My Dear Sir:—

I have just finished a despatch in answer to Lord Clarendon’s last on British recruitment in the United States. You will be startled at its length, and I consider it objectionable in that respect, but the peculiar character of the one to which it is a reply rendered a review of the whole subject unavoidable. You are requested to read it to Lord Clarendon, but I presume he will do as I did when his was presented to me by Mr. Crampton—I moved to dispense with the reading, or rather had it read by the title, and received the copy.

I do not mean to trouble you with any other comments upon it, but merely to remark that you will find that I have been very mindful of your kind suggestion. The suaviter in modo has really very much impaired the fortiter in re. The manner I am quite sure will please Lord Clarendon, but I presume the matter will not. I really believe he does not know how offensively British officers have behaved in this recruiting business; but he had the means of knowing all about it, and when it was made a grave matter of complaint it should have been investigated. After the issues of fact and of law made in the case, and the refusal on the part of Great Britain to do anything which could be regarded as a satisfaction, it was not possible to avoid the recall of Mr. Crampton.

You will see by the papers here that the debate in the Senate on the Central American question has opened finely. I do not think that advocates even among any of the factions can be found who will attempt to justify the conduct of the British ministry in that affair.

The correspondence on the subject appears in the “The Union” of this morning and you will receive it as soon as you will this letter. We shall all be very anxious to learn how it has been received by the British government and people.

The people of the United States are not in a very good humor towards the British government at this time, yet there is great calmness in the public mind, which indicates a settled purpose to stand for their rights.

The strengthening the British fleet in this quarter was regarded as a harmless menace. Our people rather admired the folly of the measure than indulged any angry feelings on account of it. The comments of the British press and the miserable pretexts got up as an excuse for that blunder have provoked some resentment, which the course of the British cabinet in regard to the Central American questions and recruiting in the United States will not abate.

We are willing—more—anxious to be on friendly terms with our “transatlantic cousins,” but they must recollect that we do not believe in the doctrine of primogeniture. The younger branch of the family has equal rights with the elder.

I am unable to say to you one word in regard to your successor. Who he will be and when he will be sent out, I think no living man now knows.

My Dear Sir:—

I have received your favor of the 23d ultimo, and am greatly disappointed neither to have received the message nor any inkling of what it contains. Long expectation has blunted the edge of curiosity here, and it will not make the impression it would have done four weeks ago.

I shall expect your answer to Lord C. with much interest, and shall do all in my power to give it its proper effect with his lordship. For my own part, I should have been inclined to cut the Gordian knot as soon as I possessed clear proof of Mr. Crampton’s complicity, and I am persuaded this was expected at the time in this country. No doubt, however, yours is the more prudent course.

You say that if I can settle the Central American difficulty, and you the recruitment question, they may blow what blast they please on any of their organs. That you can perform the latter there can be no doubt; the former is a sheer impossibility during the administration of Lord Palmerston.^[14] Any attempt of the kind will only more deeply commit this government and render it more difficult for a succeeding government to do us justice. It is still my impression there will be peace in Europe before the season for opening the next campaign; and this will leave England in such a state of preparation for war as she has never been at any former period. This may act as a stimulus to the reckless and arrogant propensities of Lord P., which have been so often manifested by him in his intercourse with other nations.

I have more than once had occasion to admire your self-possession and “sang-froid,” but never was it more strikingly illustrated than in the concluding and, as it were, incidental sentence of your letter: “I do not learn that the President has his mind turned towards any one for your successor, or for secretary of legation.” This is cool. I had confidently expected that immediately after Mr. Appleton’s arrival in Washington, I should hear of the appointment of my successor, and I felt assured that if there had been need, you would have “turned” the President’s mind towards a subject in which I felt so deep an interest.

As I have on more than one occasion informed you, I do believe that had it been possible for the new minister to be here for a fortnight before my departure this would have been greatly to his benefit, and perhaps to that of the country. This is now impossible. My nephew left me yesterday for Naples and Home, and I was truly sorry not to be able to accompany him, as he speaks French like a Parisian, and Italian tolerably well, and would, therefore, have been highly useful. I am again left with no person except Mr. Moran (who, to do him justice, performs his duties to my entire satisfaction), and yet the President’s mind has not been “turned towards any one,” even for secretary of legation. I hope, at least, that a secretary may arrive before the 12th February, as it would have a better appearance to leave the legation in his charge than in that of the consul.

You seem to take it hard that your former assistant should be acting in concert with Don Magnifico Markoe, still one of your lieutenants, in favor of the nomination of Mr. Dallas, and well you may. Such ingratitude towards yourself is a proof of the depravity of human nature. But there is one consolation. As somebody says: “The vigor of the bow does not equal the venom of the shaft.” I misquote, and don’t recollect the precise language.

I still think there will be peace. France and Turkey both desire it, and Russia needs it. John Bull is still for war, but this only to recover his prestige. He has incurred immense expense in getting ready and don’t want to throw his money away. If peace should remove Lord P., this would be a most happy consummation. Had Mrs. M. been in your place, the President’s mind would ere this have been “turned” towards somebody for my successor. Please to present her my kindest regards, and believe me to be,

I have an hour ago received your despatch of the 28th ultimo, and have only had time to give it a cursory perusal. I have not yet read the despatch of Lord Clarendon to which it is an answer. It appears to me to be of characteristic clearness and ability, and its tone is excellent. Still its conclusion will startle this government. I have had an appointment with Lord Clarendon postponed more than once, on account of the dangerous illness of his mother. She died on Sunday morning last, and his lordship informed me through his private secretary that as soon after the event as possible he would appoint a time for our meeting.

The Central American questions are well and ably stated in the message received two or three days ago. I know from reliable authority that Lord Palmerston “has very strong views on the subject.” The Times is a mighty power in the State; and I have adopted means, through the agency of a friend, to prevent that journal from committing itself upon the questions until after its conductors shall have an opportunity of examining the correspondence. These means have hitherto proved effectual. The correspondence has now arrived, and the Times may indicate its views to-morrow morning. The tone of the other journals has not been satisfactory; and the Daily Telegraph has been evidently bought over, and become hostile to the United States within the last four days, as you will perceive from the number which I send. Should the Times take ground against us, it is my purpose to have an edition of that part of the message relating to Central America, and the correspondence, published in pamphlet form, and circulated among members of Parliament and other influential persons. Should the expense be great, I may call upon you to pay it out of the contingent fund.

A few hasty remarks upon the present condition of affairs in this country. The Austrian proposals, as you will see by the papers, have been accepted by the czar. This is distasteful to the British people who have made vast preparations, at an enormous expense, to recover their military and naval prestige in the next campaign. But peace is evidently desired by Louis Napoleon and the French, by the Turks and by the Sardinians. It still continues to be my opinion that peace will be made. In this state of affairs, the British people being sore and disappointed and being better prepared for war than they have ever been, Lord Palmerston, whose character is reckless and his hostility to our country well known, will most probably assume a high and defiant attitude on the questions pending between the two countries. The British people are now in that state of feeling that I firmly believe they could be brought up to a war with the United States, if they can be persuaded that the territory in dispute belongs to themselves. This, absurd as it is, may be done through the agency of a press generally, if not universally, hostile to us. I make these remarks because you ought to know the truth and be prepared for the worst. Certainly not with a view of yielding one iota of our rights to Great Britain or any other power. Most certainly not.

I understand from friends that it is now stated by British individuals in conversation, how easy it would be for them in their present state of preparation, and with our feeble navy, to bring a war with us to a speedy and successful conclusion. In this they would be wofully mistaken.

I have great hopes, however, that the peace will upset Lord Palmerston. The session of Parliament will commence with a powerful opposition against him.

Do contrive by some means to hasten the construction of a railroad to the Pacific and to increase our navy. Such a road is as necessary for war purposes as the construction of a fort to defend any of our cities.

I have not time to write more before the closing of the bag.

I deeply regret to find that so late as the 3d of January you are unable to say one word to me in regard to my successor. For this cause, I think I have good reason to complain.

With my kind regards always to Mrs. Marcy, I remain

P.S.—I ought not to forget to say that the President’s message has received great commendation among enlightened people in this country. I am sorry you did not inform me at an earlier period that it was the President’s intention to demand the recall of Mr. Crampton, etc., that I might have prepared them for such a result.

My Dear Sir:—

...... Many thanks for your friendly wishes. They are cordially reciprocated. Your kindly feelings towards myself have doubtless greatly magnified my popularity at home, but were the Presidency within my reach, which I am far from believing, I might then exclaim:

I cannot yet say when I shall return home, but I expect by every steamer to hear of the appointment of my successor. Indeed, I have been greatly disappointed in being detained here so long. After my relief it is my purpose to pay a brief visit to the continent. At the latest, God willing, I expect to be at home some time in April—possibly before the end of March.

Without a secretary of legation, my letters must be brief. For this I know you will excuse me.

With my best wishes for your health and happiness, I remain always,

My Dear Sir:—

From present appearances the Central American questions can lead to no serious difficulties with England. Public opinion would here seem to be nearly altogether in favor of our construction of the treaty. Such I learn, is the conversation at the clubs and in society; and with the Times, as well as the Daily News on our side, and this in accordance with public sentiment, we might expect a speedy settlement of these questions, if any statesman except Lord Palmerston were at the head of the government. He cannot long remain in power, I think, after peace shall have been concluded. I expect to go to Paris after the 12th of February, and may write to you from there, should I have a conversation with Louis Napoleon. I shall see Lord Clarendon early next week, and you may expect by the next steamer to hear the result of my reading your despatch to his lordship.

I still continue firm in the belief that peace will be concluded, though it is manifestly distasteful to the British people.

I met Sir Charles Wood, the first lord of the admiralty, at dinner the other day, and had some fun with him about sending the fleet to our shores. He said they had only sent a few old hulks, and with such vessels they could never have thought of hostilities against such a power as the United States; and asked me if I had ever heard that one of them approached our shores. I might have referred him to the Screw Blocks. The conversation was altogether agreeable and afforded amusement to the persons near us at the table. He said: “Buchanan, if you and I had to settle the questions between the two governments, they would be settled speedily.” I know not whether there was any meaning beneath this expression.

I consider this mission as a sort of waif abandoned by the Government. Not a word even about a secretary of legation, though Mr. Appleton left me more than two months ago. With the amount of business to transact, and the number of visits to receive, I have to labor like a drayman. Have you no bowels?

The reports, concerning our officers, received from the Crimea, are highly complimentary and satisfactory, and the people here are much gratified with the letter received from the Secretary of War, thanking General Simpson for his kindness and attention towards them.

Before I go away I intend to get up a letter from Lord Clarendon and yourself, manifesting your sense of the manner in which Mr. Bates performed his duty as umpire. As he will accept no pay, it is as little as you can do, to say, “thank you, sir.”

I am informed there is a publisher in London about to publish the Central American correspondence in pamphlet form, believing it will yield him a profit.

I have just received a letter from Mason, written in excellent spirits, praising Mr. Wise, his new secretary. For poor me, this is sour grapes. Never forgetting my friend, Mrs. Marcy,

My Dear Sir:—

I did not receive your kind and friendly letter of the 21st ultimo until last evening, and although oppressed by my public duties to-day, I cannot suffer a steamer to depart without bearing you an answer.

We had been friends for many years before our friendship was suspended. The best course to pursue in renewing it again is to suffer bygones to be bygones. In this spirit I cordially accept your overtures, and shall forget everything unpleasant in our past relations. When we meet again, let us meet as though no estrangement had ever existed between us, and it shall not be my fault if we should not remain friends as long as we both may live. I wish you an honorable and useful career in the Senate.

I had hoped to return home with Miss Lane in October last, but a succession of threatening incidents has occurred in the relations between the two countries which has kept me here until the present moment. And even now I do not know when I can leave my post. My private business requires that I should be at home on the 1st of April, but no pecuniary consideration can induce me to desert my public duty at such a moment as the present. I trust, however, that by the next steamer I shall hear of the appointment of my successor.

In regard to the Presidency to which you refer, if my own wishes had been consulted, my name should never again have been mentioned in connection with that office. I feel, nevertheless, quite as grateful to my friends for their voluntary exertions in my favor during my absence, as though they had been prompted by myself. It is a consolation which I shall bear with me to my dying day, that the Democracy of my native state have sustained me with so much unanimity. I shall neither be disappointed nor in the slightest degree mortified should the Cincinnati Convention nominate another person; but in the retirement, the prospect of which is now so dear to me, the consciousness that Pennsylvania has stood by me to the last will be a delightful reflection. Our friends Van Dyke and Lynch have kept me advised of your exertions in my favor.

I am happy to inform you that within the last fortnight public opinion has evidently undergone a change in favor of our country. The best evidence of this is perhaps the friendly tone of Lord Palmerston’s speech on Friday night last. His lordship has, however, done me injustice in attributing to me expressions which I never uttered, or rather which I never wrote, for all is in writing. All I said in relation to the matter in question was that I should have much satisfaction in transmitting a copy of Lord Clarendon’s note to the SecretarySecretary of State. I never had a word with Lord Palmerston on the subject.

The moment has arrived for closing the despatch bags, and I conclude by assuring you of my renewed friendship.

My Dear Sir:—

I have received your favor of the 27th ultimo, and although the contents are very acceptable, yet, like a lady’s letter, its pith and marrow are in the two postscripts, informing me that Mr. Dallas had been offered and would probably accept this mission. By the newspapers I learn that his nomination had been sent to the Senate. It is long since I have heard such welcome news. But there is some alloy in almost every good, and in my own joy, I cannot but sympathize with you for the loss of Mr. Markoe, who, the papers say, is to be appointed the secretary of legation. Pray bear it with Christian resignation.

I need not say that I shall do all I can to give Mr. Dallas a fair start.

I have two things to request of you:

1. Although I have no doubt the omission of Lady Palmerston to invite me to her first party was both intentional and significant at the time, yet I should be unwilling to leave the fact on record in a public despatch. I will, therefore, send you by the next steamer the same despatch, number 119, of the 4th instant, with that portion of it omitted. When you receive this, please to withdraw the first despatch and keep it for me until my return.

2. Should you, in your friendly discretion, deem it advisable under the circumstances, please to have an editorial prepared for the Union, stating the facts in my last despatch (a duplicate of which is now sent you), in relation to the remarks of Lord Palmerston as to my expression of satisfaction with the apology contained in Lord Clarendon’s note of the 16th July. I send you with this a pamphlet which has just been published here on this subject. I know the author. He is an Englishman of character. Several members of Parliament have called upon me for information, but my position requires that I should be very chary. I have furnished some of them with copies of Hertz’s trial, among the rest Mr. Roebuck. I met him afterwards in society, and it was evident the pamphlet had strongly impressed him with Mr. Crampton’s complicity. Still it is not to be denied that Lord Palmerston’s speech on Friday last, in relation to this subject, has made a strong impression here, as it has done on the continent, judging by the facts stated in my despatch.

I know from the tone of your letter that you would consider me in a state of mental delusion if I were to say how indifferent I feel in regard to myself on the question of the next Presidency. You would be quite a sceptic. One thing is certain that neither by word nor letter have I ever contributed any support to myself. I believe that the next Presidential term will perhaps be the most important and responsible of any which has occurred since the origin of the Government, and whilst no competent and patriotic man to whom it may be offered should shrink from the responsibility, yet he may well accept it as the greatest trial of his life. Of course nothing can be expected from you but a decided support of your chief.

Never forgetting my excellent and esteemed friend, whose influence I shrewdly suspect put you in motion in regard to the appointment of a successor, I remain, as always,

My Dear Miss Hetty:—

Although greatly hurried to-day, having heavy despatches, according to my rule I suffer not a steamer to pass without answering your letters. Your last of the 26th ultimo was most agreeable. You give me information concerning the neighbors which I highly prize. Every thing about home is dear to me, and you can scarcely realize how much pleasure I feel in the prospect of being with you ere long, should a kind Providence spare my life and my health. I have had no secretary of legation with me for several months, and I have had to labor very hard. I hope to experience the delight of being idle, or rather doing what I please, at Wheatland.

After many vain entreaties, Mr. Dallas has at length been appointed my successor, and I expect him here by the end of this month. Whether I shall return immediately home, or go to Paris for a few weeks, I have not yet determined. The former I would greatly prefer; but March is a very rough month to pass the Atlantic, and I suffer wretchedly from sea-sickness all the time. I am now, thank God, in good health, and I do not wish to impair it on the voyage......

I wish John Brenner joy in advance of his marriage. Remember me kindly to Mr. Fahnestock and your sister, and to all our neighbors and friends, and tell them how happy I shall be to meet them once more. Remember me, also, most kindly, to Father Keenan......

With sincere and affectionate regard, I remain always your friend,

My Dear Mary:—

It is not from the want of warm affection that I do not write to you oftener. I shall ever feel the deepest interest in your welfare and happiness. This omission on my part arises simply from the fact that Harriet and yourself are in constant correspondence, and through her you hear all the news from London, and I often hear of you. I am rejoiced that you are contented and happy. May you ever be so!

I have determined to return home in October next, God willing, and to pass the remnant of my days, if Heaven should prolong them, in tranquillity and retirement. After a long and somewhat stormy public life, I enjoy this prospect as much as I have ever done the anticipation of high office.

England is now in a state of mourning for the loss of so many of her brave sons in the Crimea. The approaching “season” will, in consequence, be dull, and this I shall bear with Christian fortitude. The duller the better for me; but not so for Harriet. She has enjoyed herself very much, and made many friends; but I do not see any bright prospect of her marriage. This may probably be her own fault. I confess that nothing would please me better than to see her married, with her own hearty good will, to a worthy man. Should I be called away, her situation would not by any means be comfortable.

We are treated with much civility here, indeed with kindness, according to the English fashion, which is not very cordial. Such a thing as social visiting does not exist even among near friends. You cannot “drop in of an evening” anywhere. You must not go to any place unless you are expected, except it be a formal morning call......

It is said that the queen is, and it is certain the British people are, deeply mortified at the disasters of her troops in the Crimea. If the men had died in battle this would have been some consolation, but they have been sacrificed by the mismanagement of officials in high authority. The contrast between the condition of the French and English troops in the Crimea has deeply wounded British pride. Indeed, I am sorry for it myself, because it would be unfortunate for the world should England sink to the level of a second-rate power. They call us their “cousins on the other side of the Atlantic,” and it is certain we are kindred......