Contents—The French—Their policy—Trading posts—Cahiaque—Variations—Name of River—Foundation of Fort Frontenac—A change—Site of old fort—La Salle’s petition—A Seigniory—Governors visiting—War Expedition—Fort destroyed—Rebuilt—Colonial Wars—Taking of Fort Oswego—Frontenac taken—End of French domination.
It was the policy of the French, to penetrate, as far as possible, into the interior of the country, and, by all possible means, secure the peltry traffic with the Indians. The Recollets and the Jesuits, while seeking to convert the Pagan Indian, endeavoured as well, to win him to the interest of their country. As soon as practicable, trading posts were established at convenient points, at which to buy furs of the Indians. Not sure, even at the first, of the continued friendliness of the natives, and subsequently exposed to tribes, who assumed a hostile attitude, they proceeded to fortify their trading depots against sudden attacks; not alone to secure this, but to maintain a constant menace to those who might venture to assume such attitude. It was in carrying out these designs, that M. de Courcelles, in 1670, ascended the St. Lawrence, direct to Lake Ontario, from the mouth of the Ottawa, being the first European to do so. Two years later, he convened a meeting at the head of the St. Lawrence, of Indian chiefs of the region round about, when, concealing his ulterior object, he gained permission to erect a fort; but being immediately thereafter recalled to France, it was left for his successor, Conte de Frontenac, to establish the fort.
The first name which is found applied to the place, where the fort was founded, is Cahiaque, or Cadaroque. It is an Indian name, and most probably signifies “the strongest fort in the country.” This is inferred from the following fact:—When certain of the chiefs of the Mohawks, were in London, in 1710, desirous of doing honor to their host, where they stayed, at King Street, Covent Garden, they called him Cadaroque, meaning “the most powerful man in London.” Or, possibly, in using the word, in connection with Frontenac, they may have referred to the strong expedition which accompanied him. For many years the fort was known by this name, or one derived from it. It must be remembered that this word, with many others spoken by the Indians, was written by the French according to the particular idea of the person hearing the pronunciation. Hence it is that we find this word changed frequently as into the following. Beside the two already mentioned are found Catarcoui, Catarcouy, or Cataraccouy, Catarakvy, Catarakouy, Catarasky, Cataracto, Cataracouy, Cadaraque, Cadarachqui, Kadaraghke, Kadaraghkie, Kodakagkie, Cadarochque, Cadaacarochqua, Catarocoui, Cuadaraghque, Crederoqua, Cataraqui.
While the fort, or place of the fort, was thus known mostly by the Indians, it was, according to Charlevoix, called by the French, the fort of Lake St, Louis, the name then applied to Lake Ontario. Subsequently, the fort was spoken of as the one built by Frontenac; and ultimately, it came to be permanently designated Fort Frontenac. After the conquest, and at the time of the revolution, the place was known in the rebel colonies, as Cataraqui; and, in speaking of going to Upper Canada, they would say to Cataraqui. The river between Ontario and Montreal, was sometimes called Cariqui, or Iroquois.
The following account of the foundation of the fort, is extracted from Draper’s Brochure. He says “the expedition was a vast one for those days, 120 canoes, 2 batteaux, and 400 men.” He then quotes from a journal of Frontenac’s voyage, describing the entrance into the river Cataraqui;—“12th, broke up camp very early in the morning, and having proceeded till ten o’clock, halted three hours to rest and eat. On approaching the first opening of the lake, the Count wished to proceed with more order than had been already done, and in line of battle. He accordingly arranged the whole fleet in this wise:—
“Four squadrons, composing the vanguard, went in front and in one line. The two batteaux followed next. After these came Count de Frontenac at the head of all the canoes, of his guards, of his staff, and of the volunteers attached to his person; having on his right, the squadron from Three Rivers, and on his left, those of the Hurons and Algonquins.
“Two other squadrons formed a third line, and composed the rear guard.
“This order of sailing had not been adhered to for more than half a league, when an Iroquois canoe was perceived coming with the Abbe D’Ursé, who, having met the Indians above the River Katarakoui, (Cataraqui) and having notified them of the Count’s arrival, they were now advancing with the captains of the Five Nations.
“They saluted the admiral, and paid their respects to him with evidence of much joy and confidence, testifying to him the obligation they were under to him for sparing them the trouble of going further, and for receiving their submissions at the River Katarakoui, which is a very suitable place to camp, as they were about signifying to him.
“After Count Frontenac had replied to their civilities, they proceeded him as guides, and conducted him as guides, and conducted him into a bay, about a cannon shot from the entrance, which forms one of the most beautiful and agreeable harbors in the world, capable of holding a hundred of the largest ships, with sufficient water at the mouth, and in the harbor, with mud bottom, and so sheltered from every wind, that a cable is scarcely necessary for mooring.” “On the 13th of July, 1673, the fort was commenced, and on the 19th, it was finished, and De Frontenac left on the 27th for Montreal, having laid the foundation of the future City of Kingston.”
How different was the appearance then from that presented to-day. No clearing, as yet, broke the woody shores. At this conference between Frontenac and the Iroquois chiefs, the charms of nature only were displayed. Where now stands the city of Kingston, was then a dense forest. The gently curving shore, which now forms the front of the city, with its line of piers, was undisturbed, except by the birch canoe. The quiet Bay, within the Point, then more prominent than now, stretching up with its low sand banks, and begirt with marshes, was then the safe abode of the wild fowl and muskrat. Across the inlet of the bay, and where now is the Navy Yard, the land was thickly covered with the greenest foliage; as well as was the higher and more beautifully wooded peninsula of Point Henry. And still beyond, to the south, the third point, stretching out almost to the rugged little island, called Cadar Island, increased the variety of the picture; and the two indentations where now is Navy Bay, and the “Dead Man’s” Bay, at one time called Hamilton’s Cove, added thereto. Then, turning toward the south, there reposed the magnificently green, long island, now Wolfe Island, with Gage Island in its front; and still extending the view around the Bay, was to be seen the islands, now called Simcoe and Amherst, all richly clothed with the garments of nature. One would wish to look upon a faithful picture of this primeval appearance of Kingston Bay, before even the French had planted a post or cleft a tree. However beautiful Kingston of to-day may be regarded, with its graceful architecture, as displayed in its public and private edifices; however grand the strong fortifications, which silently utter words of warning to the passing stranger whose nation covets our territory, while pretending to depreciate it; however striking the combination which composes the picture of Kingston and its harbor of to-day, they cannot exceed, as a whole, in attractiveness, the prospect seen by Frontenac, of wood and water so remarkably associated, and charmingly blended, ere the hand of man had marred it.
It was immediately after this conference, between Frontenac and the chiefs, when he concealed the true designs he entertained, that the erection of the first fort was proceeded with. Its site was upon the point of land by the entrance of the bay, near the Tete du Pont, and commanded the entrance to Cataraqui Creek. It seems, from the testimony of early settlers of Kingston, that the fort was separated from Kingston by a deep trench, so that the point was converted into an island, upon which was built the original village of Cataraqui. In later years, this ditch has been obliterated by the filling in of material, and, in like manner, a portion of the bay, immediately north of the point has disappeared.
In the following year, LaSalle, who has been particularly referred to in the introductory chapter, presented the following petition to King Louis XIV.
“The proposer, aware of the importance to the Colony of Canada, of the establishment of Fort Frontenac, of which he was some time in command, and desiring to employ his means and his life in the King’s service, and for the augmentation of the country, offers to support it, at his expense, and reimburse its cost, on the following conditions, to wit:—That His Majesty be pleased to grant in Seigniory, to the proposer, the said fort, four leagues of country along the border of Lake Frontenac, the two islands in front, named Ganounkouesnot and Kaouenesgo, and the interjacent islets, with the same rights and privileges obtained hitherto by those who hold lands in the country in Seigniory, with the right of fishing in Lake Frontenac and the adjoining rivers, to facilitate the support of the people of said Fort, together with the command of said place and of said lake, under the orders and authority of His Majesty’s Governor, Lieutenant-General in the country; on which condition, the proposer will be bound:—1st. To maintain the said Fort; to place it in a better state of defence; to keep a garrison there, at least as numerous as that of Montreal, and as many as fifteen to twenty laborers, during the two first years, to clear and till the land; to provide it with necessary arms, artillery and ammunition, and that so long as the proposer will command there, in His Majesty’s name, and until some other persons be authorized to settle above the Long Sault of the River St. Lawrence, through which people pass to the said Fort, without being charged with similar expense, or to contribute to that which the proposer will be obliged to incur for the preservation of the said Fort.
“2nd. To repay Count de Frontenac, His Majesty’s Governor and Lieutenant-General in Canada, the expense he incurred for the establishment of said Fort, amounting to the sum of 12,000 to 13,000 livres, as proved by the statements thereof prepared.
“3rd. To make grants of land to all those willing to settle there, in the manner usual in said country; to allow them the trade (la traite) when their settlements will be in the condition required by the Edicts and Regulations of the Sovereign Council of said country. 4th. To grant them land for villages and tillage; to teach them trades, and induce them to lead lives more conformable to ours, as the proposer had begun to do with success, when he commanded there. 5th. To build a Church, when there will be 100 persons; meanwhile, to entertain one or two Recollet Friars, to perform Divine service, and administer the sacraments there. 6th. His Majesty, accepting these proposals, is very humbly supplicated to grant to the proposer letters of noblesse, in consideration of the voyages and discoveries which he made in the country at his expense, during the seven years he continually lived there, the services he rendered in the country, and those he will continue to render; and all the other letters necessary to serve him as titles possessory to said Seigniory.”
In the succeeding year this petition was granted, and a decree to that effect was issued by the King on the 13th May, 1675, and a Patent of Nobility issued to La Salle; and Fort Frontenac, with four leagues of the adjacent country, was created a Seigniory of Canada, and LaSalle its first Seignior.
In the decree making the grant, it is specified that LaSalle shall “induce the Indians to repair thither, give them settlements, and form villages there in society with the French, to whom he shall give part of said land to be cleared, all which shall be cleared and improved within the time and space of twenty years. * * His Majesty wills that appeals from the Judges (to be appointed by La Salle), be to the Lieutenant-General of Quebec.” But, the subsequent chequered career and early death of La Salle, probably prevented the carrying out of these intentions.
When La Salle set out on his western exploring expedition, he “left Sieur de la Forest in charge of the fort.” As before stated, La Salle had many enemies, and among them the Governor, M. de la Barre, “who actually sequestered Fort Frontenac and took possession of it, pretending that La Salle had abandoned it. This was in 1682.”
The history of the French occupation of Cataraqui is marked by occasional visits of the French Governor, and the presence of large and small bodies of armed forces. In 1684 M. de la Barre, the successor of Frontenac, tarried at Cataraqui two weeks with his convoy, which was composed of 130 regular soldiers, 700 armed Canadians, 200 savages, and a mixed body of several hundred from the west. It must have been a picturesque sight, the encampment of this army. The veterans from France in their uniform attire, the Canadians in their various hued garments, and the Algonquins and Ottawas in their wild garb of paint and feathers formed the components of a picture truly striking. A year or two later and De Nonville, another Governor, was likewise found encamped here with an army of 2000. At this time the original fort of wood was at its greatest pitch of renown and glory. Here was kept stored within the palisaded walls, arms, ammunition, and provision, beside furs. It was while enjoying this considerable power that De Nonville committed the act of treachery toward the Ganneyouses and Kentes Indians. But this act was followed by an attack by the Indians, and the fort was in a state of siege for the space of a month; “but was not taken.” Two years later, however, finding it difficult to maintain this out-post so far from Montreal, De Nonville ordered De Valrenne, the commander, to blow up the fort, which was accordingly done, and “three barks on the lake were scattered,” and “property to the extent of 20,000 crowns,” was sacrificed.
The fort thus destroyed was rebuilt by the orders of Frontenac, and in 1695 he sent 700 workmen for the purpose. (For the circumstances and the opposition respecting this, see Introductory.) The fort being completed it was garrisoned with 48 soldiers. “The expense of re-victualling and re-establishing the fort, cost 12,000 livres, or between £600 and £700.”—(Draper).
Respecting the situation of the fort, a manuscript published in 1838, under the direction of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, says, “it was situated at the bottom of a bay, which a little river flowing into Lake Ontario forms, close to the junction of Lake Ontario and the River St. Lawrence. It consisted of four stone curtains, 120 feet each, defended by four square bastions. The walls were defended by neither ditches nor palisades. There was no terrace to sustain it on the inside. A wooden gallery was built all round for communicating from one bastion to another. The platforms of these bastions were mounted on wooden piles, and the curtains were pierced for loopholes.”
Father Charlevoix, writing in 1720, says of Fort Frontenac, “that it is a square with four bastions built of stone, and the ground it occupies is a quarter of a league in compass; its situation has something very pleasant; the sides of the river present every way a landscape well varied, and it is the same at the entrance of Lake Ontario.”
Fort Frontenac now fully re-established on a stronger basis, continued for many years to be an important post, with respect to trading, and likewise offensive and defensive operations against the Indians, and also the English. Here was deposited vast stores of provision, and materials of a war-like nature for the use of other forts.
In the first years of the 18th century, rivalry and jealousy between the French and English Colonists, assumed a more determined form. Already was gathering the fierce elements of Colonial war, which were to culminate in the siege of Quebec, and spend its fury upon the Plains of Abraham. We have seen that the two powers tried zealously, and often by unscrupulous means to secure the alliance and aid of the savages, whose love of war and desire to engage in the bloody attack, with the allurements of promised presents, led them too often to scenes of blood and rapine. The regions about Cataraqui were often the place of sudden attack and cruel torture. The fort was an object of dread to the Iroquois, of jealousy to the English, and with the view of breaking the chain of forts, of which this was so important a one, the English set about erecting one at Oswego.
In 1754 the eventful seven years war began, and one of the first events was the sending of a force of 4000 men and 12 guns by the French Governor, to attack Fort Oswego. But when the force reached Cataraqui, it was found necessary to recall a portion of them to Lower Canada, and defer the attack. One battalion was ordered to Niagara, while one or two battalions were encamped under the walls of Frontenac. The total force of Canadians and savages in arms west of Cataraqui at this time was 1000. The following year, it is found stated that, on “June 26, 1756, English vessels were seen across the Bay of Quinté, coming toward Frontenac. The French gave chase, and captured a sloop.”
July 29, 1757, witnessed the arrival at the fort of a considerable body, and for days armed men continued to rendezvous here. The woods around the fort were alive with soldiers. The attack upon Fort Oswego, contemplated three years previous, was now about to be made. On the evening of the 4th August, the party, of no small dimensions set out for the attack. It consisted of 80 batteaux laden with artillery luggage and provision, and canoes to carry the force of 3100 men. They started at night, when the shades of darkness were gathering, and stealthily directed their way, one boat after another, for the opposite shore. At the approach of morning they came to a stop, where the thick woods met the southern shore of the lake. The bushes were parted, and without noise, the batteaux were, one by one, withdrawn from the water and carefully covered with leaves, so that unless one passed directly by the way, no indications could be observed of their existence. By the dawn of day there was not a ripple upon the waters from the party, and the woods were hushed, except by the denizens of the forest. All the day long the party lay concealed. After night had fallen, re-embarkation took place, slowly and calmly beneath the mild summer’s sky. For five days and nights the same course was pursued, by which time they had reached the neighbourhood of Fort Oswego, where reposed the English garrison, unconscious of danger. The attack was so unexpected, and carried on with so much spirit, that the garrison had to succumb before reinforcements could be obtained, and the French returned to Fort Frontenac laden with spoils.
But the time was approaching when the glory of Fort Frontenac should depart. At this time the building itself was beginning to decay. Sixty years had told upon the walls, and a writer of 1758 says they “were not good.” However, had the fortifications been never so strong, the course of events would have all the same witnessed the final fall of this stronghold. “In this year, the commandant at Fort Frontenac was a Monsieur de Noyan, King’s Lieutenant for Three Rivers. He was an old man, but brave as a lion.” We have seen that de Lévis having withdrawn, the fort was left with but a few men, Garneau says seventy; but Warburton, one hundred and twenty Frenchmen and forty Indians. Even with this number it was but an easy success for Bradstreet, with his three thousand men and eleven guns, to possess himself of a fort weakened by age. Having descended the Oswego River, Colonel Bradstreet crossed to the Upper Gap and approached Cataraqui along the shore, observing great caution, and landed about a mile to the west of the fort, August 25, in the evening. During the following night he cautiously approached the place of attack, and upon the ground where now stands the market buildings, he erected a battery. So silently was this done, and with such despatch, that before the morning of 27th August, 1758, he had it all completed. The morning light revealed to the French how imminent was their danger. Dismayed, but not discouraged, the intrepid commander ordered every man to his post; but a few shots from the English guns showed to him how futile was resistance. Having signified his intention to surrender, which was about seven o’clock in the morning, he became, with his garrison, prisoner of war. The conquerors found in “the fort sixty pieces of cannon, sixteen mortars, an immense supply of provisions, stores and ammunitions, with all the shipping on the lake,” also, “several vessels richly laden with furs, to the value, it is said of 70,000 louis d’ors.” There was also a large quantity of merchandise intended for the western forts, beside some of the booty which had been brought thither after the capture of Oswego. Colonel Bradstreet had no intention of holding the fort; but to destroy, which he accordingly did, with the vessels.
There was a feeble attempt to restore the fort in the fall, and “a small detachment of troops and Canadians, under the command of the Chevalier Benoit, was sent to Frontenac partly to protect merchandize and ammunition passing up and down, and partly to rebuild the fort; and subsequently the Sieur de Cresse, an assistant engineer, with Captain Laforce, a sailor, were sent there to construct two new schooners, to endeavor to maintain the supremacy on the lakes.” But the following year the presence of Wolfe before Quebec, and Amherst at Carillon, rendered the restoration of Frontenac an impossibility. The glory of Fort Frontenac had forever departed. But the spirit of bravery again appeared, in later days, in a people of another language, though, nevertheless Canadians. In 1812–13 the Americans approached Kingston, but the hostile and determined attitude assumed by the militia and troops deterred them from attempting to touch the soil here, and when they did attempt, both above and below, great indeed was the repulse and discomfiture.
Contents—Cooper’s Essay—Loyalists naming places—King’s Town—Queen’s Town—Niagara—Spanish names—Cataraqui from 1759 to 1783—Desolation—The rebellion—Station, Carleton Island—Settling—Refugees at New York—Michael Grass—Prisoner at Cataraqui—From New York to Canada—Captain Grass takes possession of first township—First landholders—A letter by Captain Grass—Changes—Surveying forts and harbors—Report to Lord Dorchester—Kingston, versus Carleton Island—The defenses—Troops—King’s township—First settlers—“Plan of township No. 1”—First owners of town lots—Names—Settlers upon the front—First inhabitants of Kingston—A naval and military station—The Commodore—Living of old—Kingston in last century—New fortifications.
It would be impossible to write of Kingston without traveling the ground already taken by writers, especially in an admirable essay written by C. W. Cooper, Barrister-at-law, being a prize essay published in 1856. We shall accept very many of the statements therein contained except we find trustworthy grounds for controverting them. Much, however, of the subject matter we had laboriously collected before this pamphlet was placed in our hands by our friend M. Sweetnam, Esq., P. O. Inspector.
The practice of naming places, rivers, &c., after royal personages and those occupying prominent places in the public service, naturally arose from the intense loyalty which reigned in the bosoms of all who had forsaken their old homes to settle under the old flag in the wilderness. The pre-eminence of Kingston is indicated by the name, which seems to have been given it at a very early date, as surveyor Collins uses that name in 1788. This, the first township surveyed and settled, was named King’s township. Afterwards the town and township came to be called Kingston. In this connection reference may be made to Queenstown at the head of navigation upon the Niagara River. Trade with the west along Lake Erie was carried on, and boats were accustomed to pass up and down on their way to and from Montreal. These boats had to be carried around the Falls of Niagara. Already many of Butler’s Rangers and persons connected with the Indian department, began to settle upon the Canadian side of the Niagara. There was very shortly a collection of houses at the point of landing, and the commencement of the portage, and nothing was more natural than this, the second village formed by the United Empire Loyalists, should receive the name of Queenstown, not unlikely the name was bestowed by the Hon. R. Hamilton.
As we proceed, it will be observed how general was the habit to give names derived from Great Britain and Englishmen. The most notable exception to this is to be found in connection with those places that received names during the time of Sir Peregrine Maitland, who had a fancy for bestowing Spanish names.
During the time which elapsed between the evacuation of Frontenac, the year after the destruction of the fort, in the autumn of 1759, until the commencement of the American rebellion, and until its close, ruin and desolation prevailed at Cataraqui. It is found intimated, but not on the best authority, that there continued to live at this place a certain number of French families and half-breed Indians. That such was the case is quite possible, though, as yet, no positive proof is to be found. But, at the most there was a few log huts around the ruins of the fort, and upon the cleared ground adjacent thereto, or perhaps upon the site of the ancient chapel of the Recollets. No doubt the Indians frequently encamped in this vicinity, perhaps had a permanent village. The words of Captain Grass, penned twenty-seven years later, may probably be accepted as correct, that “scarse the vestige of a human habitation could be found in the whole extent of the Bay of Quinté.”
The rebellion led to the establishment of a military post at the Island of Chevereux, or Goat Island, subsequently named Carleton Island. This position was found more convenient than the site of old Fort of Frontenac. After the defeat of General Burgoyne, at Saratoga, in 1778, there were many refugees who sought protection at the several military posts along the northern frontier of New York, that of Carleton Island among the rest. Indeed, it is probable that to this place a large number escaped, as being more safe than Oswego or Niagara. A communication was with some regularity kept up between this place and Montreal, and also the Fort of Niagara. By the army boats, refugees may have passed to Montreal; but it would seem that a considerable number remained domiciled at Carleton Island, eating the food supplied by government. Of course, able bodied men would be at once enrolled into the companies, to do military service; yet there would remain a certain number of males, besides the women, who were incapacitated for military life. During the continuation of the war, there is every reason to believe that individuals, perhaps families, would cross to the old fort at Cataraqui, to stay for a while, or even take up their abode.
It may have been, that there were here some advantages in cultivating the cleared land, which did not exist at Carleton Island. In the absence of active duty, not unlikely the soldiers and officers would pass over to fish or hunt, or perhaps to examine the land as to quality, and facilities for settlement. Bongard says his father, who was with Holland, said that a small village existed at Cataraqui. But it was not until the close of the war 1783, that a systematic settlement commenced. That settlers existed, during this year, at Cataraqui, there is no doubt. It was sometimes referred to in Lower Canada as Seignory, No. 1. Col. John Clark, whose father was in the Commissariat Department during the war, says, that he was born at Cataraqui, in 1783, and was baptized by the Rev. Mr. Stuart. The family must then have been living on the mainland, as he speaks of another brother as being born on Carleton Island. The probability is that at this date, there were a few families living in the vicinity of the fort.
At the close of the war, it was a question of considerable importance, what can be done to ameliorate the condition of the loyalists? While the commissioners, who completed the terms of peace at Paris, chose to sink the interests and welfare of the loyalists in their unseemly haste to complete the treaty, the officers commanding in America, everywhere felt the deepest sympathy, and keenest compassion for the refugees. Among these was the officer commanding at New York. At this juncture of affairs, when they were undecided, whether to embark for Nova Scotia, or Lower Canada, it came to the ears of the General, that one Michael Grass, of New York, had been a prisoner of the French, before the conquest at Cataraqui. He caused that person to appear before him, and to report as to the character of the country, and the probabilities of its being a suitable place for refugees to seek homes. Mr. Grass having rendered a favorable report, the result was that he was commissioned Captain, and placed at the head of a band of loyalists, staying at New York. They were dispatched in King’s ships, under the care of a man-of-war.
Mr. Robert Everett Grass, of Sidney, the grandson of Captain Grass, says, that the party of refugees set sail from New York in a fleet of seven vessels, and after a long voyage of nine weeks, during which they encountered a severe gale, lasting eight days, and nearly wrecking them, they reached Sorel. This was probably in the early part of 1783. The men of the party ascended the St. Lawrence in batteaux, and landed at the mouth of Little Cataraqui Creek, thence proceeding westward, prospecting as far as Collin’s Bay. Crossing to the west side of this little bay, Captain Grass attempted to drive a stake in the ground, with the intention of fixing a tent, or commencing a survey, whereupon he found it rocky. Remarking that he had come too far to settle upon a rock, he returned to the east of the cove, and took possession of the first township of the Bay Quinté. There seems some reason to believe that, when Grass arrived in Canada, and explained to the Government his mission, that Surveyor General Holland, directed Deputy Surveyor Collins to proceed with Captain Grass to Cataraqui, so that he might be guided by him. If such was the case, the base line along the front of the first township, must have been run before Captain Grass crossed to the west of Collins Bay, and rejected the land lying to the west thereof. Captain Grass, as well as the surveying party, returned to Sorel for the winter, and, in the spring, they returned, accompanied by all of the families, under Captain Grass. It was the summer of 1784 that the first township was occupied. There was some dissatisfaction at the preference accorded to Captain Grass by those who had been in Canada. His superior claim was however acknowledged. At the same time, there appears to have been some compromise, from the fact, that while Captain Grass himself obtained the first lot adjoining to the reserve for the town, the second one, which was by number, lot 24 was granted to the Rev. Mr. Stuart, and the next to Mr. Herkimer, neither of whom had any connection with Captain Grass’ company.
The following extract of a letter written by Captain Grass, at a subsequent period, reveals to us the appearance the place presented to him, at the time of his settling. The old gentleman had some grievance to make known to the public, respecting a road, and he commences his communication thus:—
“Seven and twenty years, Mr. Printer, have rolled away since my eyes, for the second time, beheld the shores of Cataraqui. In that space of time, how many changes have taken place in the little circle in which fate had destined me to move! How many of the seats of my old associates are now vacant! How few of these alas! to mourn with me the loss of the companions of our sufferings, or to rejoice with me at the prosperous condition of this our land of refuge! Yet will I not repine; they are gone, I trust, to a better land, where He who causeth the wilderness to smile and blossom as the rose, hath assigned to them a distinguished place, as a reward for their humble imitation of his labors. Yes! seven and twenty years ago, scarce the vestige of a human habitation could be found in the whole extent of the Bay of Quinté. Not a settler had dared to penetrate the vast forests that skirted its shores. Even on this spot, now covered with stately edifices, were to be seen only the bark-thatched wigwam of the savage, or the newly erected tent of the hardy loyalists. Then, when the ear heard me, it blessed me for being strong in my attachment to my sovereign, and high in the confidence of my fellow-subjects, I led the loyal band, I pointed out to them the site of their future metropolis, and gained for persecuted principles, a sanctuary—for myself and followers a home.” “Kingston, 7 Dec. 1811.” (Signed) “G.”
On the 29th May, 1788, Lord Dorchester, the Governor of Canada, issued instructions to John Collins, Surveyor, to make a survey of “forts, harbours, &c., from Carleton Island to Michilmacinac.” His report was found among the “Simcoe papers.” The report, dated Quebec, 6th Dec., 1788, says:—
My Lord—“In obedience to your Lordship’s instructions, wherein is specified, that doubts being entertained whether Carleton Island or Kingston” (and this shows how early the royal name had been given to the first township) “is the most eligible station for the King’s ships of war to protect the navigation of Lake Ontario, and the upper part of the river St. Lawrence, I am to make this particularly an object of my attention, and report how far it may be necessary to occupy either, or both, and what works I judge advisable for that purpose.” “With respect to Kingston, and what is there called the harbour, and where the town is laid out, is not the best, situation on this side for vessels, as it lies rather open to the lake, and has not very good anchorage near the entrance, so that they are obliged to run a good way up for shelter; the most eligible situation is to the east.” After referring to the more frequent directions of the wind, he concludes, that to get into the lake, it is as easy from Kingston as from Carleton Island, but that the latter affords the best shelter. “Having brought forward all the material information and observations I have been able to make and procure, and having duly weighed the several properties, both of Kingston and Carleton Island, relative to naval purposes only,” he concludes, “that the preference rather leans on the side of Carleton Island. If the object was that of trade only, or regarded merely by the transport of goods to Niagara, I do not see that Carleton Island has any material advantage over Kingston; but, as a station for the King’s ships of war, I am induced to think that Carleton Island is the best,” as it possessed many natural advantages. Respecting Kingston, a fort and out-works could be constructed to protect the harbour; but an enemy might advance in the rear, and bombard the fort and the navy. “In regard to the present condition of the works at this post, the whole is so far in ruins as to be altogether defenceless, and incapable of being repaired, the ditch which is in the rock, has never been sufficiently excavated, the other works have been completed, but it strikes me they were never capable of any serious defence, as well as from the bastions, as well as the oblique manner in which their faces are seen from the other works, but the whole could only be considered as a temporary matter. The green logs with which the fort was built, could not be expected to last long: the ground is favorable for a fort of greater capacity and strength, but it is probable that such a system may have been originally adopted for the works, at the place it might have been thought adequate to its importance, to the number of troops designed for its defence, and the strength it was likely an enemy would be able to bring against it; and there ideas would again be brought into consideration, if this post should be established, or any new system adopted. Without, therefore, going, in this place, into a detail of particular works, I will remark, that as the ground in front widens and extends somewhat over the extremities of the work, particularly on the right, precaution should be taken to strengthen those points towards the field, to contract, in some degree, the advantage an enemy attacking might have in the extent of his flanks. The barracks, although partly dismantled, and in a very bad condition, may be still repaired.”
From the foregoing, it may be inferred that the troops had all been withdrawn from the head of the St. Lawrence, and that only a Commissariat Department remained at Carlton Island. Probably, it was only when Canada was erected into a distinct Province, that regular troops again were stationed here, and then, it having been ascertained that Carleton Island would belong to the United States, Kingston superseded it.
Although the “King’s Township” was mainly settled by the band of Loyalists who came by way of the St. Lawrence, from New York, there were several others who received grants of land here, a few of whom, no doubt, reached Kingston at as early a date as 1783, and, as we have seen, they may have visited the place, previous to that date. Among these, was Col. Hanjost, or John Joost, or Joseph Herkimer, who had been compelled to forsake his home at the German Flats, where his father lived. Looking at “A Plan of Township No. 1,” (now Kingston), “in the District of Mecklenburgh, surveyed in 1783, with the proprietor’s names on the lots,” in the Crown Lands Department, the following may be observed. Just by the grounds of the Fort, the water is called Cataraqui Harbor. Across the mouth of the Bay, and between Points Frederick and Henry, is Haldimand Cove. Beyond Point Henry, is Hamilton Cove. Passing up the river, the first lot has upon it the name of Joseph and Mary Brant. This lot was not numbered, however. (Capt. Brant came to the place in 1785, and remained living there for a time). Still proceeding along the west shore of the river, lot No. 1, has the name of Neil McLean; No. 2, Henry Wales; No. 3, James Clark; No. 4, Capt. Crawford; No. 5, Lieut. Brown; No. 6, Sovereign; No. 7, at first was granted to Lawrence; this name is superseded by the name of Braton. To the west of the road, is a block of land, of 700 acres, for “Capt. James McDonnell;” but this name is erased, and Robert Macaulay written instead. Probably Macaulay became the purchaser. To the east of the road, is another block of land, for John Macaulay. The island in the mouth of the river, called “Isle Aux Pére,” was granted to Neil McLean, “by order of General Haldimand.” Turning to the south of the Fort, the first lot has the name of Capt. Grass; the second from the Fort, Rev. Mr. Stuart; the third has the names upon it of Lawrence Herkimer, Sam. Hilton, Capt. Jost Hartman; the fourth, Francis Lozion, Rockland, James Brown, John Moshier; fifth, Lieut. Ellerbeck; sixth, John Stuart, Lieut. Gallary, Lieut. Mower, Charles Pauder; seventh, Capt. McGarrow; eighth, Lieutenant Atkinson; ninth, Robert Vanalstine; tenth, Richard Moorman; eleventh, R. Gider: this lot lies on the “Petite Cataraqui;” twelfth, Lieut. Kotte, Surveyor, and afterward John Stuart; thirteenth, Capt. Grass, also Capt. Everett; fourteenth, Grass; fifteenth, Capt. Harkman; sixteenth Nicholas Herkimer. This brings us to Collins’ Bay, or, as the original name appears “Ponegeg.” Continuing westward, among others, are to be seen the names of Purdy, Capt. Wm. Johnson, Wm. Fairfield, Senr., Daniel Rose, Matthias Rose, Robert Clark, James Clark, Sen., Sergt. John Taylor, Capt. J. W. Myers, who has two lots; (these two last became the first settlers in Sidney and Thurlow); Lieut. James Robins, Sergt. Williams, Lieut. Best, Lieut. John Durenbury, and then there was a lot (No. 18) for the “King’s saw mill,” subsequently Booth’s Mills. Of the foregoing, it is uncertain how many became settlers. But the most of them seem to have obtained these front lots, irrespective of Captain Grass.
Of the other early settlers, the following are, doubtless, the principal ones. For their names, I am partially indebted to Mr. G. H. Detlor, himself the descendant of an Irish Palatine. “Wm. MacAulay, Thomas Markland, John Kirby, John Cummings, Peter Smith, England, John Ferguson, Lyons, Pousett, McDonnell, Boyman, Cook, Taylor, Smyth, DeNyke, Murney, Cuthbertson, Alcott. The Rev. John Stuart, Hon. Richard Cartwright, Allen McLean.” These did not probably come the first year, but within the first two or three years.
It is said that John Fralick or Freeligh, who had held a commission in the army, was one of the first settlers in Kingston, and built the fourth house erected. Other names given, as among the first inhabitants of the village of Kingston, are John Forsyth, Joseph Forsyth, Anderson, Punbee, Merrill, Stoughton, Gray, Hix, Cassady, Ashley, Burley, Stower, Donald McDonald, James Richardson, Patrick Smith, John Steel, Ebenezer Washburn. Early settlers on the front of the Township, beside those before given, were Holmes, Day, Ferris, several Wartmans, and Graham.
Before proceeding with the history of Kingston, it is desirable to notice more particularly some events connected with the occupancy of Kingston, as a Naval and Military station. We have seen that Surveyor Collins gave the preference for Carleton Island. But Lord Dorchester decided that Kingston was the most desirable place for purposes of defense, and it is a striking fact that the views held by him have been, to a certain extent, reiterated by Gen. Michel, in 1867. Both seemed to hold the opinion that Canada, west of Kingston, was untenable against an invading foe. When Simcoe assumed the Government of the newly formed Upper Province, it was the declared desire of Lord Dorchester, that he should select Kingston as the capital, and make it a well fortified town. Already steps had been taken to establish a naval as well as a military station. Haldimand’s Cove, between Point Frederick and Point Henry, had been selected for the Naval depot, and here was a Dock Yard and Stores, which were continued for many years. These were commenced about 1789, and the same year barracks were built by soldiers, upon the ruins of the old fort, which was the commencement of the Military Station, and the head-quarters of the troops in Upper Canada, and the residence of the Commander-in-Chief; also a staff of the Ordinance and Engineer Departments was kept up. Cooper, writing 1856, says: “Of late years, a general reduction has been made,—a small garrison only is now kept, and the Artillery is wholly withdrawn.” (This was at the time of the Crimean war). The establishment was, some dozen years ago, greatly reduced, and is now wholly abandoned. In years past, however, the officers and crew of Her Majesty’s ship Niagara, were regularly piped to quarters in a handsome stone building in the Dock Yard, which was manned, and the crew disciplined in complete man-o’-war fashion. In these bygone days, Kingston was the residence of the Commodore in charge of the Naval Department, who lived in a style which would have quite outshone that of some of our economical Governors. Those connected with this and other departments, followed the worthy Commodore’s example, and as the population was not then great, the influence of that example rendered the town, if not a very prosperous, certainly a very gay, and seemingly happy one. Times have certainly changed since then, as far as the expenditure of Imperial money is concerned.
After Kingston had been selected as a military station, it naturally grew more rapidly. The presence of the soldiers and of seamen, and their expenditure of money, had the effect of starting into quicker life, the infant town; but when Simcoe, in 1792, passed it by, and sought his gubernatorial residence at Newark, it received a material check in its growth. Being the largest collection of houses in Upper Canada, Kingston had claims, irrespective of the existence of the two arms of the service. During the first decade in the history of Upper Canada, Kingston did not rise above a small village, although it was honoured, sometimes, with the appellation of “city.” Rochefoucault says, 1795, that Kingston “consists of about 120 or 30 houses. The ground in the immediate vicinity of the city, rises with a gentle swell, and forms, from the lake onwards, as it were, an amphitheatre of lands, cleared, but not yet cultivated. None of the buildings are distinguished by a more handsome appearance from the rest. The only structure, more conspicuous than the others, and in front of which the English flag is hoisted, is the barracks, a stone building surrounded with palisades. All the houses stand on the northern bank of the bay, which stretches a mile further into the country. On the southern bank are the buildings belonging to the naval force, the wharfs, and the habitations of all the persons, who belong to that department. The King’s ships lie at anchor near those buildings, and consequently have a harbour and road separate from the port for merchantmen.”
“Kingston, considered as a town, is much inferior to Newark; the number of houses is nearly equal in both. Kingston may contain a few more buildings, but they are neither so large nor so good as at Newark. Many of them are log houses, and those which consist of joiners’ work, are badly constructed and painted. But few new houses are built. No town-hall, no court-house, and no prison have hitherto been constructed. The houses of two or three merchants are conveniently situated for loading and unloading ships; but, in point of constructure, these are not better than the rest.
“Kingston seems better fitted for a trading town than Newark, were it only for this reason, that the ships, which arrive at the latter place, and are freighted for Lake Erie, pass by the former, to sail again up the river as far as Queen’s Town, where the portage begins.”
Cooper remarks that “Fort Frontenac existed for several years after the conquest, the remains of the tower in the interior being removed in 1827. The present barracks were built, the officers’ quarters in 1821, the men’s stone barracks in 1827, and the frame barracks in 1837. At the commencement of the war in 1812, Point Henry, the site of the present extensive military works, was covered with trees; in the following year a rude fort of logs and embankment was thrown up. A year or two after its erection two large and substantial stone towers were added to the defences, they were lofty, square towers, rounded at the corners. These remained until 1826 or 1828. Stone magazines, ordnance offices, and armoury were built outside the fort during the years 1816, ‘17 and ‘18. Extensive stone barracks, roofed with tin, were built between 1818 and 1820; one of these within the fort was 230 feet in length; another building which stood where the advanced battery has since been built, was 80 feet in length, and formed the officers’ quarters.
“These barracks stood until 1841, when they were pulled down and the material sold. Two large houses in Brock Street, and one in Barrack Street, were built from the stone, which, it may be remarked in passing, is not the ordinary blue limestone in general use, but a much whiter material, apparently not so durable. The erection of the present fort was commenced in 1832, several previous years having been spent in the quarrying and preparing material. It was first occupied in 1836. On Point Frederick the first works were a breastwork of logs and earth, with traversing platforms for guns; within the breastwork was a block house. These works were built during or just after the war; this block house was burnt in the year 1820. There were also built, about the same time, a block house surrounded with a strong stockade on the hill on Princess Street, on the lot formerly owned by the late Mr. Jacob Ritter; a small redan on Ordnance Street; a battery at Mississauga Point; a block house near the present Marine Railway; one on Stuart’s or Murney’s Point; another at Snake Island; one which stood until recently, near the present new court house, with those now standing, one of them on the hill to the east of the city, and the other at the west end of Wellington Street. These block houses, excepting, of course, that on Snake Island, were all connected by a strong stake fence, or stockade; portions of which still exist, and formed a chain of defences surrounding, what was then, the whole city.”
From the first, it will be seen that the village of Kingston was to a great extent indebted to the public service for its prosperity. Isaac Wild, writing in 1796, says that from 60 to 100 men are quartered in the barracks.