sent me with Moran to the Vera Paz in the company of 50. Spaniards, who were appointed by the President to aid and assist us.
When we came to Coban we were well refreshed and provided for a hard and dangerous enterprize. From Coban we marched to two great Townes of Christians called St. Peter, and St. John, where were added unto us a hundred Indians for our further assistance. From these Towns two daies journey we could travail on Mules safely among Christians and some small villages; but after the two daies we drew neer unto the Heathens Frontiers, where there was no more open way for Mules, but we must trust unto our feet. We went up and down mountaines amongst woods for the space of two daies, being much discouraged with the thickets and hardnesse of the way, and having no hope of finding out the Heathens. In the night we kept watch and guard for feare of enemies, and resolved yet the third day to goe forward. In the mountaines we found many sorts of fruits and in the bottomes springs and brookes with many trees of Cacao and Achiotte. The third day we went on, and came to a low valley, in the midst whereof ran a shallow river, where we found some Milpa's or plantations of Maiz. These were a testimony unto us of some Indians not far off, and therefore made us keep together and be in readinesse, if any assault or onset should be made upon us by the Heathens. Whilst we thus travelled on, we suddenly fell upon halfe a dozen poore cottages, covered with boughes and plantin leaves, and in them wee found three Indian women, two men and five young children, all naked, who faine would have escaped, but they could not. We refreshed our selves in their poore cottages and gave them of our provision, which at the first they refused to eat, howling and crying and pulling, till Moran had better incouraged and comforted them, whose language they partly understood. We clothed them and tooke them along with us, hoping to make them discover unto us some treasure or some bigger plantation. But that day they were so sullen that we could get nothing out of them. Thus we went on, following some tracks which here and there we found of Indians, till it was almost evening, and then we did light upon above a dozen cottages more, and in them a matter of twenty men, women, and children, from whom we tooke some bows and arrowes, and found there store of plantins, some fish, and wild Venison, wherewith we refreshed our selves. These told us of a great Towne two daies journey off, which made us be very watchfull that night. Here I began with some more of our company to be sick and weary, so that the next day I was not able to goe any further; whereupon we resolved to set up our quarters there, and to send out some scouts of Indians and Spaniards to discover the country, who found further more cottages and plantations of Maiz, of Chile, of Turkey beans, and Cotton-wooll, but no Indians at all, for they were all fled. Our scouts returned, and gave us some incouragement from the pleasantnesse of the Country; but withall wished us to be watchfull and carefull, for that certainly the flight of those Indians was a signe that our coming was noised about the Country. The next day we purposed to move forward to that plantation which our scouts had discovered, being (as we were informed) safer and more open to foresee any danger ready to befall us. All these plantations lay along by the river, where the sun was exceeding hot, which had caused feavers and a flux in some of us. With much wearinesse and faintnesse I got that day to our journeys end, beginning now to repent mee of what I was ingaged in and on foot, and fearing some suddain danger, by reason our coming was now known by the Indians. The prisoners we had with us began to tell us of some gold that they did sometimes find in that river, and of a great lake yet forward, about which did inhabit many thousand Indians, who were very warlike, and skilfull in their bows and arrows. The one incouraged some, the other much discouraged the rest, who wished themselves out of those woods and unknown places, and began to murmur against Moran, who had been the cause of their ingagement in that great danger. Our night was set, and I and the rest of the sick Spaniards went to rest, some upon the bare ground, but my self and others in hamacca's, which are of net work tied at two posts or trees, and hanging in the aire, which with the least stirring of the body, rocke one asleep as in a Cradle. Thus I tooke my rest till about midnight; at which time our watches gave an alarm against our approaching enemies, who were thought to be about a thousand. They came desperately towards us, and when they saw they were discovered, and our drums beat up, and our fowling peeces and muskets began to shoot, they hollowed and cried out with a hideous noise, which uproar and suddain affrightment, added sweat and fear to my feaver. But Moran (who came to confesse with mee, and to prepare himselfe for death or for some deadly wound) comforted me, wishing me to fear nothing, and to lie still, for that I could doe them no good, and that lesse was my danger then I apprehended, because our Souldiers had compassed me about, so that on no side the Heathens could come in, and flie we could not without the losse of all our lives. The skirmish lasted not above an hour, and then our enemies began to flie back. We tooke ten of them, and in the morning found thirteen dead upon the ground, and of ours five onely were wounded, whereof one died the next day.
In the morning our Souldiers began to mutiny and to talke of returning back, fearing a worse and more violent onset that day or the night following, for some of the Indians who were taken, told them plainly that if they went not away there would come six or seven thousand against them. They told us further, that they knew well that the Spaniards had all the country about, except that little portion of theirs, which they desired to enjoy quietly and peaceably, and not to meddle with us, but rather if we would see their countrey and goe through it as friends, they would let us without doing us any hurt; but if we came in a warlike manner to fight and to bring them into slavery, as we had done their neighbours, they were all resolved to die fighting rather then to yeeld. With these words our Souldiers were divided, some with Moran were of opinion to try the Indians, and to go peaceably through their Country til they could come to some Towne of Jucatan; others were of opinion to fight, others to return back again, considering their weakenesse against so many thousands of Indians as were in the Country. But that day nothing was agreed upon, for that we could not stir by reason of the sick and wounded. So we continued there that night, and as the night before much about the same time the enemies came againe upon us, but finding us ready and watching for them, they soone fled. In the morning we resolved to returne back, and Moran sent the Heathens word, that if they would let him goe through their country quietly to discover some land of Jucatan, he would after a few monthes come peaceably unto them with halfe a dozen Indians, no more, trusting his life upon them; whom he knew if they wronged, all the Spaniards in the country would rise up against them, and not leave one alive. They answered that they would entertaine him, and any few Indians well and willingly; all which Moran and they performed according to their agreement the next yeer following.
Thus we returned that day backe the same way that we had come, and I began to find my self better, and my feaver to leave me. We carried with us some of those young children which we had taken, to present them unto the President of Guatemala. And in Coban the Prior Moran thought he might first do God good service if he christened those yong children, saying that they might become Saints, and that afterwards their prayers might prevaile with God for the conversion of their parents and of all that country to Christianity. I could not but oppose this his ignorance, which seemed much like unto that of the Friers who entred America with Cortez, and increased after the conquest daily more in number, who boasted to the Emperour, that they had some of them made above thirty thousand Indians Christians by baptizing them; which truely they did as sheep are forced to the waters and driven to be washed; so were those first Indians by thousands sprinkled (or if I may use their word, baptized) for they were driven by compulsion & force to the rivers, neither were they first principled in any grounds of belief and Christianity, neither themselves beleevers, nor children of of beleeving and faithfull parents. So would Moran christen these children, though I told him that they ought not to partake of that sacrament and Ordinance of Christ, unlesse they were grounded in articles of Christianity and beleeved, or were children of beleeving parents. But as he had been brought up in errours, whereof that Church of Rome is a wide and spatious nest, so he would be obstinate in this point against me and the truth, sprinkling with water those children, and naming them with names of Christians. After this he sent them well apparelled to the President of Guatemala, who commanded them to be kept, and brought up in the Cloister of the Dominican Friers.
I remained after this for a while in Coban, and in the Townes about, untill such time as the ships came to the Gulfe; whither I went with Moran to buy wines, oyle, iron, cloth and such things as the Cloister wanted for the present. At which time there being a frigate ready to depart to Truxillo (some occasions drawing Moran thither) I tooke ship with him. We staied not much above a week in that Port (which is a weak one, as the English and Hollanders taking of it can witnesse) but presently we thought of returning back to Guatemala by land through the countrey of Comayagua, commonly called Honduras. This is a woody and mountainous countrey, very bad and inconvenient for Travellers, and besides very poore; there the commodities are Hides, Canna fistula, and Zarzaparilla, and such want of bread, that about Truxillo they make use of what they call Cassave, which is a dry root, that being eaten dry doth choak, and therefore is soaked in broth, water, wine or Chocolatte, that so it may go down. Within the Countrey, and especially about the City of Comayagua (which is a Bishops seat, though a small place of some five hundred inhabitants at the most) there is more store of Maiz by reason of some Indians, which are gathered to Townes, few and small. I found this Countrey one of the poorest in all America. The chief place in it for health and good living is the valley which is called Gracias a Dios, there are some rich farms of Cattle and Wheat; but because it lieth as neer to the Countrey of Guatemala as to Comayagua, and on this side the waies are better then on that, therefore more of that Wheat is transported to Guatemala and to the Townes about it, then to Comayagua or Truxillo. From Truxillo to Guatemala there are between fourescore and a hundred leagues, which we travelled by land, not wanting in a barren Countrey neither guides nor provision, for the poore Indians thought neither their personall attendance, nor any thing that they enjoyed too good for us.
Thus we came again to Guatemala, and were by the Friers joyfully entertained, and by the President highly rewarded, and by the City called true Apostles, because we had ventured our lives for the discovery of Heathens, and opened a way for their conversion, and found out the chief place of their residence, and sent before us those children to the City, who witnessed with being in the Cloister our pains and indeavours. Moran was so puffed up with the Presidents favour, and the popular applause, that he resolved in Guatemala to venture again his life, and, according to that message which he had sent before to the Heathen Indians, to enter amongst them in a peaceable way with halfe a dozen Indians. He would fain have had me gone with him; but I considered the hardnesse of the journey, which I thought I should not be able to perform on foot; and also I feared that the Barbarians might mutiny against us for those children which we had brought; and lastly I liked not the Countrey, which seemed poore and not for my purpose, to get meanes sufficient to bring me home to England, which was the chiefest thought and desire of my heart for the satisfaction of my conscience, which I found still unquiet. Wherefore I resolved to forsake the company of my friend Moran, and to desist from new discoveries of Heathens, and such difficult undertakings, which might endanger my health and life, and at last bring no profit, but only a little vain glory, fame and credit in that Countrey. I thought I might better employ my time, if I learned some Indian tongue neerer to Guatemala, where I considered the riches of the Townes, the readinesse of the Indians, and their willingnesse to further their Preists wants; and lastly, their ignorance in some points of Religion, which I thought I might help and clear with some sound doctrin, and with preaching Christ crucified unto them, and bringing them unto that rock of eternall blisse and salvation. I trusted in my friends so much, that I knew it would not be hard for me to take my choice of any place about Guatemala; from whence I might facilitate my returne to England, and write to Spain, and have every yeer an answer easier then any where else. I opened my mind unto the Provinciall (who was then at Guatemala) and he presently and willingly condescended to my request, and counselled me to learn the Poconchi language, (whereof I had already got some grounds in the Vera Paz) which is most used about Guatemala, and also is much practised in Vera Paz, and in the Countrey of San Salvador. He promised to send me to the Town of Petapa, to learne there the language, with a speciall friend of his named Frier Peter Molina, who was very old, and wanted the help and company of some younger person to ease him in the charge that lay upon him, of so great a Towne, and many Travellers that passed that way. The Provinciall as if he had knowne my mind, pitched upon my very hearts desire; and thus two weeks before Midsummer day I departed from Guatemala to Petapa, which is six leagues from thence, and there setled my selfe to learn that Indian tongue. The Friers of those parts that are any way skilful in the Indian languages, have composed Grammars & Dictionaries for the better furthering of others who may supply their places after their decease; but whilst they live are unwilling to teach the languages unto others, lest their schollers should after a good and well grounded knowledge of the tongues, supplant their own Masters, and be means of taking from them that great profit which they have by living as Curates in the Indian Townes. Yet this old Molina considering himselfe in yeers, and for his good friends sake the Provinciall, was not unwilling to accept of my company, and to impart unto me what knowledge he had got by many yeers practice of the Poconchi tongue. He gave me therefore a short abstract of all the rudiments belonging unto it, which did consist chiefely of declining Nounes, and conjugating Verbs, (which I easily learned in the first fortnight that I had been with him) and then a Dictionary of Indian words, which was all the rest of my study to get without book, untill I was able of my selfe to preach unto the Indians, which with much easinesse I obtained by discoursing and conferring with them, what with my private study I had learned.
After the first six weeks Molina writ downe for me in the tongue a short exhortation, which he expounded to me, and wished me to learne it without booke, which I preached publikely upon the feast of St. James. After this he gave me another short exhortation in Spanish, to be preached upon the fifteenth of August, which he made me translate into the Indian tongue, and he corrected in it what he found amisse, wherewith I was a little more emboldened, and feared not to shew my selfe in publick to the Indians. This practice I continued three or four times untill Michaelmas, preaching what with his help I had translated out of Spanish, untill I was able to talke with the Indians alone, and to make mine own Sermons. After Michaelmas Molina being not a little vain glorious of what he had done with me, in perfecting me in an unknowne tongue in so short a space, which was very little above one quarter of the yeer, writ unto the Provinciall acquainting him of what paines he had taken with me, and of the good successe of his endeavours, assuring him that I was now fit to take a charge of Indians upon me, and to preach alone, further desiring him that he would bestow upon me some Indian Towne and Benefice where I might by constant preaching practice and further that which with so much facility I had learned. The Provinciall (who had alwaies been my friend) needed not spurs to stir him up to shew more and more his love and kindnesse unto me; but immediately sent me order to goe unto the two Townes of Mixco and Pinola, and to take charge of the Indians in them, and to give quarterly an account of what I received thence unto the Cloister of Guatemala, unto which all that valley did appertaine. All the Indian Townes and the Friers that live in them are subordinate unto some Cloister; and the Friers are called by their Superiours to give up for the Cloisters use what monies they have spared, after their own and their servants lawfull maintenance. Which Order yet in Peru is not observed, for there the Friers who are once beneficed in Indian Towns, depend not upon any Cloister, but keep all that they get for themselves, and so receive not from their Cloisters any clothing, or help for their provision, neither give they any account to their Superiours, but keep, clothe and maintain themselves, with what offerings and other duties fall unto them from the Indians; which is the cause that the Friers of Peru are the richest in all the India's, and live not like Friers but rather like Lords, and game and Dice publikely without controul. But the Friers of Guatemala, Guaxaca, and Mexico, though they have enough and more then is well sutable to their vow and profession of poverty, yet they enjoy not the liberty of the Peruan Friers in their Indian Benefices; for what is over and above their expences, they give to their Superiours, and from them they receive every month a jar of wine, of an Arrobe and a halfe, and every yeer a new habit with other clothing. Yet with what I have said I must not excuse the Friers of Guatemala from liberty, and the enjoyment of wealth and riches; for they also game and sport, and spend, and fill their bags, and where in their accounts and reckonings to the Cloisters they might well give up in a yeer five hundred Crownes besides their own expences, they give up peradventure three hundred, and usurpe the rest for themselves, and their vain and idle uses; and trade and traffique under hand with Merchants against their vow of poverty.
With this subordination therefore (which I have shewed) unto the Prior and Cloister of Guatemala, I was sent to preach unto the Indians of Mixco and Pinola, from whence for my sake was removed an old Frier of almost fourscore yeers of age, and called to his Cloister to rest, who was not able to performe the charge which lay upon him of two Townes, three leagues distant one from another. The setled means for maintenance which I enjoyed in these Townes, and the common offerings and duties which I received from the Indians was this. In Mixco I was allowed every moneth twenty Crownes, and in Pinola fifteen, which was punctually payed by the Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors and Jurates, before the end of the moneth; for which payment, the Townes sowed a common peece of land with Wheat or Maiz, and kept their book of accounts, wherein they set downe what crops they yeerly received, what monies they tooke in for the sale of their Corne, and in the same booke I was to write downe what every moneth I received from them; which booke at the yeers end they were to present to be examined by some officer appointed thereunto by the Court of Guatemala. Besides this monthly allowance, I had from the Sodalities of the soules in Purgatory every week in each Town two Crownes for a Masse; every moneth two Crownes in Pinola upon the first Sunday of the moneth from the Sodalitie of the Rosary; and in Mixco likewise every month from three Sodalities of the Rosary of the Virgin Mary, which were there belonging unto the Indians, the Spaniards, and the Black-mores, two Crownes a peece. Further from two more Sodalities belonging to the Vera Cruz, or the Crosse of Christ, every moneth two Crownes a peece. And in Mixco from a Sodality of the Spaniards belonging to St. Nicolas de Tolentino, two Crowns every month. And from a Sodality of St. Blas in Pinola every moneth two more Crownes; and finally in Mixco from a Sodality entituled of St. Jacintho every moneth yet two Crownes; besides some offerings, of either mony, fowles, or candles, upon those daies whereon these Masses were sung; all which amounted to threescore and nine Crowns a month, which was surely setled and paid before the end of the moneth. Besides from what I have formerly said of the Saints statues which doe belong unto the Churches, and doe there constantly bring both mony, fowles, candles, and other offerings upon their day, unto the Preist, the yeerly revenues which I had in those two Towns will appear not to have been small; for in Mixco there were in my time eighteen Saints Images, and twenty in Pinola; which brought unto me upon their day four Crowns a peece for Masse and Sermon, and procession, besides fowles, Turkeys and Cacao, and the offerings before the Saints, which commonly might bee worth at least three Crowns upon every Saints day, which yeerly amounted to at least two hundred, threescore and six Crownes. Besides the Sodalities of the Rosary of the Virgin, (which as I have before said were foure, three in Mixco, and one in Pinola) upon five severall feasts of the yeer (which are most observed by the Church of Rome) brought unto me four Crownes, two for the dayes Masse, and two for a Masse the day following, which they call the Anniversarie for the dead, who had belonged unto those Sodalities, which besides those daies offerings (which sometimes were more, sometimes lesse) and the Indians presents of fowles and Cacao, made up yeerly fourscore Crowns more. Besides this, the two Sodalities of the Vera Cruz upon two feasts of the Crosse; the one upon the fourteenth of September, the other upon the third of May, brought four Crownes a peece for the Masse of the day, and the Anniversary Masse following, and upon every Friday in Lent two Crownes, which in the whole yeer came to four and fourty Crownes; all which above reckoned, was as a sure rent in those two Townes. But, should I spend time to reckon up what besides did accidentally fall, would be tedious. The Christmas offerings in both those two Townes, were worth to me when I lived there at least fourty Crownes. Thursday and Friday offerings before Easter day were about a hundred Crownes; all Soules day offerings commonly worth fourescore Crownes; and Candlemas day offerings commonly forty more. Besides what was offered upon the Feast of each Town by all the Country which came in, which in Mixco one yeer was worth unto mee in Candles and money fourescore Crownes, and in Pinola (as I reckoned it) fifty more. The Communicants (every one giving a Riall) might make up in both Towns at least a thousand Rials; and the Confessions in Lent at least a thousand more, besides other offerings of Eggs, Hony, Cacao, Fowles and Fruits. Every Christening brought two Rials, every Marriage two Crowns, every ones death two Crowns more at least; and some in my time dyed, who would leave ten or twelve Crownes for five or six Masses to bee sung for their soules.
Thus are those fooles taught that by the Preists singing their soules are delivered from weeping, and from the fire and torments of Purgatory; and thus by singing all the yeer doe those Fryers charme from the poore Indians and their Sodalities and Saints an infinite treasure wherewith they inrich themselves and their Cloisters; as may bee gathered from what I have noted by my owne experience in those two Townes of Mixco and Pinola, (which were farre inferiour yet to Petapa and Amatitlan in the same Valley, and not to bee compared in offerings and other Church duties to many other Townes about that Country) which yet yeelded unto mee with the offerings cast into the Chests which stood in the Churches for the souls of Purgatory, and with what the Indians offered when they came to speake unto mee (for they never visit the Preist with empty hands) and with what other Masse stipends did casually come in, the summe of at least two thousand Crownes of Spanish money, which might yeerly mount to five hundred English pounds. I thought this Benefice might bee a fitter place for mee to live in, then in the Cloister of Guatemala, wearying out my braines with points of false grounded Divinity for to get onely the applause of the Scholars of the University, and now and then some small profit; which I thought I might looke after as well as the rest of my profession, nay with more reason, for that I intended to return to England, and I knew I should have little help for so long a journey in leaving there my friends, if so bee that I made not my mony my best friend to assist mee by Sea and Land. My first indeavour was to certifie my selfe from the Book of Receipts and Accounts in the Cloister of Guatemala, what reckonings my Predecessor and others before him had given up to the Cloister yeerly from Mixco and Pinola, that I might regulate my selfe and my expenses so, as to be able to live with credit, and to get thanks from the Cloister by giving more then any before me had given. I found that four hundred crowns had been the most that my old Predecessour had given yeerly in his Accounts; and that before him little more was usually given from those two Towns; Whereupon I took occasion once in discourse with the Prior of Guatemala to aske what hee would willingly expect from mee yeerly whilst I lived in those two Towns; to which he replyed that if I upheld for my part the Cloisters usuall and yeerly Revenues, giving what my Predecessour had given, he would thanke me, and expect no more from mee, and that the rest that befell mee in those Towns, I might spend it in Books, Pictures, Chocolatte, Mules, and Servants; to which I made reply, that I thought I could live in that Benefice creditably enough, and yet give from it more to the Cloister then ever any other before mee had given, and that I would forfeit my continuing there if I gave not to the Cloister every year four hundred and fifty Crowns. The Prior thanked mee heartily for it, and told mee I should not want for wine, (wishing mee to send for it every moneth) nor for clothing, which hee would every yeer once bestow upon me. This I thought would save a great part of my charges, and that I was well provided for as long as I lived in the India's. And here I desire, that England may take notice how a Fryer that hath professed to be a Mendicant, being beneficed in America, may live with foure hundred pounds a yeer cleare, and some with much more, with most of his cloathing given him besides, and the most charge of his wine supplyed, with the abundance of Fowles, which cost him nothing, and with such plenty of Beef, as yeelds him thirteen pound for three pence? Surely well may hee game, buy good Mules, furnish his chamber with hangings, and rich pictures, and Cabinets, yea and fill them with Spanish Pistols, and peeces of eight, and after all trade in the Court of Madrid for a Mitre and fat Bishoprick, which commonly is the end of those proud worldly and lazy Lubbars.
After I was once setled in these my two Townes, my first care was to provide my selfe of a good mule, which might soon and easily carry mee (as often as occasion called) from the one Towne to the other. I soon found out one, which cost mee fourescore Crownes, which served my turn very well, to ride speedily the nine miles crosse the Valley, which were between the two Townes. Though my chief study here was to perfect my selfe in the Indian tongue, that I might the better preach unto them, and be well understood; yet I omitted not to search out the Scriptures daily, and to addict my selfe unto the Word of God, which I knew would profit mee more then all those riches and pleasures of Egypt, which for a while I saw I must enjoy, till my ten yeers were fully expired, and Licence from Rome or Spain granted for me to return to England, which I began speedily to sollicite by meanes of one Captain Isidro de Zepeda, a Sevill Merchant and Master of one of the Ships, which came that first yeer that I was setled in Mixco with Merchandize for Guatemala; By this Captain (who passed often through the Valley) I writ unto my friends in Spain and had answers, though at first to little purpose, which did not a little increase the troubles of my Conscience, which were great, and such whereof the wise man said, A wounded Conscience who can bear? My friendship with this Captain Zepeda was such, that I broke my mind unto him, desiring him to carry mee in his Ship to Spain; which he refused to doe, telling me the danger he might bee in, if complaint should be made to the President of Guatemala, and wishing me to continue where I was, & to store my self with mony that I might return with Licence and credit. I resolved therefore with David in the 16 Psal. and the 8. V. to set the Lord alwayes before me, and to choose him for my onely comfort, and to relie upon his providence who I knew only could order things for my good, and could from America bring me home to the House of Salvation, and to the houshold of Faith; from which I considered my self an exile, and farre banished. In the mean time I lived five full yeers in the two Townes of Mixco and Pinola. Where I had more occasion to get wealth and money, then ever any that lived there before mee; for the first yeer of my abiding there it pleased God to send one of the plagues of Egipt to that Country, which was of Locusts, which I had never seen till then. They were after the manner of our Grashoppers, but somewhat bigger, which did flye about in number so thick and infinite that they did truly cover the face of the Sun and hinder the shining forth of the beames of that bright planet. Where they lighted either upon trees or standing Corn, there nothing was expected but ruine, destruction and barrennesse; for the corn they devoured, the leaves and fruits of trees they eat and consumed, and hung so thick upon the branches, that with their weight they tore them from the body. The high waies were so covered with them that they startled the travelling Mules with their fluttering about their head and feet; my eyes were often struck with their wings as I rid along, and much a doe I had to see my way, what with a Montero wherewith I was faine to cover my face, what with the flight of them which were still before my eyes.