Contents—Militia Act, 1792—Simcoe—No faith in the Americans—His views—Military Roads—Division of Districts—Military purposes—The officers—Legislation—The expenses—Repeated Legislation—Aggressive spirit—The Enrolment—Hastings Battalion—“Something brewing”—List of Officers—Col. Ferguson—Col. Bell—Leeds Militia—Officers’ Clothing—The Midland District—Prince Edward—Training Places.
Any magisterial power that the military commanders of the first settlers may have possessed was lost by the proclamation of Lord Dorchester, in 1788, forming Upper Canada into districts, and appointing to each a staff of civil officers. From this period until 1792, after the meeting of the second session of the First Parliament, the military organization was a dead matter, although there must have been in force some law relating to such, inasmuch as the first Act passed at this Session was “for the better regulation of the Militia in this Province.”
Governor Simcoe was a man of a military turn of mind. He had taken an active part against the American rebels, and he continued to entertain strong feelings of hostility to the American cause, believing not in the integrity of their professed principles. In many respects he was a well chosen person to take charge of a people who had been under a military rule, and who shared his antipathy to the republican people. Not only did Simcoe conceive schemes of settling the forests, and improving it, but also for securing the country against attack, likewise of drawing into the country many who he believed remained in the States because they could not help themselves, and to whom the Republican form of government was exceedingly distasteful. Simcoe never felt any doubt about his ability to defend the Province against the Americans, and he even had vague ideas that he might concentrate a force of sufficient strength upon Upper Canada soil, to enable him to invade the States, with a good prospect of success. Imbued with these views, and animated by such feelings and desires, he lost no time in taking the necessary steps to organize and train the Militia, and to establish a Naval force for the Lakes. The regular soldiers under his immediate command were put at work to cut roads, one from Lake Ontario to the Thames, which was called the Dundas road, the other from Lake Ontario to the Lake Simcoe, which has received the name of Yonge Street.
The four districts of Upper Canada were subdivided into counties. This division was, according to Rochfoucault, who visited Simcoe, and procured his information from him, “into counties is purely military, and relates merely to the enlisting, completing and assembling of the Militia. The counties are about twelve in number. The Militia of each county are assembled and commanded by a Lieutenant; they must be divided into regiments and companies. They assemble once a year in each county, and are inspected by the Captains of the different companies, at least twice a year. Every male inhabitant is considered a militia man from the age of sixteen to fifty. He is fined four dollars if he does not enlist at the proper time; and officers, both commissioned and non-commissioned, who do not join their regiments at the time the militia is assembled, pay a fine, the former of eight dollars, and the latter of two. An officer who, in case of insurrection, or an attack, who should not repair to his assigned post, would be punished with a pecuniary penalty of £50, and a petty officer with a fine of £20. A militia man who sells either the whole, or a part of his arms, ammunition or accoutrements, is fined £5, and in default of payment, imprisoned for two months. The Quakers, Baptists, and Tunkers, pay, in time of peace, twenty shillings a year; and during a war of insurrection, five pounds sterling for their exemption from military service. Out of these fines and ransoms the Adjutant-General of the Militia receives his pay, and the remainder is at the Governor’s disposal. This is nearly the substance of the first act of the legislative body of Upper Canada, passed in 1793.”
The following year an additional Act passed, relative to the Militia, the chief regulations of which tended to improve and define more accurately the internal form of the regiments, battalions and companies, and to render the assembling of detachments more easy and expeditious. This Act determines, that, in time of war, the obligation to carry arms in defence of the country shall not cease before the age of sixty, and that, of consequence, Quakers and others who enjoy exemption from military service, shall pay for their immunity up to that age. It also obliges the militia to serve on board of ships and vessels, to act as cavalry, and to extend their service beyond the Province, on condition, however, that the same men be not bound to serve more than six months successively. The exemptions from military service are confined to the officers of justice, and other public functionaries, whose number is very small. The whole militia is estimated at nine thousand men. All the expenses of the civil and military administration of Upper and Lower Canada are defrayed by England. The expense, including money and presents to the Indians, “amounts for Upper Canada to one hundred thousand pounds.”
In all the measures introduced by Simcoe and passed into law by Parliament, can be discovered a military mind actively at work. The arrangements by which he endeavored to settle the country—to secure it against invasion—to keep alive a spirit of military ardor—to keep aglow the flame of patriotism, a love for the mother country, were eminently judicious and commendable. There is no doubt that the military spirit of Simcoe was pleasing to the old soldier-farmers, and in them he found willing and zealous abettors of his military schemes. Had it not been for the short-sighted policy of Lord Dorchester, who, it is averred, became envious of his Lieutenant-Governor, and tried to thwart the designs, and had he not succeeded in having him re-called before time allowed for carrying out those designs, there can be no doubt that Upper Canada would have advanced more rapidly than she subsequently did advance, and would have far surpassed any State in the Union.
In 1797, an act for still further regulation of the militia was passed; but the nature of it does not appear in the statutes.
There was also passed an “Act for the better securing the province against the King’s enemies.”
In 1801, there was still further legislation, and again in 1808, when there was “an act to explain, amend, and reduce to one act of Parliament the several laws now in being for the raising and training of the militia.” And a suitable salary was to be allowed to the Adjutant-General. Legislation at this time was deemed necessary, because of the aggressive spirit manifested by the United States. The game of conquest was already begun by the selfish statesmen of America, and even foul means were being adopted to subvert British power on the continent. The year prior, Lower Canada had taken steps under Mr. Dunn, to protect themselves against a wily enemy. General Brock was earnestly engaged in perfecting the defences of Quebec. In 1809 an act was passed respecting billeting Her Majesty’s troops, and the Provincial Militia, and furnishing them on the march, and impressing horses, carriages, oxen, boats, &c.
Respecting the enrolment of the militia in accordance with the acts first and subsequently passed, comparatively little can be said by the writer. The earliest, and indeed the only account of an official nature to be obtained, refers to the organization of the Hastings’ Militia. Through the kindness of Mr. Sager, of the front of Thurlow, grandson of the late Colonel William Bell, we have had placed in our possession, a portion of the papers left by Colonel Bell, of an official and semi-official character. In a communication dated at Kingston, 29th November, 1798, John Ferguson, of that place, writes to Mr. William Bell, of the Mohawk village as follows: “Having been appointed Lieutenant of the County of Hastings, and being ordered to enrol the militia without delay, I must request you will immediately proceed with the enclosed notices, and cause them to be put up as directed. This is the beginning of your duty, as I have recommended you to be Adjutant, as well as captain of a company, and I have the satisfaction of telling you that the President has assured me he will approve of my appointments.” In a separate communication, Lieutenant Ferguson authorizes Captain Bell “to give notice to the inhabitants of the county to attend a meeting of Lieutenancy on Saturday, the 8th December next, at ten o’clock, at the house occupied by David Harris, on lot 34, in the first concession of Sidney, for the purpose of enrolment.”
It would seem that the second in command of the Hastings battalion, was Major A. Chisholm.
Ferguson, writing 22nd February, 1799, says, “It appears from the President’s letter, that there is something brewing to the westward.”
On the 25th February, 1799, Ferguson writes to Adjutant Bell, to require the officers commanding companies “to cause the volunteers and drafts in their respective companies to assemble, with such arms as they may have, at the house of Ferguson, on the point of Sidney, lot 23, to be made acquainted with the purport of a letter received from the Hon. Peter Russell, President.”
Colonel Ferguson writing again on February 26, to Captain Bell, informs him that the President has been pleased to approve of the appointments made, and that he must meet him at Sidney, 5th of March, to receive his commission. On the 1st March, he further writes thus, “there is some appearance of the militia being embodied next spring, and that Captain Bell is appointed to take command of the detachment should such an event take place.”
In a communication dated, 10th March, 1799, Colonel Ferguson refers Captain Bell to an inclosure from President Russell, giving directions as to teaching the volunteers and drafts, “who are to assemble at Wallbridge’s every other Saturday,” for platoon exercise, &c.
“List of officers of the Hastings Militia, as approved of by His Honor, the President, with the dates of their commission.”
“John Ferguson, Lieutenant of County; date of commission, 1798. The following officers were commissioned in December following:—Major Alexander Chisholm, Captain Wm. Bell, Captain Samuel Sherwood, Captain George W. Myers, Captain Lieutenant Matthias Marsh, Lieutenant Gilbert Harris, Lieutenant John Stuart, Lieutenant John Chisholm, Lieutenant John Fairman, sen., Lieutenant L. W. Myers, Ensigns David Simmons, Jacob W. Myers, Alexander Chisholm, Robert Fairman, Samuel B. Gilbert, Adjutant William Bell, Quarter-Master, John McIntosh.”
At the commencement of the war of 1812, John Ferguson, of Kingston, was Colonel; William Bell, of Thurlow, Lieutenant-Colonel, and Alexander Chisholm, Simon McNabb, S. B. Gilbert, Jacob W. Myers, L. W. Myers, David Simmons, Gilbert Harris, John McIntosh, were Captains of 1st Regiment Hastings Militia. John Thompson who had been a soldier in the King’s Rangers, was Major.
In May, 1810, a notice was posted in Hastings to “all persons of the battalion having in their possession arms and accoutrements belonging to Her Majesty, to bring them in good order on the 4th of June, and they will be furnished with powder and ball to shoot at a mark.”
We are informed by Mr. Adiel Sherwood, that James Breakenridge, who had been an officer in Rogers’ corps, was appointed the first Lieutenant of the County of Leeds under Simcoe, with authority to organize the body and appoint the officers. Mr. Sherwood received his first commission as Ensign, from him, to the first regiment of Leeds Militia in 1796. He was shortly after commissioned a Lieutenant, which he remained until 1808, when he was made Captain.
Officers’ Clothing.—No sooner had the officers received their commissions than the matter of military clothing came into consideration, and steps were promptly taken to obtain suitable outfits, in the way of scarlet coats, swords, and so forth. Reading the letters which have come under notice, one is struck with the fact of men putting themselves to trouble to procure costly uniform, when very many of them could scarcely collect money enough to meet their wants. At that time money was scarce and bartering was the ordinary mode of proceedings between the farmer and dealer. The merchants of Kingston did not find it necessary to keep material for officers’ dress, and consequently it had to be procured at Montreal. The officers without money and unknown, in Montreal, could scarcely expect to get credit there. It was under such circumstances that Colonel Ferguson, the Lieutenant of the County of Hastings, undertook to assist the officers under him. Concerted action on their part was necessary, that all the coats might be alike, and moreover, they might expect to have them supplied at a cheaper rate. The following will now become intelligible:
“We, the following officers of Militia of the County of Hastings, having agreed to have uniform clothing, do empower John Ferguson, Samuel Sherwood, Matthias Marsh, and John McIntosh, to agree with any person to furnish the materials, and we will pay for it as agreed upon by the above persons—the uniform to be red coats with blue facings; long yellow buttons and white lining with shoulder-straps—the Light Infantry to have short coats with wings. Thurlow, 7th October, 1800.” (Signed)—John Ferguson, William Bell, John Chisholm, Daniel Rose, John McIntosh, David Simmons, John Fairman, Junr., Samuel Sherwood, Matthias Marsh.
A few days later Colonel Ferguson supplies a memorandum to Major Bell, recommending James Dawson, Kingston, as the person to be employed to make the coats, the material, or at least the cloth, to be bought at Mr. Cumming’s. Ferguson also suggests that each person give his note of hand for the sum until paid, from which it seems evident that he wished to be free from personal responsibility. Three months later, and no steps had been taken except by Ferguson, who, it appears, applied at Montreal for his coat. He writes, “I have received my coat pattern from Montreal,” and the cost of cloth and trimmings amounted to £4 7s. 7d., and “the common price of making a regimental coat” was £1 3s. 4d., the epaulets ready-made were £3 each. In another place, Colonel Ferguson says, “if any of those gentlemen wish to have a coat from Montreal, and will put into my hands sixteen bushels of wheat, as a part payment, I will send for them, and they will surely find their profit in it”.
The following were among the first Militia officers connected with the force in the Midland District.
Thomas Dorland, one of the first settlers of Adolphustown, was the first captain commissioned in the township. He commanded a company in 1812, at Kingston. His company partook of the loyal spirit which actuated the captain, who indignantly said of the Americans, “they drove us from our homes once and now come after us.” Captain Dorland was much liked, as an officer, by his men.
Captain Trumpour, who commanded a company of horse, was generally estimated as a commander.
Christopher Hagerman, a native of Adolphustown, arose by promotion from an Ensign, to be Aide-de-Camp. The following is from the Kingston Gazette:—“Head Quarters, Upper Canada, York, 15th December, 1813. District General order. The Lieutenant-General commanding and President, has been pleased to appoint Christopher Hagerman, Esq., to be Provincial Aide-de-Camp to his Honor, and to enter the Provincial Rank of Lieutenant Colonel on Mr. Hagerman.”
Major Spencer, who had been Colonel in Major Rogers’ regiment during the Revolutionary war, died at the breaking out of the war of 1812, and was buried in Fredericksburgh on his own place with military honors, he was succeeded by Captain Thompson. Crawford was Colonel of a regiment of Militia.
The following were officers in Ernesttown: Lieutenant Colonel James Parrot, Captain Joshua Booth, C. Fralick, Noris Briscoe, Peter Daly, Robert Clark, Sheldon Hawley. Lieutenants: Davis Hamby, Henry Day, John Richards, Daniel Fraser, Robert Worlet. Ensigns: Isaac Fraser, David Lockwood, Daniel Simmons, Abraham Amey, Solomon Johns, John Thorp, Senr.
Major Young, formerly ensign in Sir John Johnson’s regiment, was an officer in the Prince Edward Militia for some time. He was at Kingston in 1812, and died while on duty. Captain McDonnell of Marysburgh, was also on duty at Kingston at that time. Captain Young, of the Carrying Place, was likewise there, as well as his Ensign, W. H. Wallbridge, who became Captain in 1831, Owen Richards being the Colonel. Lieutenant Richard Howard, of Sophiasburgh, died March 1, 1814. Dengin Conger held a commission in the first battalion of the Prince Edward Militia during twenty-four years, fourteen of which he was Captain. William Ketcheson, of Sidney, was commissioned Ensign in 1804; Lieutenant in 1812: Captain toward the close of the war, served nine months at Kingston. Coleman, of Belleville, was Captain of Provincial Light Dragoons.
The Militia of Adolphustown, Fredericksburgh, Ernesttown, and probably of Kingston, were accustomed to meet on Finkle’s Place, below the wind mill, before the war, 1812. Strange as it may now seem, the place for training of the Prince Edward Militia was, for many years, at Grassy Point, in the Sixth Town. All the way, not only from the extreme point of Marysburgh, but from Amherst Island, and from the western part of Ameliasburgh, the sparsely settled inhabitants were wont to come, by anything but even roads, to this point for their stated training. They met at this place until the year 1800, after which they all met at Hallowell, Picton. Those from Ameliasburgh required two days to reach the training place. Some years later a second place was allowed.
Contents—In 1812, around Bay Quinté—The declaration of war—The news at Kingston—The call to arms—Hastings—Events of Kingston—In 1813—Attack upon Sacket’s Harbour—Oswego—American Fleet before Kingston—Royal George—Kingston prepared—Chrysler’s farm—A “Postscript”—Along the St. Lawrence—Ribaldry—The Commissary—Capt. Wilkins—Quakers—Rate of pay—American prisoners—The wounded—Surgeons, Dougal, Meacham—Jonathan Philips—Militiamen’s reward—Militia orders—Parliamentary grants.
The call to arms was promptly and loyally responded to by the inhabitants of the Midland District, including the militia of Northumberland. The old veterans of former days, who had for so many years been engaged in the peaceful occupation of farming, were aroused to a high degree of indignation that their old enemies, who had driven them away from old homes, should now threaten them in their hard earned new ones. No wonder that these old sturdy loyalists and their sons quickly obeyed the call to come in defense of their homes. To a certain extent the Bay region was free from immediate danger. Excepting at Kingston the inhabitants were not alarmed by the trumpet blast. There was not here enacted such stirring events as transpired at Detroit, upon the Niagara frontier, and below upon the St. Lawrence. Nevertheless there was diligent preparation made for any contingency that might come with the tide of war. The several regiments of militia called out, were taken to Kingston and prepared for service whether it might be offensive or defensive. Kingston being a naval station and having a dock-yard as well as a military depot; and at the same time situated within a short distance of the enemies’ territory, it was necessary that it should be well garrisoned, and the surrounding country constantly watched. And here the raw militia man was drilled for service, while they were ready to defend the place.
The news of the declaration of war reached Kingston by a private letter to Mr. Forsyth, from the States, and an hour and a half afterwards, says one who was there, a letter having been conveyed to Col. Benson, the drum beat to arms, and couriers were on their way with all haste to warn out the militia along the Bay and in Northumberland. The belief was entertained that Kingston would be a place of attack at once, and the flank companies were ordered there immediately.
Upon the 27th June, 1812, John Ferguson, Colonel commanding 1st regiment Hastings Militia, wrote from Kingston, to Lieut.-Colonel William Bell, of Thurlow, “to cause the volunteers of the battalion who already offered their services, to hold themselves in readiness for actual service, and to apply to the Quartermaster for such arms as are in his possession, to be used by the volunteers until others were got from Kingston. Capt. John McIntosh to take command, the other Captain will be J. W. Myers. Notice to be given at once, be it night or day, to meet on the Plains—and be drilled by the Sergt.-Major.” Col. Bell received the letter at sunset on the 29th, by the hands of John Weaver. A postscript to the letter says “War is declared by the United States against Great Britain.”
The militia of Hastings were hurried to Kingston, but after a few weeks when it was seen that Kingston would not be immediately attacked, they were ordered home. The next year the Northumberland Militia was ordered to York, and soon saw service.
In connection with Kingston were two events which may be alluded to, one was a hostile demonstration against Sacket’s Harbour, which had for its object principally the destruction of a man-of-war, there building; the other was an attempt, on the part of the Americans, to destroy the British frigate, Royal George, lying at Kingston.
It was in May, 1813, that Sir George Prevost and Sir James L. Yeo, arrived at Kingston, where were Capt. Barclay Pring and Furnis, preparing for service the few vessels stationed there; among them one lately launched, the Sir George Prevost of 30 guns, greeted them with a salute from the vessels. The American fleet was at the head of the lake, bombarding Fort George. Under these circumstances it was resolved to make an attack upon Sackets Harbour, About 1000 men were embarked on board the Wolfe of 24 guns, the Royal George of 24 guns, the Earl of Moira, of 18 guns, and four armed schooners each carrying from 10 to 12 guns, with a number of batteaux, so that no time might be lost in the debarkation. Two gun-boats were placed in readiness as a landing escort. The boats were under the direction of Capt. Mulcaster, of the Royal Navy, and the landing under the immediate superintendence of Sir George Prevost and Sir James Yeo. The following account is from A. O. Petrie, Esq., of Belleville, who was present as a volunteer, being then clerk to Capt. Gray, Assistant Quartermaster-General. So quickly was the expedition arranged that Petrie had no knowledge of it until about to start. By permission of Capt. Gray, Mr. Petrie formed one of the party, who, although forgetting to procure a red coat, did not forget his gun. “Was in a batteau with Capt. Gray the greater part of the night, which was crowded with men. Capt. Gray told Petrie that the object of the expedition was to burn the ship there building, and told him he might have a hand in it, Petrie said he would be there as soon as any one. They landed about four o’clock in the morning, and Mr. Petrie carried Capt. Gray on his back to the shore through the water. But before they had landed the Americans fired upon them; they were soon relieved however, by the gun-boat. They then advanced and was not far from the ship when the bugle sounded the retreat. When he regained the boat he found that his friend Capt. Gray had been killed.”
There is abundant evidence that the retreat was unnecessary, that the enemy were fleeing; but one of those fearful mistakes occurred by which the British and Canadian troops lost a victory which had been won. This expedition exhibited the bravery of the militia men in the fullest degree, and had the mind of Prevost remained unclouded, due reward would have been secured. But the precipitate retreat of the Americans was misunderstood by Prevost, he thought it a trap set. Says a writer, “It was true that Fort Tomkins was about to fall into British hands. Already the officers in charge of Navy Point, agreeably to orders, and supposing the fort to be lost, had set on fire the naval magazine, containing all the stores captured at York. The hospital and barracks were illuminating the lake by their grand conflagration, and the frigate on the stocks had been set on fire only to be extinguished when Prevost’s mind became unsettled as to the ulterior design of the enemy. In the very moment of fully accomplishing the purpose of the expedition, he ordered a retreat, and the troops reached Kingston in safety.”
But, the following year an expedition left Kingston on the 4th May, which arrived at Oswego on the following day, and took the fort; but the stores had been removed.
About five miles from Kingston lies what is called Herkimer’s Point. It was thought a thing not improbable that the Americans might land upon this point and endeavor to enter Kingston. Here was a telegraph signal, and two cannon had been planted there; afterward one, a very good one was removed, lest it should fall into the hands of the enemy. From this point a fair view of the Upper Gap was to be had. At last, one morning, the Yankee fleet composed of some 14 sail, large and small, appeared off the Upper Gap. A shot it is said was fired from the old windmill by some militia men there, which was replied to. A schooner, the Simcoe was chased, but escaped by running over a bar between some islands at Herkimer’s Point. She received several shots, and subsequently sank when she had reached Kingston. The inhabitants along the coast were ordered into the interior with all their stock. The fleet passed along not far from the shore, and the field artillery moved along at an equal pace, and a firing was kept up between them. The writer’s father was present on the occasion. He was Sergt. in Capt. Dorland’s Company from Adolphustown, and was this morning on duty with his Company at Herkimer’s Point. He was standing a short distance from the shore. The brass artillery sent a ball through one of the enemy’s vessels, he saw her haul off from the rest. The fleet fired back, and he saw the first ball from them as it passed near him. The Governor’s horse being held by a negro near by, while the Governor stood a little off, squatted to the earth and the ball passed over his back, the ball then struck the top rail of the fence, near by him, and went bounding and plowing up the ground. All this he remembers distinctly. The artillery and troops marched along opposite the fleet on their way to Kingston, and were there paraded in a concealed spot behind the jail. It was a general expectation that the enemy would attempt to land, and he fully anticipated going into action. He could see the balls flying over the buildings.
It was a natural expectation that the enemy would endeavour to possess themselves of Kingston with its garrison and naval depot, and dock yard. Every necessary step was taken to frustrate any designs that might be entertained by the Americans against the place. In the Gazette of Oct. 9, 1813, is the following:
“By all accounts we understand that the Americans are on the eve of attacking this place. It is our province to observe that their intentions have become completely anticipated, and every necessary preparation has been made to give them a warm reception. We are happy to announce the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Drummond, with the first detachment of the 104th Regiment, from Burlington Heights. This regiment the 49th, and the corps of the Voltigeurs, may be expected here in the course of to-day or to-morrow. These three gallant regiments, together with our brave militia, who are pouring in from all quarters, and have already assembled in considerable numbers, will be a sufficient reinforcement, and with our present respectable garrison will be able to repel any force which the enemy may bring against us. We are glad to observe that every piece of artillery is most advantageously placed, and we must really congratulate our fellow citizens on the formidable appearance of every defensible portion in the vicinity of this town. It has been the general rumor for a few days past that six or seven of our small vessels have been taken on their way from the head of the lake to this place and sent into Sackets; which rumor we fear is too true.”
The woods around Kingston, and upon Point Henry, were all cut down to prevent a surprise. The enemy, however, did not attack Kingston, but landed lower down the St. Lawrence. With what result the following notice will show, Kingston Gazette, Saturday, November, 13, 1813.
“POSTSCRIPT—HIGHLY IMPORTANT.”
“The following important intelligence was received in town this morning by express.”
The enemy attacked us this morning, suppose from 3 to 4,000 men in number, and has been completely repulsed and defeated, with a very considerable loss, a number of prisoners, and one General taken by us; the loss of the enemy cannot be less than 4 or 5,000. Ours has been severe. The Americans were commanded by Generals Lears and Boyd.
We are assured on good authority, that the loss of the enemy in the late action at Williamsburgh, exceeded 1,000 in killed, wounded, prisoners and deserters; their flight was precipitate during the remainder of the day and night after the action; on the morning of the 12th they regained their own shore in the greatest confusion, and in momentary expectation of being attacked. Several officers of distinction were killed and wounded. Major General Covender was dangerously wounded, and is since dead; Lieutenant-Colonel Preston, noted for his ridiculous and insulting proclamation at Fort Erie, inviting the inhabitants of Upper Canada to place themselves under his protection, was dangerously wounded. One six-pounder field piece was taken on the charge, and about 120 prisoners, 350 or 400 stand of arms were collected on and near the field of action.
“The Militia of Cornwall and the neighbouring townships have come forward in the most spirited and loyal manner, and are daily joining the troops, shewing a spirit worthy of their ancestors, and a noble example to their countrymen. We sincerely hope it will be followed, and if the inhabitants of Upper Canada are true to themselves, they can have no reason to fear all the efforts of the enemy.” Thus ended the attack which had been made with the usual boastful spirit. According to an American writer in the New York Herald, at that time, the American Commander-in-Chief was “a contemptible wretch,” guilty of “low ribaldry,” a drunkard, having to take “two drinks of hot rum to enable him to go through the operation of shaving,” and finally as given to singing
Not alone did the Midland district supply its quota of men for the incorporated militia; but the rich soil along the borders of the bay gave abundantly to the commissariat department. During the first year of the war, there was a time when the troops at Kingston had no more than a week’s provision. Under these circumstances the Commandant enquired of Colonel Cartwright if he knew of any one who could be depended upon to raise the required supplies which were known to exist in the district. Cartwright informed him that the required person could at once be obtained in the person of Captain Robert Wilkins. Captain Wilkins, who had raised a company in the beginning of the war, was accordingly sent for, and instructed to prepare to undertake, as chief commissary, the duty. He asked for written instructions and authority that he might not be hindered in his work—that Militia Colonels, and sub-officers should yield to his demands for men to act as batteaux men, or do any other required duty to impress conveyances, &c. He was asked if he would be ready to set out in a day or two. The reply was, I will start in half an hour. “The devil you will,” said the Commandant, “so much the better,” and Captain Wilkins quickly wrote his resignation as Captain to the company, settled his hotel bill, and was on his way up the bay toward Picton. Arrived there, he called upon Mr. Cummings, and desired him to act as agent, which request was acceded to. He then pushed on to the head of the bay, at the Carrying Place, and established an agency there, afterwards his head-quarters. Proceeding to Myers’ Creek, he procured as agent the services of Simon McNabb.
In the vicinity of Picton, were a considerable number of Quakers, who, although not wanting in loyalty, would, not only, not take up arms, but conscientiously would not sell the produce of their farms and take in payment government bills, or “shin plasters,” then in circulation. Of course, they could, without scruples, sell their grain to any one without asking questions, for gold or silver but to take ephemeral paper born of war, and its circulation recognizing a state of war, was another thing. They absolutely refused to take it. Colonel Wilkins believing in their sincerity, at once wrote to the Commandant at Kingston, for a certain sum of gold, which was promptly forwarded. Thus the granaries of the rich section of the county in Prince Edward were opened. But Wilkins had not waited for the gold; on his own responsibility he had bought the grain promising to pay them as they required, and Mr. Cummings had been diligently carrying out his orders.
Commissary Wilkins had other difficulties to contend with. In some sections there was a disposition to hold the produce until prices were better, although pork, for instance, was fetching $14 a barrel. They wished to get $20. The result of this was a “half martial law,” by which provisions, wherever found, could be taken at a fair valuation. But Colonel Wilkins says that this had rarely to be done. By kind persuasion, showing the people that their duty should lead them to be satisfied with a fair price, he succeeded in getting all the supplies of provision he wanted.
The duties devolving upon him were numerous and onerous. He had to supervise the batteaux carrying provisions up and down the bay from a distance, and often would have to give orders for 3 or 400 men to be collected to propel the batteaux, or assist to transport articles across the Carrying Place.
The rate of pay given to an officer, acting as pilot, or conductor to batteaux, was 10s. per day. Privates impressed to carry or assist received 2s. 6d., with rations; but supplied themselves with blankets. They were paid immediately their work was done, by Wilkins. We have before us a requisition sent by Wilkins to Colonel Bell in April, 1814, for 40 privates, and officer to manage the King’s batteaux, as there was a quantity of provisions to be conveyed to Queenston Heights.
Although the foe found no footing, and made no attempt to land along the bay, the inhabitants had the opportunity of seeing not a few of their would be conquerors, as they passed as prisoners of war on their way to Quebec. Many of the 1000 taken at Detroit had to march along the road the whole length of the Province. Some were taken in batteaux, and others were conveyed in vessels down the lake as far as Kingston. Many of those who walked went by the way of the Prince Edward Peninsula, by Wellington and Picton, crossing the bay at the Stone Mills, others went by way of Napanee, and thence to Kingston. One way was as convenient as the other, as there was no bridge across the River Trent. Persons are now living along the routes who recollect the crest-fallen appearance of these prisoners; the more so, because the people whom they had come to invade, and dispossess, shewed them acts of kindness, and gave them food to eat. One old lady, so old that she remembers the Revolutionary War in 1783, says she told them she had given the British troops all she had to eat, as they passed up to conquer them, and she now as gladly gave food to them. Those brought in batteaux were transported across the Carrying Place into the bay. No doubt they appreciated the beauty of the scenery along the route, and had their appetite affected for the land they coveted.
On the morning of August 29, 1812, there arrived at Kingston, His Majesty’s ships Royal George, Earl of Moira, and Prince Regent, with 400 prisoners, and General Hull.
The most of the prisoners taken at the Niagara frontier were carried in batteaux, and by the bay, Colonel Scott among the rest.
At a later date, arrived the American prisoners, General Chandler and Waider, captured at Stoney Creek. And again, “Arrived at this place yesterday, March 1st, 1813, on their way to Quebec, whither they will proceed to-day, Brigadier-General James Winchester, Colonel William Lewis, and Major George Madison, attached to the American army, captured by General Proctor on the River Rafine.” We copy the following:
“Quebec, November 2nd. On Friday and Saturday were escorted by a detachment of Major Bell’s Cavalry, from their quarters, at Bauport, to the new gaol, twenty-three American officers, and on the latter day were also taken from the prison ships, and escorted by a detachment of the 103rd regiment to the same prison, a like number of non-commissioned officers, making in all forty-six conformable to the General Orders of the 27th October.”
But other sights than prisoners of war were presented during the conflict. Owing to the exposed state of the Province in the west, after the taking of York, a large number of the wounded were removed from the Niagara region to Kingston, sometimes by ships, sometimes by batteau. Many of those wounded at Lundy’s Lane were taken by schooner to York, and thence by batteau down the lake shore, across the Carrying Place, and along the bay. Among them was Sheriff Ruttan, who was left at his father’s house, to the kind care of his family. In this connection it may be observed that Surgeon Dougall, of Prince Edward Militia, served nine months at Kingston, and Dr. Meacham, of Belleville, also served during the most of the war.
We will here give an extract from an obituary notice taken from the Hastings Chronicle.
“A Veteran of 1812.—Of the Provincial troops, the Glengary regiment of Infantry took perhaps the most active part.” At the age of fifteen, Jonathan Phillips enlisted in this corps, then being raised throughout Canada. The urgent necessity for recruits inducing the authorities to accept youths even of that tender age. The story will best be told, as nearly as may be, in the veteran’s own words:—“I was born in Duchess County, State of New York, in the year 1796; my father came from Devonshire, England, and my mother from Edinburgh, Scotland. In 1809, my parents removed to Canada and settled in Fredericksburgh, County of Lennox and Addington. In January, 1812, I was working for Mr. Chapman, in Fredericksburgh, getting out square pine, oak, and staves; whilst thus employed, Captain Judkins, formerly of the 104th Regiment of the Line, asked me to enlist, and I joined the Glengary’s, and in a few days after was sent to Kingston with about twenty other recruits from Fredericksburgh, Richmond, and Ernesttown. We remained in Kingston till navigation opened, when the recruits assembled at that place, about 200 in all, descended the St. Lawrence in batteaux to Three Rivers, where we received uniforms, arms, and accoutrements, and commenced to learn our drill. The corps now numbered about 800.
Towards autumn we were ordered to Quebec, in charge of about 1000 prisoners from General Hull’s army, captured in the west. We remained at Quebec a month or six weeks. In October, 1812, we were ordered to the west, (the season is recalled from the recollection that as they marched from Quebec the farmers were busy cutting wheat on the hillsides, and the snow was falling at the time). The march was by the North Shore road to Montreal. Here we remained all winter, expecting the Americans to attack that city. In the month of March, before the sleighing was gone, the regiment was ordered to Kingston, taking with them several pieces of cannon, which were drawn by oxen. The men marched. The cattle that drew the cannon and baggage, were slaughtered at Kingston for provisions. We remained a month at Kingston, and then passed up the Bay of Quinté to the Carrying Place in batteaux. The baggage and batteaux were transported across the Isthmus into Lake Ontario, and we re-embarked for York. On our arrival at York we were forwarded with all despatch to Burlington Bay. We first met the Yankees at Stoney Creek, and then pushed on towards Fort George. We halted at the village of St Davids, and encamped at the cross-roads. The Yankees held Fort George; when they discovered we were so near them they retreated upon Black Creek. We followed them up, and had a battle with them at Lundy’s Lane, on 25th July, 1813. In this affair I was in the advance guard, or reconnoitering party. The enemy retreated upon Fort Erie, and we pursued them and had several skirmishes with them. They blew up the fort, and evacuated Canada. In the fall of the year we marched back to York; there we embarked in batteaux and came to the Carrying Place—thence we crossed into the Bay of Quinté, and thence to Kingston. From Kingston we marched to Adolphustowm Court House, and were billeted upon the farmers in that vicinity during the ensuing winter. There were from eight to ten men in each house. Whilst here we assembled every day at the Court House, at ten a.m., for drill—we were at least 800 strong.
On the 23rd March, 1814, all the three years’ men were paraded at the Court House, paid off and discharged. Each man so discharged drew 100 acres of land in Upper Canada, farming utensils, and a year’s provisions. The provisions were distributed every three months, at Robert Charles Wilkins’ store, at the Carrying Place.”
From the time of his discharge till his decease, Phillips resided in the County of Hastings, pursuing the usual occupation of the first settlers of this county. For many years he followed “lumbering” in winter, and farming in the summer seasons, but being trustworthy, intelligent, and of a kindly disposition, his services were frequently sought after for various purposes. Several years ago, the farm which he drew for his military service, and which, for many years, afforded him a home and a support, he sold for the sum of $1,900, thus enjoying in his old age the well earned reward of the loyalty and courage of his youth. He died at his home, in the second concession, Rawdon, on the 15th February, 1868.
General Brock, on his way to Detroit, assembled the Legislature, and amongst other Acts, one was passed for the organization of a battalion of “Incorporated Militia,” a body distinct from the Sedentary Militia. It was an inducement held out for action; and to properly fitted persons, to raise companies and regiments for service during the war. According to Ruttan, any one enlisting five persons was entitled to an Ensigncy; ten, a Lieutenancy; twenty, a Captaincy; fifty, a Major; and forty a Lieutenant-Colonel. Subsequently, in 1814 and 15, the Legislature “voted the supplies necessary to fill up the incorporated regiments to 800 men. A service of plate, and a pension of £20 per annum for the wounded, or for the widows of the killed, as well as an address to His Majesty for an allowance of 100 acres of land for each man, whether belonging to the regiment of flank companies or the Sedentary Militia.”
No truly patriotic and brave man will seek, or demand a promise of reward for defending, or fighting for the interests of his country. He requires no more than what comes from a consciousness of his duty done, and his country’s honor maintained; the land of his birth, or choice, preserved from the desecration of an invader’s foot. But when the deadly conflict has incapacitated the brave one for the ordinary avocations of life, and he is left, perhaps, with a family, unable to secure life’s comforts; or when the torch of war—of the unchristian men, such as President Madison, and his cold-blooded servant, Colonel McClure, at Niagara,—leaves the homes of helpless women in ashes; or with wilful wantonness destroys for the mere pleasure of gratifying a worse than heathenish disposition, then the tried veteran has a right to be rewarded in a substantial manner. The Government of Canada, as well as that of Great Britain, has never been found remiss in affording suitable rewards to those who were truly and knowingly worthy.
The smoke of war in 1815 had barely cleared away, after the Americans had sought and obtained a peace, to them ignoble, ere the Canadian Government took steps to secure a just reward to all worthy men. And to this end the following general order appeared in the Kingston Gazette, 17th July, 1815, having reference to settlers.