Contents—Henry Ryan—Ryanites—He comes to Canada—His associate, Case—At Kingston—A Singer—Preaching in the Market-place—Their treatment—In office—His circuit—1000 miles—What he received—Elder—Superseded—Probable cause—A British subject—During the war of 1812—President of Conference—“High-minded”—Useful—Acceptable to the people—Desired independence by the Canadians—How he was treated—His labors—Brave—Witty—“Fatherless children”—“Impudent scoundrel”—Muscular—“Methodists’ Bull”—“Magistrate’s Goat”—Ryan seeks separation—Breakenridge—Conduct of the American Conference—Ryan’s agitation—Effect upon the Bishops—First Canada Conference—At Hollowell—Desire for independence—Reasons, cogent—Fruit of Ryan’s doings—The way the Conference treated Ryan—Withdraws—No faith in the United States Conference—Ryan sincere—“Canadian Wesleyans”—The motives of the United States Conference questionable—The wrong done Ryan—Second Canada Conference—Case, first Superintendent—Visit of Bishop Asbury—Account by Henry Bœhm—Asbury an Englishman—During the rebellion—A Bishop—His journey to Canada—Crossing the St. Lawrence—Traveling in Canada—An upset—“A decent people”—His opinion of the country—The Bishop ill—At Kingston—Bœhm at Embury’s—A field meeting—Riding all night—Crossing to Sackett’s harbor—Nearly wrecked.
A sketch of the early ministers who preached around the Bay Quinté, would be incomplete without a somewhat extended notice of Elder Ryan, after whom was called, a certain number of non-contented Methodists, Ryanites.
Henry Ryan, an Irishman, “of a bold energetic nature, with a powerful voice,” commenced preaching in 1800. He was for five years stationed in the States. In the year 1805, he, with the Rev. Wm. Case, was appointed to the Bay Quinté circuit. It was they who arranged and conducted the first camp meeting. Carroll, writing of that period, says, “there was no society (of Methodists) then in the Town of Kingston, and its inhabitants were very irreligious. The market house was the only chapel of the Methodists, Case and his colleague (Ryan) made a bold push to arouse the people. Sometimes they went together, Ryan was a powerful singer too. They would ride into the town, put their horses at an inn, lock arms, and go singing down the streets a stirring ode, beginning with ‘Come let us march to Zion’s hill.’ By the time they had reached the market-place, they usually had collected a large assembly. When together, Ryan usually preached, and Case exhorted. Ryan’s stentorian voice resounded through the town, and was heard across the adjacent waters. They suffered no particular opposition excepting a little annoyance from some of the baser sort, who sometimes tried to trip them off the butcher’s block, which constituted their rostrum; set fire to their hair, and then blew out their candle if it were in the night season.” Proof was subsequently given that this preaching was not without effect.
Mr. Ryan continued ten years at the Bay Quinté, and then three years in the west at Long Point and Niagara. In 1810, he was presiding Elder. His duties, as such, was to visit every part of the Province, from Detroit to Cornwall. “Allowing for his returns home, he traveled about 1000 miles each quarter in the year, or 4000 miles a year. And what was the worldly gain? The presiding Elder was allowed $80 for himself, $60 for his wife, and what provisions he would need for his family. His entire allowance might have been £60 a year. Such was the remuneration, and such the labors, of the presiding Elder” of the Methodists fifty-three years ago—(Playter).
Henry Ryan continued a presiding Elder, for many years, in the whole of Upper Canada, a few years in Lower Canada, and then when the Bay of Quinté district was set apart by division, he was appointed Elder to it. But in 1834, for some reason, Mr. Ryan was superseded in office. The reason of this can only be guessed. He was an Irishman by birth, and although sent to Canada by an American body, he seems to have been more a British subject, a Canadian, than American. During the war of 1812, he remained in Canada attending to his duties, with three other faithful men, Rhodes, Whitehead, and Pringle. More than that, as presiding Elder, he assumed the oversight of the preachers at the close of the first year. Others had been stationed in Canada who were British subjects, but they ceased before the war had closed, to discharge their duties. The Americans feared to come, or, having come, were warned off by proclamation. Those who continued in the ministerial field met under the presidency of Ryan. In the year of the commencement of the war, the conference was to have met at Niagara, in Upper Canada; but war was declared by the United States a month previous, and instead of venturing into the country where their fellow countrymen were about to carry the midnight torch, they turned aside to another place to hold their conference. “None of the brethren laboring on the Canada side went over. It is probable, although we are not certain, that they met at the place appointed, where some sort of deliberations would take place.” The Rev. John Ryerson says Mr. Ryan “held a conference, and held three conferences during the war, the principal business of which was employing preachers, and appointing them to their different fields of labor.” The Rev. Ezra Adams says, “the second conference was held at Matilda,” and “in 1814, it was held at the Bay of Quinté, at Second or Fourth Town”—Carroll. Mr. Ryan was impulsive and authoritative, at least the ministers thought so, and the rule of “Harry Ryan” was called “high-handed.” The end of it all was that, although he was useful and liked by the people, his ministerial brethren in Canada did not like him, and the conference seemed glad to supersede one, who no doubt already manifested his desire that the Canadian Methodists should become independent of the Americans. In view of the political state of affairs, the objection felt by the government to have American preachers giving religious instruction to Canadians,—in view of the course pursued by Ryan during the war of 1812—in view of his whole career up to this time, the belief is forced upon the mind that it was not only when Ryan had been superseded that he began to agitate for a separation. His labors during the war were severe and continuous, says a preacher of the times, “He used to travel from Montreal to Sandwich, to accomplish which he kept two horses in the Niagara district, and one for the upper part of the Province, and another for the lower. As his income was very small, he eked out the sum necessary to support his family by peddling a manufacture of his own in his extensive journeys, and by hauling with his double team in winter time, on his return from Lower Canada, loads of Government stores or general merchandise. Mr. Ryan, by his loyalty, gained the confidence and admiration of all friends of British supremacy, and by his abundant and heroic labors, the affections of the God-fearing part of the community.” Much more might be said in the same vein, but probably enough has been said to establish his claim to the sympathy of every Bay of Quinté inhabitant, where he so long labored and where most of his subsequent followers lived. It may be added that he was brave and witty, and had a ready answer for every bantering remark. Some wicked fellows are said to have asked him if he had heard the news? What news? Why, that the devil is dead. Then said he, looking around on the company, he has left a great many fatherless children. On another occasion, on entering a public house, a low fellow, knowing him to be, from his costume, a minister, remarked aloud, placing his hand in his pocket, “There comes a Methodist preacher; I must take care of my money.” Ryan promptly said, “You are an impudent scoundrel.” “Take care,” said the man, “I cannot swallow that.” “Then chew it till you can,” was the fearless reply.—(Carroll). At camp meetings, when it came to pass that individuals came to create disturbance, and when there was no police to take care of rowdies, Mr. Ryan has been known to display his muscular power by actually throwing the guilty individuals over the enclosure to the camp ground.
Mr. Ryan preached occasionally at Vandusens’ tavern in Adolphustown. After one of his thundering sermons, a neighboring squire who was a daily visitor at the tavern, and who had recently attempted to cut his own throat, wrote upon the wall of the bar-room, “Elder Ryan, the Methodist bull, preaches hell and damnation till the pulpit is full;” whereupon some one wrote below it, “Bryan C——d, the magistrate goat, barely escaped hell and damnation by cutting his throat.”
Mr. Ryan, upon his return from the General Conference in 1844, commenced an agitation for independence of the Canadian Methodists, and from Port Hope Creek to the Ottawa, he continued to urge the necessity of such an end.
“While not much liked by the preachers, Ryan was very popular among the people,” especially along the Bay Quinté. Captain Breakenridge, a local preacher, living on the St. Lawrence, joined him, in holding conventions, and in procuring largely signed petitions, praying for separation. Ryan and Breakenridge, went to the General Conference, bearing these petitions, and were not received. But these petitions were the commencement of the separation, which it was quite time should take place for the well being of both parties. Concessions were made—a Canada conference was formed through the instrumentality of Elder Ryan; but under the superintendency of the United States conference. This did not satisfy Ryan, and his followers in the Bay Quinté circuit. Meetings were held at which it was resolved they would “break off” from the American Church without permission. For four months Ryan energetically appealed to the people. To allay this the Bishop had to come and say to the Canadians, that if they wished independence, the next general conference, which would meet in 1828, would no doubt grant it. The following year the first Canada conference was held at the village of Hollowell, (Picton). It was opened on the 25th August. There were thirty preachers present, and they continued in session five days. The agitation initiated by Ryan, had done its work, “a general desire existed, that the Canada body should become an independent body, not later than the general conference of 1828,” and a memorial was prepared to be submitted to that body. After requesting to be set apart an independent body, the following reason, with others was given. “The state of society requires it. The first settlers having claimed the protection of His Britannic Majesty in the revolutionary war, were driven from their former possessions to endure great hardships in a remote wilderness. Time, however, and a friendly intercourse, had worn down their asperity and prejudice, when the late unhappy war revived their former feelings; affording what they considered, new and grievous occasion for disgust against their invading neighbors. The prejudices thus excited would probably subside if their ministry were to become residents in this country, as would be the case in the event of becoming a separate body.” The fact that government regarded with dislike the connection was adverted to, also that they were not allowed to solemnize matrimony. Such was the fruit of Elder Ryan’s proceedings, and to him belongs great credit, however much his motives may have been impugned. It has been acknowledged that he was disliked by the preachers, and this dislike was manifested this year by sending him as a missionary to the Indians. No wonder he was dissatisfied. Not because he was placed in a humble position, after acting nearly a quarter of a century as presiding Elder; but because of the animus of those who did it. And moreover, he entertained the belief that the general conference did not intend to give independence. The next year Ryan was placed among the superannuated ministers, and thus remained two years; the next year 1827, he withdrew, and resumed the agitation for independence. He had no faith in the United States conference, the cry was raised, Loyal Methodism against Republican Methodism. In this Ryan was countenanced by Government and the English Church, and Playter says, Dr. Strachan sent him £50 to carry on the work of separation.
The whole previous life of Ryan, leads us to believe that he was sincere and honest in his movements and statements, but it is said he was greatly mistaken. The people generally said, wait till we see what the general conference does. The preachers have said they will give us independence, pause till we see. The result of the conference was as had been promised; while already Ryan had separated, and, with a limited number of followers, mostly along the bay and St. Lawrence, had formed a new body with the name of Canadian Wesleyan Methodist Church. But it will always remain a question whether the general conference would have conceded the independence had it not been well known that Ryan would take almost all if they were not made free. It is not an unknown thing for a person who has worked for some public good to be robbed of the credit in a surreptitious manner. Ryan was deceived, and his kind, though impulsive nature resented the wrong done him. Though his name has been placed under a shadow by those who were indebted to him, yet his memory is even yet green and sweet in the hearts of some of the old settlers. Well might Elder Ryan, select as his text at the time, “I have raised up children and they have rebelled.”
The general conference assembled at Pittsburgh, 1st May, 1828. The memorial from the Canada conference was duly considered, and whatever may have been the reasons, they granted in the most kindly spirit, the decided request of the Canadian Methodists. Ryan, it is said when he heard of it, “looked astonished, trembled and could scarcely utter a word.”
The second Canada conference met at Ernesttown, the 2nd October, 1828, in Switzer’s chapel. “Bishop Hedding came for the last time, and presided over the conference. No United States Bishop, no Bishop at all, has ever presided since.” This year, Andrew Pringle, the first native Methodist preacher, was placed on the superannuated list. After due deliberation the conference resolved to organize into an independent body, and adopted the discipline of the Methodist Episcopal Church, as the basis of their own. The Rev. Wm. Case was appointed General Superintendent until the next conference.
It is not possible, nor would it be proper to give a connected history of Methodism, or any other religious denomination. But the aim of the writer is to supply facts relative to those who have lived and acted a part in connection with the early history of the bay, with such other facts as will throw light upon the matter. With this object in view, we will here introduce, in conclusion, a brief notice of the visit of Bishop Asbury to Canada in 1811. The account is from the pen of the Rev. Henry Bœhm, with remarks by Mr. Carroll. Reading this account, it called to our mind the account given to us by Father Bœhm, in 1854, while sojourning at Staten Island, New York, where we had the great pleasure of frequently meeting him and of enjoying the hospitality of his genial family. Mr. Bœhm was the traveling companion of Bishop Asbury when he visited Canada.
Bishop Asbury, the cotemporary of the Wesleys, being one whom Wesley ordained to preach, he came to America in 1771, as a missionary, being 25 years old. Of all the English preachers in the revolting colonies, he alone remained during the revolutionary war, and was under the necessity of concealing himself in Delaware. Created a Bishop by Dr. Coke, in 1785, he continued for many years in the oversight of the Methodist Church in America and in Canada. But although Methodism was planted in Canada in 1792, it was not until the year mentioned that a Bishop found his way to the remote settlements of Canada. Bishop Asbury, however, had for years a desire to see Canada. Two years before he came he wrote, “I shall see Canada before I die,” says Bœhm.
“We had a severe time on our journey. We crossed Lake Champlain, and Mr. Asbury preached in a bar-room in Plattsburgh. The roads through the woods, over rocks, down gulleys, over stumps, and through the mud, were indescribable. They were enough to jolt a hale bishop to death, let alone a poor, infirm old man, near the grave. On entering the village (of St. Regis) as Mr. Asbury was leading his horse across a bridge made of poles, the animal got his foot between them, and sunk into the mud and water. Away went the saddle-bags; the books and clothes were wet, and the horse was fast. We got a pole under him to pry him out; at the same time the horse made a leap, and came out safe and sound. We crossed the St. Lawrence in romantic style. We hired four Indians to paddle us over. They lashed three canoes together, and put our horses in them, their fore feet in one canoe, their hind feet in another. It was a singular load; three canoes, three passengers, the bishop, Smith and myself, three horses and four Indians. They were to take us over for three dollars. It was nearly three miles across to where we landed”—“did not reach the other side till late in the evening.” The Indians claimed another dollar, because three could not be easily divided between four, this was “cheerfully paid.” “We arrived in Canada on July 1st, 1811, landing at Cornwall, and about midnight reached the hospitable house of Evan Roise, who hailed the bishop’s arrival with joy, and gave him and his companions a welcome worthy of patriarchal times.” “We found it warm in Canada, and the Bishop suffered greatly. Here Henry Ryan, Presiding Elder of Upper Canada, met us. The next day Bishop Asbury preached, the day after the Bishop preached again and there was a love-feast, and the Lord’s Supper.” Proceeding up the River St. Lawrence, arrived at the eastern line of Matilda, the Bishop rode in Brother Glassford’s close carriage, which he called a ‘calash,’ and he inquired how they would get out if it upset. He had hardly asked the question before over went the carriage, and the venerable Bishop was upset, but fortunately no bones were broken; the saplings alongside the road broke the fall. On Friday the Bishop preached in Matilda chapel, in what was called the German settlement. I followed, preaching in German. The Bishop was delighted with the people, he wrote, “here is a decent loving people. I called upon Father Dulmage, and Brother Heck.” We tarried over night with David Breackenridge. He married and baptised a great many people, and attended many funerals. In 1804 he preached the funeral sermon of Mrs. Heck, who died suddenly, and it is said she claimed to be the person who stirred Philip Embury to preach the Gospel. On Saturday we rode twelve miles before breakfast to Father Boyce’s, where we attended Quarterly Meeting. Bishop Asbury preached a thrilling sermon. “The Bishop greatly admired the country through which we rode. He says ‘Our ride has brought us through one of the finest countries I have seen. The timber is of noble size; the cattle are well shaped, and well looking; the crops are abundant on a most fruitful soil. Surely this is a land that God, the Lord hath blessed.’” (Such was the testimony of one who had traveled all over the United States, concerning a country eighty years younger than the older States of the Union. Such the testimony respecting the pioneers of the country who twenty-five years previous came thereto into an unbroken wilderness—respecting the men the Americans had driven away and stigmatized by the application of the most degrading names). “On Monday we proceeded to Gananoque Falls, to Colonel Stone’s. Father Asbury was very lame from inflammatory rheumatism. “He suffered like a martyr. On Tuesday we visited Brother Elias Dulmage, a very kind family, and Bishop Asbury preached in the first Town Church” (Kingston Church). E. Dulmage, one of the Palatines, lived afterward a long time as jail-keeper.”—(Carroll). The Bishop was so poorly he could not proceed on his journey, and was obliged to lie up and rest. He remained at Brother Dulmage’s, where he found a very kind home, and I went with Henry Ryan to his Quarterly Meeting, in Fourth or Adolphustown, Bay of Quinté. On Friday we rode to Brother John Embury, Hay Bay. He was a nephew of Philip Embury, the Apostle of American Methodism. On the Lord’s day we had a glorious love-feast, and at the Lord’s Supper He was made known to us in the breaking of bread. In a beautiful grove, under the shade of trees planted by God’s own hand, I preached to two thousand people, John Reynold’s, afterward Bishop Reynolds, of Belleville, and Henry Ryan exhorted. (Exhorting after sermon was a common practice among the Methodists in those days). Mr. Bœhm had to return to Kingston the same night, in order that the Bishop might get to the Conference to be held in the States immediately. To do so they rode all night—35 miles. “To our great joy we found Father Asbury better”—“he had sent around and got a congregation to whom he preached in the chapel. He also met the Society and baptized two children. We were in Canada just a fortnight. The Bishop was treated everywhere as the angel of the churches. The Bishop preached six times in Canada, besides numerous lectures which he delivered to societies.” The Bishop and Mr. Bœhm set out on the Monday for Sackett’s Harbour, in a small sail boat. There was a heavy storm, and they were nearly wrecked. On the water all night without a cabin. Spent a fearful night, and reached Sackett’s Harbour the next afternoon.
Contents—McDonnell—First R. Catholic Bishop—A “Memorandum”—Birthplace—In Spain—A Priest—In Scotland—Glengary Fencibles—Ireland, 1798—To Canada—Bishop—Death in Scotland—Body removed to Canada—Funeral obsequies—Buried at Kingston—Had influence—Member of Canadian Legislative Council—Pastoral visitations, 1806—A loyal man—A Pioneer in his Church—The Bishop’s Address, 1836—Refuting mal-charges—Number of the R. C. Clergy in 1804—From Lake Superior to Lower Canada—Traveling horseback—Sometimes on foot—Hardships—Not a Politician—Expending private means—Faithful services—Acknowledged—Roman Catholic U. E. Loyalists—First Church in Ernesttown—McDonnell at Belleville—Rev. M. Brennan—First Church in Belleville—What we have aimed at—The advantages to the English Church—The Reserves—In Lower Canada—Dr. Mountain—Number of English Clergymen, 1793—A Bishop—Monopoly initiated—Intolerance and Exclusion swept away—An early habit at Divine service.
We are much indebted to J. P. McDonnell, Esq., of Belleville, for a “Memorandum of his grand-parent, the Rev. Alex McDonnell, first Bishop of Upper Canada.”
“He was born in the year 1760, in Glengary, in Scotland, educated for the Priesthood at Valladolid College, in the Kingdom of Spain; for, at this time no person professing the Roman Catholic faith could be allowed to be educated in any part of the British empire. He was ordained Priest before the year 1790. Then came back to Scotland, his native country, and officiated as a Priest in Badenoch, a small district in North Scotland, also in the city of Glasgow; afterwards joined, in 1798, the Glengary Fencibles, then for duty in Ireland, under the command of Lord McDonnell, of Glengary, who was Colonel of said Fencible Regiment. He came to Canada in the year 1804; was consecrated first Bishop of Upper Canada in the year 1822, titled as the Bishop of Kingston.” He died in Dumfriesshire, a County bordering on England and Scotland, in the year 1840. His body was laid in St. Mary’s Church, Edinborough, until removed to Canada, in 1862. His remains was taken from the cars at the station at Lancaster, and carried to St. Raphael’s Cathedral; in which Church he had spent some of his most useful days, administering the consolations of his religion to his numerous co-religionists throughout the Province of Upper Canada. His remains were escorted by thousands of people, of all denominations, from St. Raphael’s Church to St. Andrew’s Church, and thence to Cornwall depot, in order to convey his remains to Kingston, the head of his See; where his remains now lie in the vaults of the Cathedral of that ancient city, in which he, as Bishop, officiated for years, a favorite of both Protestants and Catholics. I may here remark, that no other man, either clergyman or lay, ever had more influence with the Government, either Imperial or Colonial than Bishop McDonnell. In fact he established the Catholic Church in Western Canada. All the lands that the church now possesses were procured by his exertions. The Bishop was a member of the Legislative Council for years in connection with the Venerable Bishop Strachan, of Toronto. About the year 1806, he passed on his way from Toronto, then York, to Kingston; celebrated mass at his relation’s, Col. Archibald Chisholm, whose descendants are now living on Lot. Nos. 8 and 9, 1st Con., Thurlow, adjoining the Town of Belleville—carried his vestments on his back most of the way from Toronto to Kingston; and he took passage in a birch canoe from his friend’s, Col. Chisholm, to another relation, Col. McDonnell, (McDonald’s Cove,) on his way to Kingston.
“Although his religion was then proscribed by the British Government, and he was compelled to go to a foreign country to be educated, no more loyal man to the British Crown lived; no other man ever conduced more to the upholding of British supremacy in North America than he, and helped to consolidate the same.”
We are also indebted to Mr. McDonnell for other valuable documents concerning the Bishop, who may be regarded the father of his Church in Upper Canada. At least, he was the pioneer of that denomination in the Bay region. To a great extent, his history is the early history of his Church. The worthy prelate will speak for himself, when at the advanced age of seventy-four, and he spoke under circumstances which precluded the possibility of any statement accidentally creeping in, which could not be fully substantiated.
Referring to an address of the House of Assembly, 1836, in which his character had been aspersed, and his motives assailed, he, in a letter to Sir Francis Bond Head, asks “the liberty of making some remarks on a few passages” thereof, and, among other things, says, “As to the charges brought against myself, I feel very little affected by them, having the consolation to think that fifty years spent in the faithful discharge of my duty to God and to my country, have established my character upon a foundation too solid to be shaken by the malicious calumnies of two notorious slanderers.” To the charge that he had neglected his spiritual functions to devote his time and talents to politics, he, by plain declaration, refutes their “malicious charge,” stating the following facts, which relate to the country from the year he entered it, 1804. He says, “There were then but two Catholic clergymen in the whole of Upper Canada. One of these clergymen soon deserted his post; and the other resided in the Township of Sandwich, in the Western District, and never went beyond the limits of his mission; so that upon entering upon my pastoral duties, I had the whole of the Province beside in charge, and without any assistance for the space of ten years. During that period, I had to travel over the country, from Lake Superior to the Province line of Lower Canada, to the discharge of my pastoral functions, carrying the sacred vestments sometimes on horseback, sometimes on my back, and sometimes in Indian birch canoes, living with savages—without any other shelter or comfort, but what their fires and their fares, and the branches of the trees afforded; crossing the great lakes and rivers, and even descending the rapids of the St. Lawrence in their dangerous and wretched crafts. Nor were the hardships and privations which I endured among the new settlers and emigrants less than what I had to encounter among the savages themselves, in their miserable shanties; exposed on all sides to the weather, and destitute of every comfort. In this way I have been spending my time and my health year after year, since I have been in Upper Canada, and not clinging to a seat in the Legislative Council and devoting my time to political strife, as my accusers are pleased to assert. The erection of five and thirty Churches and Chapels, great and small, although many of them are in an unfinished state, built by my exertion; and the zealous services of two and twenty clergymen, the major part of whom have been educated at my own expense, afford a substantial proof that I have not neglected my spiritual functions, or the care of the souls under my charge; and if that be not sufficient, I can produce satisfactory documents to prove that I have expended, since I have been in this Province, no less than thirteen thousand pounds, of my own private means, beside what I received from other quarters, in building Churches, Chapels, Presbyteries, and School-houses, in rearing young men for the Church, and in promoting general education. With a full knowledge of those facts, established beyond the possibility of a contradiction, my accusers can have but little regard for the truth, when they tax me with neglecting my spiritual functions and the care of souls. The framers of the address to His Excellency knew perfectly well that I never had, or enjoyed, a situation, or place of profit or emolument, except the salary which my sovereign was pleased to bestow upon me, in reward of forty-two years faithful services to my country, having been instrumental in getting two corps of my flock raised and embodied in defence of their country in critical times, viz., the first Glengary Fencible Regiment, was raised by my influence, as a Catholic corps, during the Irish rebellion, whose dangers and fatigues I shared in that distracted country, and contributed in no small degree to repress the rapacity of the soldiers, and bring back the deluded people to a sense of their duty to their sovereign and submission to the laws. Ample and honorable testimonials of their services and my conduct may be found in the Government office of Toronto. The second Glengary Fencible Regiment raised in the Province, when the Government of the United States of America invaded, and expected to make a conquest of Canada, was planned by me, and partly raised by my influence. My zeal in the service of my country, and my exertions in the defence of this Province, were acknowledged by his late Majesty, through Lord Bathurst, then Secretary of State for the Colonies. My salary was then increased, and a seat was assigned for me in the Legislative Council, as a distinguished mark of my sovereign’s favor, an honor I should consider it a disgrace to resign, although I can hardly expect ever to sit in the Council, nor do I believe that Lord Glenelg, who knows something of me, would expect that I should show so much imbecility in my latter days, as to relinquish a mark of honor conferred upon me by my sovereign, to gratify the vindictive malice of a few unprincipled radicals. So far, however, from repining at the cruel and continued persecutions of my enemies, I pray God to give me patience to suffer, for justice sake, and to forgive them their unjust and unmerited conduct towards me. I have the honor to be Sir,—Your most obedient and very humble servant,—(Signed)—Alex. McDonnell. To T. Joseph, Esq., Sec’y to His Excellency, Sir Francis Bond Head, &c., &c., &c.”
There were a number of Roman Catholics among the U. E. Loyalists. Among them were the Chisholms on the front of Thurlow, to whose house Mr. McDonnell came to preach as he made his annual round. I am told by an old settler, that a very old Roman Catholic Church existed in Ernesttown west, a short distance from Bath. Probably Mr. McDonnell travelled all around the Bay, visiting members of his Church. There were several in Marysburgh. He was the first to preach in Belleville, when it had become a village. But the Rev Michael Brennan, who still lives, and is highly respected by all classes, was the first priest located in Belleville; he arrived in 1829. The frame of a building which had been erected for a Freemason’s Lodge, was moved to the lot which had been received from Government, and was converted into a Church. The present Church was commenced in 1837, and completed in 1839.
We have now adverted to the several early clergymen of the different denominations in the young colony of Upper Canada, and have dwelt upon those facts, and related those events, which appertain to the work we have in hand. We have essayed to simply write the truth, without reference to the interests of any denomination, either by false, or high coloring, or suppression of facts.
From what we have recorded, it is plain that the Church of England stood the best chance of becoming the religion of Upper Canada. The seventh part of the lands were reserved for the clergy, and it was determined to erect an Ecclesiastical establishment in the Province. In Lower Canada the Roman Catholics had been secured by Act of Imperial Parliament. In Upper Canada it was resolved that the English Church should occupy a similar position. The Rev. Dr. Jehoshaphat Mountain was sent out from England in 1793, having been consecrated the first Bishop of Quebec, to take charge of the English establishment in all Canada. There were then in both Canadas five clergymen of the church. The monopoly thus instituted continued for many years, and other denominations could not even hold land upon which to build a place of worship. But time swept all intolerance and exclusiveness away. In the year 1828, was passed “An act for the Relief of Religious Societies” of the Province, by which it was authorized “That whenever any religious congregation or society of Presbyterians, Lutherans, Calvinists, Methodists, Congregationalists, Independents, Anabaptists, Quakers, Menonists, Tunkers, or Moravians, shall have an occasion to take a conveyance of land, it shall be lawful for them to appoint trustees,” which body should hold perpetual succession, &c. But it was also enacted that no one Society should hold more than five acres.
This subject will be concluded by the following, the writer of which we fail to remember. It is within our own recollection when this habit still existed:
An early writer, a visitor to the Province of Canada, speaking about religious denominations says, “The worshipping assemblies appear grave and devout, except that in some of them it is customary for certain persons to go out and come in frequently in time of service, to the disturbance of others, and the interruption of that silence and solemnity, which are enjoyed by politeness, no less than a sense of religion. This indecorous practice prevails among several denominations.”
Contents—First Sabbath teaching—Hannah Bell, 1769—School established, 1781—Raikes—Wesley—First in United States—First in Canada—Cattrick, Moon—Common in 1824—First in Belleville—Turnbull—Cooper—Marshall—Prizes, who won them—Mr. Turnbull’s death—Intemperance—First Temperance Societies—Change of custom—Rum—Increasing intemperance—The tastes of the Pioneers—Temperance, not teetotalism—First Society in Canada—Drinks at Raising and Bees—Society at Hollowell.
The earliest attempt known to teach children upon the Sabbath was in 1769, made by a young lady, a Methodist, by the name of Hannah Bell, in England, who was instrumental in training many children in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. In 1781, while another Methodist young woman (afterward the wife of the celebrated lay preacher, Samuel Bradburn) was conversing in Gloucester with Robert Raikes, a benevolent citizen of that town, and publisher of the Gloucester Journal, he pointed to groups of neglected children in the street, and asked: “What can we do for them?” She answered: “Let us teach them to read and take them to church!” “He immediately proceeded to try the suggestion, and the philanthropist and his female friend attended the first company of Sunday-scholars to the church, exposed to the comments and laughter of the populace as they passed along the street with their ragged procession. Such was the origin of our present Sunday-school, an institution which has perhaps done more for the church and the social improvement of Protestant communities, than any other agency of modern times, the pulpit excepted. Raikes, and his humble assistant, conducted the experiment without ostentation. Not till November 3, 1783, did he refer to it in his public journal. In 1784, he published in that paper an account of his plan. This sketch immediately arrested the attention of Wesley, who inserted the entire article in the January number of the American Magazine for 1785, and exhorted his people to adopt the new institution.”
In 1786, they were begun in the United States by the Methodist Bishop, Francis Asbury, in Virginia. In 1790, the Methodist conference “resolved on establishing Sunday-schools for poor children, white and black,” since which time they have been in operation.
The first notice found of a Sabbath-school in Upper Canada, is in June, 1817, when a Rev. Mr. Cattrick proposed at Kingston to organize one. A communication from Wm. Moon, in the Gazette, expresses great pleasure thereat, and Mr. Moon offers for the purpose his school-room, and likewise his services. In 1824, Sunday-schools were common in the old settlements, and were valued and encouraged by all classes of people. Not only did private benevolence contribute to the schools, but the Upper Canada Parliament granted £150, for the “use and encouragement of Sunday-schools,” and of indigent and remote settlements, in the purchase of books and tracts—(Playter). A Sabbath-school was established in Belleville about 1826, by John Turnbull, Dr. Marshall, and Dr. Cooper who taught in the school. Some religious society granted books and tracts to schools. Four prizes were granted for good attendance and behaviour, consisting of two Bibles and two Testaments. They were awarded, the first to J. H. Meacham, who is now Postmaster of Belleville; the second to his sister, Anna Meacham, the third to Matilda McNabb, the fourth to Albert Taylor. While these pages are going through the press, we receive the sad intelligence that John Turnbull, Esq., last living of the three mentioned, has passed away at the beginning of this new year, 1869, after a life of well-merited respect, and honor. The writer feels he has lost a friend.
Intemperance.—Total abstinence or teetotalism was unknown when Upper Canada was first settled. The first temperance society ever organized was at Moreau, Saratoga, County, New York, in 1808.
To taste and drink a glass of wine or grog, was not regarded as a sin by any one of that day. To the soldiers and sailors grog was dealt out as regularly every day as rations. Rum was the liquor more generally used, being imported from Jamaica, and infinitely purer than the rum sold to-day. It has to be recorded that at a comparatively early date, breweries and distilleries were erected, first in one township then in another, so that after a few years the native liquor was much cheaper than rum, and then followed the natural result—namely, increasing intemperance. It is not difficult to understand that the old soldier would like his regular glass of grog. In the long and tedious journeys made by boat, when food perhaps was very limited in quantity, the conveniently carried bottle would take its place, and extraordinary labor and severe exposure would be endured by the agency of unnatural stimulus. The absence of teetotal principles, the customs of the day; want of food; frequent and severe trials and exposures, would lead even the best of men to partake of spirituous liquors. As we see it to-day, so it was then, abuse arose from moderate use, and those who had no control over the appetite, or who loved to forget the bitterness of the day by inebriation, would avail themselves of the opportunity to indulge to excess. The mind naturally craves a stimulant. If this desire be not fed by legitimate food, it is too likely to appropriate the unnatural. The excitement of war had passed away; but had left in its wake the seeds of longing in the breast of the old soldier. The educated man shut out from the world, had but little to satisfy the usually active mind. With some, the remembrance of old scenes—of old homesteads, and their belongings, were forgotten in the stupefying cup. When all these facts are considered, is there not abundant reason to wonder that intemperance did not prevail more extensively. But it is a question after all, whether the loyalists became more addicted to the cup after they settled, than when at the old homes. Those who have charged the old settlers with the vice of drinking, have forgotten to look at them in comparison with other countries at that day, instead of the light set up at a later period.
But while the pioneers preserved themselves from unusual indulgence, it is to be regretted that their children too often forsook the path of soberness, and in losing their right minds, lost the old farm made valuable by their fathers’ toil. It was often a repetition of what occasionally occurred when the soldiers were disbanded. They would often sell a location ticket, or two or three acres of land for a quart of rum; the sons would sell the fruit of a father’s hard work of a life time.
One of the first temperance societies formed in Canada was in Adolphustown, on the 4th January, 1830. On this occasion the Rev. Job Deacon, of the Church of England, delivered an address, after which a respectable majority and three out of five magistrates present, adopted resolutions condemning the use of ardent spirits, and unitedly determining not to use or furnish drink for raisings, bees, and harvest work. At the same meeting a temperance society was formed and a constitution adopted under the title of “The Adolphustown Union Sabbath School Temperance Society.” They pledged themselves not to use ardent spirits for one year.
According to the Hollowell Free Press, a temperance society was formed at Hollowell, in 1829; for it is announced that the “Second Anniversary” will be held 3rd June, 1831. It is announced April 12, 1831, that a temperance meeting will be held in the Methodist Chapel, when addresses will be delivered by Dr. A. Austin. The officers elected for the ensuing year are Asa Worden, Esq., M.P.P., President; Dr. Austin, Vice President; P. V. Elmore, Secretary and Treasurer.
Contents—The Six Nations—Faithful English Allies—Society for the Propagation of Gospel—First missionary to Iroquois—John Thomas, first convert—Visit of Chiefs to England—Their names—Their portraits—Attention to them—Asking for instructor—Queen Anne—Communion Service—During the Rebellion—Burying the Plate—Recovered—Division of the articles—Sacrilege of the Rebels—Re-printing Prayer Book—Mr. Stuart, missionary—The women and children—At Lachine—Attachment to Mr. Stuart—Touching instance—Mr. Stuart’s Indian sister—Church at Tyendinaga—School teacher to the Mohawk—John Bininger—First teacher—The Bininger family—The Moravian Society—Count Zinzendorf—Moravian church at New York—First minister, Abraham Bininger—Friend of Embury—An old account book—John Bininger journeying to Canada—Living at Bay Quinté—Removes to Mohawk village—Missionary spirit—Abraham Bininger’s letters—The directions—Children pleasing parents—“Galloping thoughts”—Christianity—Canadian Moravian missionaries—Moravian loyalists—What was sent from New York—“Best Treasure”—The “Dear Flock”—David Zieshager at the Thames—J. Bininger acceptable to Mohawk—Abraham Bininger desires to visit Canada—Death of Mrs. Bininger—“Tender mother”—Bininger and Wesley—“Garitson”—“Losee”—“Dunon”—Reconciled to Methodists—Pitying Losee—Losee leaving Canada—Ceases to be teacher—Appointing a successor—William Bell—The salary—The Mohawks don’t attend school—An improvement—The cattle may not go in school-house—The school discontinued.
From the first occupation of New York by the English, the Six Nations had almost always been their faithful allies. This devotion did not remain unnoticed. Returns were made not only of a temporal nature, but in respect to things spiritual. So early as 1702 the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, the next year after its organization, sent a Missionary (Rev. Mr. Andrews) to the Mohawk Valley. Under his direction in 1714, the Church of England Common Prayers was translated into their tongue. The first convert to Christianity was christened John Thomas, who died in 1727, aged 119.
It is said the English in their determination to secure the alliance of the Iroquois against the French prevailed upon certain chiefs to visit the Court of Queen Anne, in 1710, thinking that the greatness and splendour of England, would firmly fix their attachment.
There were four of them who crossed the water, and who were treated with distinction. Their names were “Te Yee Neen Ho Ga Prow, and Sa Ga Yean Qua Proh Ton, of the Maquas; Elow Oh Roam, and Oh Nee Yeath Ton No Prow, of the River Sachem.” Portraits were taken of these four kings and placed in the British Museum. When presented to the Queen they made an elaborate speech, in which they spoke of their desire to see their “great Queen;” the long tedious French war in which they had taken a part; they urged the necessity of reducing Canada, and closed by expressing a wish that their “great Queen will be pleased to send over some person to instruct” them in a knowledge of the Saviour. Consequently the Queen caused to be sent to the Mohawk church just erected among them, a valuable sacramental service of plate, and a communion cloth. This royal gift was ever held in the most fervent esteem by the tribe. The part taken by the noble Iroquois during the cruel rebellion of 1776–83 is elsewhere detailed; but in this connection is to be noticed an incident of a touching nature. The rebel commander of a blood-thirsty gang, stimulated by promises of the land which they were sent to despoil, came upon the tribe at an unexpected moment. The valuable—the costly—the revered gift from the Queen was in danger of being seized by the lawless horde which was approaching. Not forgetting them—not unmindful of things sacred, some of the chief members of the tribe decided to conceal them by burying them in the earth, which was accordingly done, the plate being wrapped in the communion cloth. These doubly valuable articles remained buried until the close of the war, when they were recovered. The plate had suffered no injury, but the cloth had been almost destroyed by the damp earth. These precious relics were divided between those who settled upon the Grand River, and the smaller branch that remained at the Bay. They are to this day used on sacramental occasions. Upon each of the articles, sacred to memory, and sacredly employed, is cut the following words:
“The Gift of Her Majesty Queen Anne by the Grace of God of Great Britain, France and Ireland, of Her Plantations in North America, Queen of Her Indian Chappel of the Mohawk.”
When the lawless rebels came into their settlement, they destroyed the translated Prayer book. The Mohawks, apprehensive that it would be lost, asked the Governor (Haldimand) to have an edition published. This was granted by printing a limited number in 1780 at Quebec. In 1787 a third edition was published in London, a copy of which before us, supplies these facts. In connection with it there is also a translation of the Gospel according to St. Mark by Brant. It is stated in the Preface that a translation of some other parts of the New Testament may soon be expected from Brant. But such never appeared.
The missionary employed at the commencement of the rebellion, by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, was the Rev. John Stuart. In 1770, he was appointed to the Mission at Fort Hunter. He soon prepared a Mohawk translation of the Gospel by Mark, an exposition of the Church catechism, and a compendious History of the Bible. He was undisturbed in his labors, until after the Declaration of Independence, though “he constantly performed divine service without omitting prayers for the King.”
The women and children of the Indians when hurried away from their homes repaired to Lachine, where they mostly remained until the end of the war. The particulars of the history of their missionary is elsewhere given. There was a sincere attachment between him and the tribe, an instance of which is supplied by the conduct of a sister of Captain Johns. Mrs. Stuart had an infant child which was deprived of its natural food. The Indian woman weaned her own child that she might thereby be able to supply the missionary’s child with food. This child was Charles O’Kill Stuart. When he became the Venerable Archdeacon, he did not forget the act of motherly kindness bestowed upon him. The faithful breast upon which he had nestled, had long since closed its heaving by death; but the daughter whom she had put away from the breast still lived. Dr. Stuart visited the Indian woods every year, and invariably went to see his sister, as he called her.
Early steps were taken to have built a church in which they might worship. The Rev. John Stuart had his home in Kingston, yet he often visited the Indians.
The first church was erected on Grand River by Brant in 1786, and as nearly as we can learn the plain wooden building at the settlement upon the Bay was, at the same time, or shortly after erected.
The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, not only employed the Rev. Mr. Stuart, as a missionary, to labor with the Mohawks, but likewise set apart a sum of £30, as a salary to a teacher to instruct the children of the Indians upon Bay Quinté. Mr. Stuart lived at Kingston, however, and could but visit the Indian village occasionally. But a catechist was employed by him to supply spiritual instruction. Mr. Stuart also had the appointing of a school teacher. The precise time when this school was opened, it is impossible to determine. The first reference we find to it is in a letter, (one of many kindly entrusted to us by Mrs. Bininger of Belleville) written by John Bininger, then living in Adolphustown, to his father, the Rev. Abraham Bininger of Camden, New York, Moravian missionary. The letter is dated 18th September, 1792, and says, “being at Kingston, I heard as it were accidentally, that the Rev. Mr. John Stuart wanted, on behalf of the society in England, to hire a teacher for the Mohawks up this bay, accordingly, I made an offer of my services.” This may have been the commencement of the school. Mr. Stuart, not long after, accepted the offer, and John Bininger says he gave his employers notice that he should leave them. We learn that he was at that time, or had been a short time before, engaged as a book-keeper in Kingston. He was detained for two months before his employers would release him, immediately after which he removed to the Mohawk village.
Before proceeding with the record of the Mohawk school, we shall ask the reader to listen to a few of the facts in the history of the Bininger family.
The Moravian Society was founded by Count Zinzendorf. He visited New York in 1741, and seven years later, 1748, a Moravian Church was established in New York. The first or principal Moravian minister was Abraham Bininger, a native of Switzerland, from the same town where the immortal William Tell lived.—(Wakeley.) He was the intimate friend of Embury and the other early Methodists in America.
Of the sons of the Rev. A. Bininger we have only to notice John. Before us is an old account book in which is found the following memorandum: “1791, May 30th, Moved from Camden in Salem, Washington County; June 2nd, Arrived at St. John’s, Canada; June 8th, Arrived at Lachine for Kingston; 24th, arrived at Kingston, Upper Canada; July 2nd, Arrived at John Carscallian’s, Fredricksburgh, Bay Kanty; October 2nd, Moved from Fredricksburgh to Adolphustown, 1792; November 13th, Moved from Adolphustown to Mohawk Village.” A letter written by John Bininger to his father, is in a fine distinct hand, and indicates both learning and piety, and that he was actuated, in taking the situation of teacher to the Mohawks, by a missionary spirit. His father wrote to him from time to time; the letters are dated at Camden, and usually refer to family affairs; but each has a large portion devoted to Christian advice, simply and touchingly, and sometimes quaintly given. They are signed Abraham and Martha. The first letter is addressed to “Caterockqua,” and the request is made upon the corner of the letter to “please forward this with care and speed,” “also to the care of Mr. John Carscallian, or Lieutenant Carscallian.” The rest of the letters are addressed to Adolphustown, and the Mohawk Village, “Bay Quinté.”
In one letter he says “Remember children never please parents more than when they are willing to be guided by them; self-guiding is always the beginning of temptation, and next comes a fall that we must smart for it; we are to work out our own salvation (not with high galloping thoughts) but with fear and trembling.” In this way every letter beams with pure and simple Christianity. After his children’s personal well-being, he is concerned about the Moravian missionaries in Canada, and also a considerable number of Moravian Loyalists who had settled upon the Bay Quinté, after whom he frequently inquires. In one letter he says “remember me to all my friends, in particular to old Mr. Carscallian and wife.” One letter says, “We send you with Mr. McCabe a lag. cheese, weight five pounds and three-quarters, about half-a-pint of apple seed, from Urana’s saving. I also send you part of my best treasure, the Daily Word and Doctrinal Texts, for the year 1792. The collection of choice hymns and sixteen discourses of my very dear friend, Count Zinzendorf.” He says, “I would heartily beg to make Inquiry and friendship with the brethren among the Indians. They are settled in the British lines, I don’t know the name of the place.” Again he expresses a wish that he should inquire for the brethren’s settlement, and “make a correspondence with them,” to think it his “duty to assist them in the furtherance of the Gospel, both on account of yourself and on account of your old father. If you can get any intelligence pray let me know, I am often concerned in my mind for the dear flock that believe in the Lord Jesus Christ. I think if any gentleman in your parts can give information, it is the Reverend Mr. Stuart, a minister of the Church of England, he is a gentleman that I have great esteem for, I know he will give you all the intelligence he possibly can.” Subsequently, 1794, he wishes his son to correspond with the brethren at the river La Trenche (the Thames). As a result of this request, we see a letter received from David Zeisherger, dated at River Thames, 20th July, 1794, eighty miles from Detroit.
John Bininger was acceptable to the Mohawks of the Bay, as an instructor. His father writes 5th January, 1794, “It was a real satisfaction to me to see Mr. Hekenalder in New York, and more so when I heard the good character of the Indians of your place living among them.” Writing February 23rd, he says, “was I able to undergo the hardships, I would certainly join with you and tell the poor Indians of God their Saviour, that would be the highest and happiest employ for me.” In August, he says “I would have ventured the hardships of the journey, but mother and Isaac wont approve of it, they think I am too old and feeble. I know that if I was with you I should have more contentment than I have here.”
The last communication we have is dated February, 1804, in which the good old Moravian says to his children, John and Phœbe, that their “dear tender mother went happy to our dear Saviour;” at the funeral was so many, he wondered how so many could collect.
The Rev. Abraham Bininger was intimate with Wesley, whom he accompanied to Virginia. He also was familiar with Philip Embury, and Mr. “Garitson” who baptized his grand-child. The first two Methodist preachers in Canada were well known to him. Several letters, back and forth, are “per favor of Losee.” In one letter he says, “Don forget to remember my love and regards to Mr. Dunon (Dunham) and Mr. Loese.” The postscript of another letter says, “Isaac intends to send a young heifer, two pound of tea, a gammon, and a pise of smokt beef. Mother sends her love to Dunon and Mr. Loese.” A letter dated April 12th, 1792, says John Switzers’ son “was baptized by Mr. Garitson. Mr. Garitson is well approved of in these parts. I heartily wish, as much as I love him, that he were in your parts. I am of late more reconciled to the Methodists than I was before, I see they really are a blessing to many poor souls.”
Writing 2nd August, 1794, he says “I heartily pity Mr. Losee for withdrawing his hand, he is now to be treated with patience and tenderness. I have sent last part of a discourse which I translated from the brethren’s writing. I did it chiefly on account of Mr. Losee, if you think proper send him a copy with a tender greet from me.” John Bininger, writing January 12, 1795, remarks, Mr. Losee is just setting out for the States.
Mr. John Bininger ceased to be teacher to the Mohawks sometime in the latter part of 1795, or first part of 1796.
There are several letters before us, written by Mr. Stuart, in reference to the appointment of a successor to Mr. Bininger, the first one is directed to “Mr. William Bell, at the head of the Bay of Quinté,” and dated at Kingston, September 26, 1796. He says “I received your letter respecting the Mohawk school; I can give you no positive answer at present: because I have agreed, conditionally with a school-master at Montreal, that is, if he comes up, he is to have the school; I expect daily to hear from him, although I do not think he will accept of the employment. Some time ago Mr. Ferguson mentioned you as one who would probably undertake that charge. I told Captain John that if the person from Montreal disappointed me I would talk with you on the subject. The salary is £30 sterling, with a house to live in, and some other advantages which depend wholly on the pleasure of the Mohawks—but the teacher must be a man, and not a woman, however well qualified.” The teacher from Montreal did not come, and Mr. Bell was appointed. The following seems to have been a copy of Mr. Bell’s first call for payment, the half-yearly instalment.
“Mohawk Village, Bay of Quinté, July 5, 1797—Exchange for £15 sterling.
Sir,—At thirty days sight of this first of exchange, please to pay to Mr. Robert McCauley, or order, the sum of fifteen pounds sterling, being half-year’s salary, from the 15th day of November, 1796, to the 15th day of May, 1797, due from the Society, without further advice, from, Sir, &c., (Signed), William Bell, school-master to the Mohawks. To Calvert Chapman, Esq., Treasurer to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts—Duke Street, Westminster.”
The Mohawks, it seems, did not appreciate the advantages which the establishment of a school among them was intended to afford, and Mr. Stuart is found writing as follows: “Kingston, August 18, 1799—Sir,—Unless the Mohawks will send such a number of their children to school as will justify me in continuing a school-master, in duty to myself, as acting for the Society, I shall be under the necessity of discontinuing the payment of your salary after the expiration of the present year. This information I think proper to give you, that you may govern yourself accordingly. I am, Sir,” &c., (Signed), John Stuart.
But writing again, March 16, 1800, Mr. Stuart says, “I am happy to hear that the school is now furnished with a dozen or more scholars, and it is expected you will be very strict in your discipline, and see that prayers are read night and morning; that the children are taught the Lord’s Prayer, and the Commandments—that children may not be sent home even if their parents do not send wood at the stated times; that the cattle may not be allowed to go into the school, but that it be kept clean, and the wood belonging to it may not be used unless in school hours.”
Writing again, September 11, 1801, Mr. Stuart says, “I have waited with patience to see whether the Mohawks would send their children more regularly to school, but if the accounts I receive are true, the money is expended to no purpose. I am told that there has not been a scholar in school since last spring. And, as I never found that the fault was on your side, I cannot, in conscience, allow the salary of the Society to be paid for nothing. Therefore, unless Capt. John and the chief men of the village will promise that the school shall be furnished with at least six scholars, I must dismiss you from their service—as soon as you receive this notification. I hope you will see the reasonableness of this determination of mine, and you may show this letter to Capt. John and the Mohawks, by which they will see that the continuance or discontinuance of the school depends wholly on themselves.”
The final letter upon the subject is dated “Kingston, 26th August, 1802,” and says, “I have not yet received any letter from the Society; but, for the reasons I mentioned to you, I think it will be expedient to let the Mohawk school cease, at least for some time. I therefore notify you that after your present quarter is ended you will not expect a continuance of the salary.” (Signed), “John Stuart.” “To William Bell, school-master to the Mohawks, Bay of Quinté.”
Contents—The first Church at Tyendinaga grows old—A Council—Ask for Assistance—Gov. Bagot—Laying first stone of new Church—The Inscription—The Ceremony—The new Church—Their Singing—The surrounding Scenery—John Hall’s Tomb—Pagan Indians—Red Jacket—His Speech—Reflection upon Christians—Indians had nothing to do with murdering the Saviour.
Their original edifice of wood, having served its purpose, and being in a state of decay; it was deemed necessary to have erected a new and more substantial building. They, consequently, held a Council, at which the Chief made the following speech, after hearing all the ways and means discussed—“If we attempt to build this church by ourselves, it will never be done. Let us, therefore, ask our father, the Governor, to build it for us, and it will be done at once.” Reference here was made, not to the necessary funds, for they were to be derived from the sale of Indian lands; but to the experience requisite to carry out the project. Sir Charles Bagot, the Governor, was accordingly petitioned. “The first stone was laid by S. P. Jarvis, Esq., Chief Superintendent of Indians in Canada; and the Archdeacon of Kingston, the truly venerable G. O. Stuart, conducted the usual service; which was preceded by a procession of the Indians, who, singing a hymn, led the way from the wharf.” “The following inscription was placed in this stone: