Dear Mr. Buchanan:—
Permit me to request that you will accept the accompanying portrait as a slight mark of my grateful recollection of the hospitable reception and agreeable visit at the White House on the occasion of my tour in the United States.
Believe me that the cordial welcome which was then vouchsafed to me by the American people, and by you as their chief, can never be effaced from my memory.
I venture to ask you, at the same time, to remember me kindly to Miss Lane, and believe me, dear Mr. Buchanan,
Dear Sir:—
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 2d inst., enclosing a check for $100, as a contribution to the fund for the Pennsylvania Soldiers’ Relief Association, and to express to you the thanks of the committee of that association, appointed to solicit contributions, for your very liberal and unsolicited donation. I am, very respectfully,
Dear Sir:—
I have received your favor of the 10th instant, and you will please to accept my thanks for the two missing numbers of the Globe and the Congressional Directory. Be good enough, also, to present my acknowledgements to Mr. Shiel for the Directory, and say I appreciate it highly as a token of his regard. By the same mail I received a copy of the Blue Book under the frank of Mr. Hunter, and directed in the handwriting of good Mr. Faherty. I presume you caused this to be sent; but whether or not, you need give yourself no further trouble in this matter.
Miss Lane regrets very much that she was not at home during your visit, but hopes that it will not be long until you repeat it.
I am glad to learn that Miss Jones has made so good a match. I hope her father may be prosperous and happy. I have not heard from him nor of him since a few days after you left Wheatland.
I wish I had some news which might interest you. The suspense was dreadful whilst the fight was proceeding near Richmond, and I felt greatly relieved when I learned that General McClellan and our brave army had escaped destruction. His strategy was admirable, but I am at loss to know why he did not occupy his present position from the beginning. Mystery yet hangs over the whole affair, though I feel very confident that when all is unravelled McClellan will be justified.
With my kindest regards to Mrs. Flinn, I remain always
My Dear Sir:—
I have not answered your letter of the 1st instant, awaiting the answer of Stackpole and Pierre; but as they have not yet come to hand, I presume I need not expect them. I shall be right glad to see them, though much obliged to you for your prudent caution.
I am glad to learn that Senator Wright talks of paying me a visit on his return to Indiana. You may say to him that if he should, he shall receive a cordial welcome.......
We felt the deepest anxiety during the fight before Richmond, and I felt a heavy pressure removed from my heart when we learned that McClellan and his brave army were safe. Without doubt his change of position in the face of a superior army evinced great skill in strategy; but why was the wrong position originally selected? I still feel great confidence in McClellan, and with all my heart wish him success. Still, there is a mystery in the whole affair which time alone can unravel.
Please to remember me most kindly to Messrs. Carlisle and Riggs. How happy I should be to see both, or either of them.......
Mr. Shunk was here a few days ago, who came from Judge Black’s in company with our C. J. Lowry. The Judge had too bad a headache to leave home, and therefore sent his son-in-law.
Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you.
My Dear Sir:—
Your letter, which I received through Lord Lyons, was very welcome to me, as an expression of your friendship and regard—even the more welcome, in this sense, from its coming amidst these troublous and ungenial times, when all old feelings and relations seem to be perverted or put aside. I scarcely know whether it is more pleasurable or painful to look back to those few happy days at Washington in October, 1860. Pray tell Miss Lane, with my affectionate regards, that I have not written to her lately, from a difficulty in writing at all to America during the present state of things. No letter could be written without referring to them, and no such reference could be made without pain; nor could any comment be possible, where every issue to this unhappy struggle is shrouded in such perfect darkness. I have letters now lying before me from Mr. Everett and Thurlow Weed (the latter dated as late as the 5th July, from New York), and I see from both how completely events have belied all calculation, and how little is seen, or can safely be conjectured, as to the future. Lord Lyons, too, has been breakfasting with me this morning, and we have been talking at length over all the recent and present events of the cabinet at Washington and the armies in the field. He professes the same inability to form a judgment as to the issues of the war. The universal opinion here is (and it has been mine from the very outset) that it must end in separation, in some form or other, and that the really important point now is, what shall be the border line. I have the conviction (which I expressed in a former letter) that the course followed during the last few months of your Presidency was that best fitted to avert this misfortune, had it been possible to do so. All succeeding events, even down to these late terrible battles in front of Richmond, confirm me in this impression. It was well worth the effort made to win the South back, by gentle and generous means. The issue, thus far, shows how completely an opposite course of action has failed of effect. I will quit this subject, however, the rather so, as I have but a few more minutes in which to write, and the mail goes to-day.
The Prince of Wales has returned from his long journey in Egypt, Syria and Greece, in thorough health, and with great benefit in every way. He has been a great comfort to the Queen since his return. The Queen is in good health, but still deeply sorrowing over what is hardly less a grief to the country than to herself. She does her public work admirably, as usual, but wishes no public appearances this year. I received from her, three days ago, two beautiful and affecting volumes connected with the memory of the Prince Consort. Your letter came to my hands while I was writing to thank her for them.
We are all prosperous here, save the distress in the cloth manufacturing districts, from the want of the raw material. It seems likely that Parliament will have to make some provision against the probable increase of this distress, as the year goes on.
Last year I went to Constantinople, and Athens, and some parts of Asia Minor. This year I shall first pay some visits in the extreme north of Scotland (the Duke of Sutherland, Edward Ellis, etc.), and then go into Spain. Lady H. and my daughter go to Switzerland for a few weeks.
I must hasten to a close. Again let me ask you to keep me in Miss Lane’s remembrance, and to believe me ever, my dear sir,
My Dear Sir:—
I have received your favors of the 10th and 23d instants. Miss Lane is greatly indebted to you for your photograph, which has been placed in her book.
How long I ought in silence to bear ——’s slanders is now a serious question. I have not seen his late speech at Harrisburg, but understand from a friend that it charges me with being in constant correspondence with foreign governments, urging the recognition of the Confederacy. This is in substance a charge of treason, without the shadow of a pretext, and ought to be punished by an appeal to our courts of justice. Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to you.
My Dear Sir:—
I write to thank you for your letter of the 24th ultimo, and for Mr. O’Sullivan’s letters. He is an able and clear headed man. I have read them according to your request.
—— is one of those inflictions which give me but little trouble. His malignity without a cause almost amounts to insanity. He cannot avoid abusing me. In this manner base minds relieve themselves from the weight of obligations to their benefactors. I have never read his speech. You speak of it as if it had been a meeting of “the Republican and Douglas parties.” You may rest assured that no such thing exists as a Douglas party in this State. The former members of it are now thorough Democrats. The very few exceptions, such as ——, ——, ——, and —— are the blackest of Black Republicans. They had “a war meeting” in Lancaster on Saturday last. It was not large, though many good Democrats came to attend it. The first speaker was ——, and he led off in abuse of me. Many then left. It is represented as an overwhelming meeting, but it was, in truth, a comparatively small affair.
—— is doing Mr. Lincoln’s administration great injury. He is exasperating the Democratic party against it, because he speaks as if he were on confidential terms with the President...... The Democratic party are the support of the war for the Constitution and the Union, as they were, and yet they are denounced as traitors by such scamps as ——. This cannot long endure. But I have spent too much time on such a ——.
We have had much company during the last month; but we hear nothing of Carlisle and Riggs. How rejoiced we shall always be to see you!
My own health continues good. Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you.
P.S.—Would it not be well to send the carriage to New York for sale?
My Dear Sir:—
I was much gratified to learn from yours of the 9th instant the favorable opinions entertained of my administration by Messrs. Saulsbury and Washington. Such opinions begin to be a little more common than they were a year ago, and they will be still more common in another year......
We are all alive here with recruiting, and many, very many of our best young men are entering the service. The present is believed to be the crisis of the war, and for this reason they come forward to do their duty.
I wish I had some news to communicate which would be agreeable to you. We are proceeding in the same “John Trot” style as when you left us. My health is as good as usual, and better than I deserve. Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you.
By the bye, I enclose you a copy of a note addressed by me to Mr. Lincoln on the 21st October last, which neither he nor his private secretary has ever had the civility to answer. I presume he has been made to believe by —— who enjoys and will betray his confidence that I have opposed him in the war for the restoration of the Union. I would make no appeal to him; but if you are on terms with the private secretary, you might inquire after the books. They came to me from poor Benton, whose name is written in each volume.
My Dear Sir:—
I have received yours of the 29th ultimo, and regret that you should have been prevented from paying me your intended visit. I need not say you should have received a cordial welcome. I hope you may ere long pay Wheatland a visit, when, without reserve, we can talk over together the sad condition of the country, and the course which ought to be pursued by the Democratic party in the present dangerous emergency. It has ever been the bulwark of the Constitution and the Union, and its action must now be in unison with its glorious past history. My age and my position admonish me to leave it in the care and guidance of younger men, and I rejoice that you are now at the helm.
The next Congress will be by far the most important that has ever assembled under the Constitution, and I deeply regret that any difficulty should have arisen in the selection of a candidate for the York district. I had hoped that Mr. Glossbrenner might have been the man, because I know he is sufficiently firm and true for the crisis. If my interference should promise any good, I shall interfere.
My Dear Sir:—
I thank you sincerely for your kind letter of caution and advice. I now send you my answer to General Scott. This was forced upon me by a voluntary attack, which was little expected. Although I did not altogether trust him, our relations since I ordered him to Washington had been of a very friendly character.
You will please to take the document immediately to the office of the Intelligencer. I cannot doubt that they will publish it immediately. I leave it unsealed, so that you may first look over it, if you think proper; but you will please to seal it up before delivery. Mr. Carlisle might also see it, if this could be done without delay.
I would thank you to immediately acknowledge its receipt. I should be glad you could examine the proof; but this I presume is impossible.
I have no doubt they will publish it, though their remarks preceding Scott’s statement are unfriendly. This I could not have expected from Col. Seaton.
My Dear Sir:—
I have this moment received your letter of the 25th instant, informing me that a number of ladies and gentlemen of Cincinnati had formed themselves into a reading club, and had honored me by adopting a resolution calling it after my name. I need not say how much this token of their regard has touched the heart of an old public servant in retirement. It shall be gratefully remembered.
The association, conducted with wise and persevering effort, cannot fail to prove highly useful both to its own members and to society. The solitary reading of an individual for mere pastime is of comparatively little value either to himself or to others. The information thus acquired soon passes away, and is forgotten, unless fixed upon the memory and impressed upon the heart by an interchange of opinions with congenial spirits. The participation of ladies in the duties of the association is calculated to exercise the most happy influence. It will promote refinement, religion and morality among its members.
May the “Buchanan Reading Club” flourish and produce good fruit long after he, whose name it bears, shall have been gathered to his fathers.
My Dear Sir:—
Many thanks for your kind letter of the 29th ultimo. You have, no doubt, frequent occasions to defend me, and I am truly grateful that you embrace them with the ardor of friendship. None doubt your ability.
When the troubles were approaching, I determined prayerfully upon my course, from which I never departed. This was done after much reflection, and had my earnest advice and recommendations been followed, we should have had no war. It is now alleged if I had plunged into hostilities with four or five hundred men, at an early period, this would have terrified the South into submission.
General Scott’s attack upon me was most unexpected and causeless. Perhaps it may prove all for the best.
I owe you many thanks for the copy of “Plain Facts,” etc., and I should feel much indebted to you for half a dozen more copies. I have looked over it with great interest. It has revived many agreeable memories.
I congratulate you on having become a grandfather, and trust that the boy may prove an honor to yourself and a distinguished and useful citizen of his country.
I do not intend to remove from this place. I simply joined a friend in purchasing a farm in Chester County, because at the moment he was unable to pay for the whole of it. He desired it for a residence, and as soon as he is able to pay for my half I shall convey it to him.
I am truly rejoiced to learn that the Government is doing you a simple act of justice. My health, thank God! continues good for a man of my age.
Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to you.
My Dear Harriet:—
I have received your letter of the 11th instant with Judge Black’s opinion, and am glad that you have at length decided.
I enclose a letter directed to you. The Misses Johnstons will not leave until next week. By them I shall send the package for Mrs. Stevens, and another package, I presume, from the convent at Georgetown, which Father Keenan gave me a few days ago. Father Balf, his associate, brought it from Reading, where it had been carried by a Mrs. McManus. It must have been on the way for some time.
I shall go to the bank and make out your list of taxable property, including your horse and your gold watch. I know not how I omitted to enclose you the circular. Horses and watches are included in it.
Please to remember me very kindly to Mr. Royal Phelps, and tell Mr. Schell I heartily sympathize with him in the loss of his election. It is a consolation to know that the people of his district will be the greatest sufferers by his defeat.
My health and strength, I thank God, appear to be daily improving, and we get along in great tranquility and peace. Miss Hetty is very kind and attentive, and has been all I could desire since you left.
With my affectionate regards to Mrs. Roosevelt and my best respects to the Judge,
P. S.—Judge Black, as Dr. Nevin informs me, went to Washington on Monday last. I shall be prepared, I think, before the meeting of Congress without his aid.
My Dear James:—
I have received your favor of the 19th instant, and am happy to learn that my manuscript is safe in Mr. Schell’s hands. You suggest that it might be proper to extend it so as to embrace the history of my whole administration. I fear I am not able to undertake the task. Besides, this would require my presence in Washington, or that of some trusty person, to collect and arrange the documents......
Things move on as usual at Wheatland. Judging from the number of letters and papers I receive, I infer that my letter to General Scott has been well received by the public.
I expected ere this to have seen in the Intelligencer a short reply which I made to General Scott’s last. I probably should have made no reply, but for his introduction of the “stolen arms.”
My Dear Sir:—
I have received your letters of the 24th and 25th instants, and I am placed under additional obligations. I am already so much in debt to you, and have so little means of payment, that I shall have to take the benefit of the insolvent law. I am also greatly obliged to my old and valued friend Colonel Seaton for his fairness and kindness.
The cause of the delay is curious, and was entirely beyond your control.
I should be sorry if General Scott would pursue the controversy further. I do not charge him with intentional misrepresentation, for of this I believe him to be incapable; but his memory is more impaired than even I had believed. He has got a great many things jumbled together, and does not seem to have any distinct ideas of what has passed since he came to Washington in December, 1860. I was rejoiced when he left the command of the army, though things do not seem to have much improved since.
I do not see ——’s paper, but I understand that he is on a new tack of downright falsehood. He announces that political assemblies have been held at Wheatland, and even mentions the names of gentlemen present, without the shadow of foundation. Judge Black and Wm. B. Reed are always two of the dramatis personæ. It is months since I have seen either, though I often hear from the latter, though not from the former.
I have taken no part in party politics since my return from Washington further than to express my opinions on current events to a few personal friends and to give my vote. They (the ——’s), have now got me up for Senator, when they well know that there is no office which I should think for a moment of accepting.
I am in my usual health. Miss Lane is not at home this evening, or she would send her kindest regards.
I send you the $2 which you paid for the Intelligencers.
My Dear Sir:—
I have received your favor of the 30th ultimo, and am gratified that you think so well of my letters to General Scott. That the editor of the Boston Post should not have published them, is to me a matter of astonishment, little reason as I have to be astonished at any event. Throughout New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and the great West, they have been extensively republished and, I think, have done much good. New England, however, except Connecticut, is a sealed book. General Scott has, I believe, made a final reply, but it has not yet reached me. This I shall not answer, unless it contains something imperatively requiring it. I have but few copies, and I cannot supply the demand. I send you one of each.
I fear that your History of Democracy, of which I think highly, is so far behind that it will require years for you to overtake the present time. This period would furnish you ample illustrations of the conservative wisdom of its principles.
You ask me what I think of Messrs. Holt, Stanton and Dickinson. I cannot answer this question without going too much into detail.
Miss Lane desires to be very kindly remembered to you. Should you visit Washington, we should be most happy to see you, either on your way or your return.
P.S.—Please to pardon me for having inadvertently written on two sheets.
My Dear Sir:—
Yours of the 19th ultimo afforded me sincere pleasure. I had written to you several months ago, and from the fact it was never acknowledged, I inferred it had never been received. I should be glad to know whether I was correct.
My answers to General Scott have been well received throughout Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and the Western States, and have, I think, produced a good effect. Not so, in New York and New England, with the exception of Connecticut. I am informed they were not published in Greene’s Boston Morning Post!! So much for gratitude.
I perceive this moment by the papers that Scott has written a third letter. I shall not reply to it unless something in it should render this absolutely necessary.
I wonder that General Scott has not alluded to the resignation of General Cass. I have not heard from the old gentleman since we separated. It may become necessary that I should allude to his offer and desire to withdraw his resignation and return to the cabinet.
In a memorandum made by me some time after the event, I state as follows: “On Monday, December 17, 1860, both Mr. Thompson and Judge Black informed me that they had held conversation with General Cass on the subject of his resignation, and that he had expressed a desire to withdraw it and return to the cabinet. I gave this no encouragement. His purpose to resign had been known for several days, and his actual resignation had been prepared three days before it was delivered to me. The world knew all about it, and had he returned the explanation would have been very embarrassing,” etc. Am I correct?
I send you a copy of the joint order of Mr. Holt and yourself. I wrote to you before, as I have already stated (the letter may not have been received), on the subject of the preparation of a statement by yourself in regard to your course in the Navy Department during the last months of the administration. I know you took measures to prepare for the approaching troubles with a wise precaution. Your testimony before the Hale Committee proves this to be the fact.
Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to Mrs. Toucey and yourself. I wish we could enjoy the privilege of seeing you both at Wheatland.
With my kindest regards to Mrs. Toucey, I remain always,
P.S.—Please to acknowledge this in a line on its receipt. You can afterwards write.
“Resolved, That after it had become manifest that an insurrection against the United States was about to break out in some of the Southern States, James Buchanan, then President, from sympathy with the conspirators and their treasonable project, failed to take necessary and proper measures to prevent it. Wherefore he should receive the censure and condemnation of the Senate and the American people.”
Hon. James Buchanan:
Dear Sir:—
Above is a copy of the resolution just offered in the Senate, by Mr. Davis, of Kentucky. We let the Republicans manage the question of its present consideration. Trumbull objected. My impression is that it will be the occasion for great misrepresentation and abuse of yourself and your administration, but whether the Senate will be so unjust as to pass the resolution, under the circumstances, may be doubtful. Those with whom you were most intimate are not here to defend you. I shall, of course, protest against it, and if you think it prudent to convey me any information to aid me in opposing the resolution, I should be happy to receive it.
Have you copies of your letters in reply to General Scott?
My Dear Sir:—
I have just received your favor of the 15th instant. I think you will come to the conclusion that I ought not to publish. I have also received Mr. Davis’ resolution, which I consider infamous. If, two years after a Presidential term has expired, the Senate can go back and try to condemn and execute the former incumbent, who would accept the office? Besides, the charge is wholly without foundation, as is established by my letters to General Scott. I have sent some copies of them to Senator Saulsbury, who sent me a copy of the resolution......
Unless the resolution is the result of a caucus, I should hardly think it could pass the Senate. I may have occasion for Mr. Carlisle’s professional services before the termination of the proceedings.
My Dear James:—
I have received yours of the 15th instant, with your description of the property on Staten Island. I have no doubt it is a correct representation. The distance from the landing, thirty minutes’ walk and two miles from your own house is an objection; but the idea of keeping four men servants and such an establishment as would be necessary, is scarcely consistent with my means. I have lost heavily by the troubles of the times, and I wish to preserve the principal of what I am worth (chiefly) for my family. Besides, in my peculiar position, which you perfectly understand, my purchase or removal would give occasion to fresh rumors of a disagreeable character. I have about $15,000 in currency, which I am very desirous to invest, and I wish you could assist me in doing it. I presume an investment in this property would yield but a small interest as rent. I might add that the Democracy of Pennsylvania, now just rising into power, to which I owe so much, would be outraged at my abandonment of the State in my old age.
You have doubtless witnessed the infamous attempt of Senator Davis to pass a resolution of censure on myself; and, although it has failed, the spirit to do me injustice still prevails in the Republican party. They will, at last, without the least just cause, endeavor to cast the responsibility of the war upon myself. Although this is simply ridiculous in itself, they will endeavor to make it appear a reality.
There is some malignant person in New York who sends me disagreeable slips from New York papers, which I generally burn without reading. In the last one, my eye was caught by ——, printed at the head of a low caricature on myself. I just thought that Mr. —— had made a bad selection of ——. If this gentleman had not offered to correct Thurlow Weed’s lies, I should have had this done in some other manner. The time has now passed. I presume he was afraid; and certainly he was under no obligation to assume this task.
Mr. John Quincy Adams delivered an address before the New York Historical Society on the 30th April, 1839, which I very, very much desire to obtain. I spoke earnestly to Mr. Schell about it the last time he was here, but I suppose he has forgotten it. I would give any reasonable price for a copy. I wish very much that you would procure me one. If this cannot be done, you might find it in some of the public libraries, and make a copy for me from pages 68 and 69, of what he says on the subject of secession.
We are getting along here in the usual style. I am not disheartened, but, trusting in God, I hope my enemies will obtain no advantage over me.
The two Harriets and Miss Hetty desire to be kindly remembered to Mrs. Henry and yourself.
With my kindest regards to her, I remain,
Honored Sir:—
Your check for $30 was duly received. Your benevolent wishes have been accomplished. Our Christmas feast was all that we could have anticipated, and many a poor soldier’s heart did “leap for joy.”
With many thanks, I am
My Dear Madam:—
I often hear of your health and happiness through Harriet, but have determined to hear directly from yourself, if I can accomplish this by addressing you a letter. It is now “the auld lang syne” since we first met; but to save all unpleasant feelings, I was then much older than yourself. You captivated me at once, and I have ever since remained faithful and true, and am now, in my old age, your devoted friend. I should be a happy, as I am a contented, man, were it not for the calamities of the country. Still, I enjoy the consciousness that for many years I warned my countrymen of the approaching danger; and during my administration I did every thing in my power to preserve the Union. Until I began to write history, I never fully appreciated the part which those called the Douglas Democrats had in hastening the catastrophe. Had they, at Charleston, simply consented to recognize the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, the Democratic party would not have been divided. This was all on which the Southern delegates insisted. They said truly that it made no difference to them, in point of fact, whether slavery was abolished in the territories by act of Congress, according to the Republican creed, or by an act of the Territorial Legislature, according to the creed of squatter sovereignty. The delegation from New York, headed by Dean Richmond, by their refusal to submit to the constitutional laws of the land, as declared by the Supreme Court, committed a fatal blunder. It would be curious to speculate what might have been the present condition of the country, had the Fernando Wood, instead of the Dean Richmond delegates, been admitted at Charleston. Still, all this affords no excuse for the conduct of the secessionists, and for their attack on Fort Sumter.
I have been twice disappointed in not seeing Prince John.[180] He is now, I perceive, figuring extensively in politics, and, I trust, successfully. He is able, eloquent, witty and eccentric. He sometimes carries too much sail for his ballast, but I like him very much. Why cannot he and Judge Roosevelt take a run to Wheatland? How much good it would do me to see them!
I have not heard from our much valued friend, Augustus Schell, for a long time.
Is it not strange that among a population so numerous, and so intelligent and enterprising as ours, the war has not yet produced one great General. McClellan is the best among them, unless it may be Rosecrans. During the French Revolution there sprang up, often from the ranks, Generals of the first order, possessing dash and strategy, and capable of conducting a war of invasion in the most efficient manner.
I sometimes hear of Lady Ousley, through Miss Lane. I rejoice that her daughter is so well married, and shall ever hear of her health and prosperity with the greatest satisfaction. When you write, please to remember me to her in the kindest terms. Remember me, also, kindly to Sir William.
Miss Lane feels the death of her brother very sensibly.
It would require much ingenuity to reconcile the apparently conflicting statements of M. Mercier and Mr. Seward. These will not, I think, lead to any serious consequences. The difficulty here arises from the modern practice of publishing indiscriminately diplomatic correspondence.
Please to remember me most kindly to the Judge, and believe me ever to be
My Dear Sir:—
I have received yours of the 16th instant, and I can scarcely tell you how much obliged I feel for it and the enclosed papers. In consequence of your information, I have been able to find everything I sought.
I feel how important it would be for myself to publish a collection of my speeches on the different subjects to which you refer, and especially on slavery; but I am too old and too lazy to undertake the task. There are a few of these speeches which might be useful to the country when they reach the point of examining seriously the acts of the present administration outside of the war.
Miss Lane and myself were highly gratified with your last interesting visit. You became more like a member of the little family than ever before. The information of which you possess so inexhaustible a store was communicated in a familiar manner, and we enjoyed your conversation very much. How delighted we should always be to see you, but your distance forbids the hope that we can often enjoy this pleasure.
Miss Lane left me on Tuesday last on a visit to her Uncle Edward near Philadelphia. I sent your letter after her.
I wish I had some news to communicate which might prove interesting to you. I know nothing of this kind for the present, and to speculate concerning the future in the terrible condition of our country would be vain labor.
My Dear Sir:—
I have received your favor of the 12th instant, and always rejoice to hear of your good health and prosperity.
I have been absent for a few days on a visit to a friend in Chester county, and on my return home I was rejoiced to find Governor Porter. We passed a very pleasant time together, talking of old times, and of the present as well as the past.
Miss Lane has not been at home for several weeks. She has been on a visit to her uncle and his family at Oxford Church.
I wish I had some news to communicate which would be interesting to you. I have almost ceased to speculate upon the future condition of our country, and yet I entertain much hope that all will yet be well. I cannot entertain the idea of a division of the Union. May God, in His good providence, restore it!
My Dear Harriet:—
I send you a letter just received from Mrs. Roosevelt in the very condition it came to hand, and yet I scarcely believe it has been violated. The envelope directed to me was open just as I send it.
The talented and faithful Spencer will soon deliver a lecture on temperance. He has invited the girls to attend, and promised to procure them tickets. That it will be able and eloquent you will not doubt.
Two or three days ago I received a letter from old Mary Wall. She writes to me, she says, because Miss Hetty and yourself have been married and left Wheatland. Who are the happy and well governed husbands she does not mention. Poor old thing! She must be in a forlorn condition. I have enclosed her letter to Doctor Blake, and requested him to inquire into her situation. Miss Hetty says she might probably be admitted into Christ Church Hospital in West Philadelphia. She is, I believe, a good Episcopalian, and has several hundred dollars, if any body would take the trouble of collecting it for her. I sincerely pity her.
Please to return the enclosed to brother Edward. Your purchases, Miss Hetty says, have all arrived.