Contents—Canada’s first step in civilization—Slavery in America—By whom introduced—False charge—Slavery in Canada—History—Imperial Acts—Legislation in Canada—The several clauses—In Lower Canada—Justice Osgood—Slavery at the Rebellion—Among the U. E. Loyalists—Those who held slaves—Descendants of the slaves—“A British slave”—“For sale”—“Indian slave”—Upper Canada’s Record—Compared with the States—Liberty—Why the United States abolished slavery—Honor to whom honor is due.
We devote a chapter to the subject of slavery, which may be appropriately noticed under advance of civilization. There can be no greater indication of a truly civilized people than a successful attempt to emancipate those in bondage. In this respect Upper Canada was very far in advance of the United States, and even of England herself.
The Americans have not unfrequently essayed to fasten the ignominy of this domestic institution upon the British nation, by asserting that it was the English that first brought slaves to the American continent. Supposing this to be true, it was the most pitiable attempt at excuse for continuing the accursed thing, after Britain had spent millions to abolish slavery in all her broad realm, that can possibly be imagined. But it is all untrue that slaves were first brought by the English. It was the Dutch, who found sale for them in Virginia. This was in 1620. “Shortly after the New England States adopted the ‘institution,’ the colonists and merchants introducing and controlling the whole trade, Massachusetts leading the way.” And with all the cry, for ever echoing in the North against the South, because of slavery; it was the Yankee owners of ships, sent out from Northern ports to engage in the world-condemned crime of the slave trade, that kept alive the worst feature of American slavery, until the celebrated military necessity of Lincoln, emancipated the Southern slaves.
The present generation of Canadians are almost ignorant of the fact that the “institution” of slavery once existed in Canada, both Lower and Upper. The proud and pleasing appellation, which Canada enjoyed for so many years, of a safe asylum for slaves, who had effected their escape from the United States, is in most cases alone known to have belonged to us. But the record of our young country is so honorable upon the question of slavery, that the fact that slaves did once breathe among us, casts no stigma upon the maple leaf, no single stain upon her virgin garments. The fact is, slavery could not live in Canada; much less grow. The leading principles which guided the settlers of the country were of too noble a nature to accept the monstrous system of human bondage as an appendage of the Colony. They felt the truthfulness of the words, not long before uttered by John Wesley, that slavery was the “sum of all villainies,” and knew they would be villains of the deepest dye to encourage it.
The history of slavery from the time Joseph was sold by his brothers into Egypt, by which it may be inferred that persons were already held in bondage, up to the present, is of no little interest; but it forms no part of our task to give even a sketch of it, except in relation to its existence in Canada.
In the year 1732, an Act was passed in the Imperial Parliament “for the more easy recovery of debts in His Majesty’s plantations and colonies in America,” by which “lands, houses, negroes, and other hereditaments and real estate, shall be liable to be taken by due process of law for any indebtedness.”
Another Imperial Act having reference to slavery in Canada, was passed so late as 1790. The Act is intituled “An Act for encouraging new settlers in His Majesty’s colonies and plantations in America.” Among other things it is provided that if any persons shall come to the West India Islands or the Province of Quebec, from United States, with the view of settling, it shall be lawful for such, having obtained a license from the Governor, to import among other things “any negroes” he may possess. Such was the law in all Canada when Upper Canada was erected into a distinct Province.
The first Session of Parliament in Upper Canada was naturally and necessarily occupied in arranging the machinery requisite for the government of the body public. The second Session witnessed legislation to secure defence of the country by organizing a militia body; and also upon two most important subjects having reference to moral principles, viz.: concerning marriages, and
“An Act to prevent the further introduction of slaves, and to limit the term of contract for servitude within this Province.”
“Whereas it is unjust that a people who enjoy freedom by law, should encourage the introduction of slaves, and whereas it is highly expedient to abolish slavery in this Province, so far as the same may gradually be done without violating private property; be it enacted by the King’s Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the Province of Upper Canada,” &c. It is enacted “that from and after the passing of this Act, so much of a certain Act of the Parliament of Great Britain, entitled “An Act for encouraging new settlers,” &c., as may enable the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of this Province, heretofore parcel of His Majesty’s Province of Quebec, to grant a license for importing into the same, any negro or negroes, shall be, and the same is hereby repealed; and that from and after the passing of this Act, it shall not be lawful for the Governor to grant a license for the importation of any negro or other person to be subjected to the condition of a slave, or to a bounden involuntary service for life, in any part of this Province, nor shall any negro, or other person who shall come, or be brought into the Province after the passing of this Act, be subject to the condition of a slave, or to such service as aforesaid, within this Province, nor shall any voluntary contract of service or indentures that may be entered into by any parties within this Province, after the passing of this Act, be binding upon them or either of them for a longer term than a term of nine years.”
The second clause provided that the owners of slaves, at the time within the Province, should be secured in their property and contracts already made should not be affected. But in the third clause it is declared that
“In order to prevent the continuation of slavery within this Province, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that immediately from and after the passing of this Act, every child that shall be born of a negro mother, or other woman subjected to such service as aforesaid, shall abide and remain with the master or mistress in whose service the mother shall be living at the time of such child’s birth, (unless such mother and child shall leave such service, by and with the consent of such master or mistress) and such master or mistress shall, and is hereby required to give proper nourishment and clothing to such child or children, and shall and may put such child or children to work, when he, she, or they shall be able so to do, and shall and may retain him or her in their service until every such child shall have obtained the age of 25 years, at which time shall be entitled to demand his or her discharge from, and shall be discharged by such master or mistress, from any further service. And to the end that the age of such child or children may be more easily ascertained, the master or mistress of the mother thereof, shall, and is hereby required, to cause the day of the birth of every such child as shall be born of a negro or other mother, subjected to the condition of a slave, in their service, as aforesaid, to be registered within three months after its birth, by the clerk of the parish, township or place wherein such master or mistress reside, which clerk shall be authorized to demand and receive the sum of one shilling for registering the same. And in case any master or mistress shall refuse or neglect to cause such register to be made within the time aforesaid, and shall be convicted thereof, either on his or her confession, or by the oath of one or more credible witnesses before any justice of the peace, he or she shall for such offence forfeit and pay the sum of £5 to the public stock of the district.
“And be it further enacted, that in case any master or mistress shall detain any such child born in their service, after the passing of this Act, under any pretence whatever, after such servant shall have attained the age of 25 years, except by virtue of a contract of service or indentures duly and voluntarily executed, after such discharge as aforesaid, it shall be for such servant to apply for a discharge to any justice of the peace,” and the party accused may be summoned to show cause why the servant is not discharged. The master failing to prove the servant under age, the justice is to discharge the same, and it was “provided always that in case any issue shall be born of such children during their infant servitude or after, such issue shall be entitled to all the rights and privileges of free-born subjects.”
“And be it further enacted, that whenever any master or mistress shall liberate or release any person subject to the condition of a slave from their service, they shall at the same time give good and sufficient security to the church or town wardens of the parish or township where they live, that the person so released by them shall not become chargeable to the same, or any other parish or township.” This act which reflects so much glory upon the Upper Canadian Legislators, was passed July 9, 1793. We thought our readers would prefer to see the act complete than any synopsis we might prepare.
To Robert Gray, then Solicitor-General, is Upper Canada primarily indebted for the above act. He was an earnest friend of the African race. He was lost in the schooner Speedy, on Lake Ontario.
Slavery in Lower Canada.—According to Garneau, in the year 1689, it was proposed to introduce negroes to the colony of France. But it was thought the climate would prove unsuitable. That slavery was, not long after introduced, seems certain, and that it “was legally recognized in Canada, is plain, from an ordinance of intendant Hocquart, dated 1736, regulating the manner of emancipating slaves in Canada.”—(Bell.)
There are extant several royal declarations respecting slaves in the colony, bearing dates, 1721, 1742, and 1745. At the Conquest there were slaves in the province; and slavery “then increased for an instant, only to disappear forever.” Slavery having continued to exist in Canada until the first decade of the present century. By a stipulation in the treaty of Montreal, the colonists were “to be allowed to retain their slaves.” Says Bell in Garneau’s history, “Sir L. H. Lafontaine in 1859, investigated this matter,” (respecting the existence of slaves in French Canada), and from the published reports of his enquiries, it appears that in 1799–1800, the citizens of Montreal presented requisitions to Parliament, tending to cause the Legislature to vindicate the rights of masters over their slaves. The applicants invoked in favor of their demand, an ordinance rendered by Jacques Roudat, 9th intendant, dated April 13, 1709, which edict was, they urged, in force when the definitive treaty of peace was signed, and by consequence formed part and parcel of the laws, usages, and customs, of Canada, recognized by the Act of Quebec. The bills, on the subject, were introduced, in 1800, 1801, and 1803; but none of them passed. Since that time no Local Legislation sanctioned this matter; and if the act of the Imperial Parliament of 1797, had the effect of abolishing slavery in the British plantations, these would, of course, include Canada. “But,” says Bell, “the act in question could have no such effect. It only enacted, that negroes could not be taken in execution as chattels, for the debts of their masters, as had previously been the case in His Majesty’s American Colonies.” It appears tolerably certain from the foregoing, that slaves were introduced by the French into Canada, about the beginning of the 18th century, and that at least in 1709 it was a recognized institution, by virtue of an edict issued by the intendant. And, when the country was conquered by Great Britain, the colonists were “allowed to retain their slaves.” In 1784, when Upper Canada was first settled, the number of slaves in Lower Canada according to census was 304.
When Upper Canada, in 1793, took the lead in the whole of Britain’s vast domain in legislating against slavery, Lower Canada continued to regard it without disfavour; and, even in Montreal, endeavoured to fix the chains of bondage more firmly upon the negro. But what the Provincial Legislature did not, although presented with the example set by Upper Canada, was done in a different way by Chief Justice Osgood, who in 1803, at Montreal, declared slavery inconsistent with the laws of the country, and gave freedom to the persons in that condition. And when the British Act of Emancipation was passed, in 1833, setting free the slaves in all parts of the Empire, there was no slaves in Canada, Upper or Lower. Thirty years previous had the evil been crushed in Lower Canada, and forty years before Upper Canada had declared that it was “highly expedient to abolish slavery,” and had enacted laws to secure its abolition.
At the time of the rebellion of 1776–83, slavery was not limited to the Southern States.
There were a good many held by the old Knickerbocker families, both amongst the loyalists and rebels. When the families both of English and Dutch nationality, came as refugees to Canada, there accompanied them a number of slaves. In many cases these slaves came of their own accord, would not be separated from their masters, with whom they always lived; upon whose land they had been born. Indeed, the attachment between these faithful blacks and their owners was frequently of the most enduring nature, and, as we shall see, in some cases, although made free, they would not leave their old places as domestics.
The Rev. Mr. Stuart in his memoir, says, in speaking of his removal to Canada; “My negroes, being personal property, I take with me, one of which being a young man, and capable of bearing arms, I have to give £100 security to send back a white prisoner in his stead.” Capt. Joseph Allan brought with him from New Jersey, after the war had ended, to Upper Canada, three slaves—Tom, Sam and Sal. The two men, some years after, ran away to Lower Canada. Their owner pursued them to Montreal, and searched for them for ten days; but failed to get them. He sold the female, Sal, with her child, to Silas Hill. This boy was afterwards sold to Abram Barker, who kept him until he became twenty-one, when he became free. Freedom did not suit him, as he became a worthless fellow. Major VanAlstine had slaves, whom he treated with patriarchal kindness, and who lived in great comfort in the old-fashioned Dutch cellar kitchen, in his home, in Fourth Town. The Bogarts and John Huyck also had slaves. Capt. Myers had slaves; one, Black Bet, would never leave him, but continued until his death, under the care of her old master.
Cartwright, Herkimer, and Everitt, each was the owner of slaves. And Powles Claus, of the Mohawk settlement, had two slaves.
Col. Clark speaks, in his memoirs of his mother’s death, in 1789, and of the funeral, when the negro Joe drove the favorite horses, Jolly and Bonny, before the sleigh, painted black. Again, Col. C. says: “After the Declaration of Independence, drovers used to come in with droves of horses, cattle, sheep and negroes, for the use of the troops, forts, and settlers in Canada, and my father purchased his four negroes, three males and one female, named Sue.” In 1812, she gladly returned to our family, having become old and decrepit. She died in our house at Fifteen-mile Creek, in 1814.
Sheriff Ruttan says, “My uncle brought two negro servants with him, who were very faithful, hard working fellows.” During the year of famine, they were sent from Adolphustown to Albany, “for four bushels of Indian corn; a dreadful hazardous journey through the forest, with no road, and the snow very deep. They executed this mission, and returned in safety.”
These slaves were generally faithful, good natured, and occasionally mischievous. It was the custom, in the first years of Canada, to place the ovens in the yard upon stakes, and they could be lifted off them. It is related that sometimes they would carry off slyly, the oven when filled with good things.
Sheriff Sherwood says: “In answer to your letter of yesterday, as regards slaves, I only recollect two or three which settled in the District of Johnstown; one in particular, named Cæsar Congo, owned by Captain Justus Sherwood, who came with his family in the same brigade of boats that my father and family did, and located about two miles above Prescott. They were the very first actual settlers. Well I remember Cæsar Congo, then a stout, strong young man, and who often took the late Justice Sherwood, of Toronto, and myself on his back to assist us along, while the boats were drawn up the rapids. Cæsar was sold to a half-pay officer named Bottom, who settled about six miles above Prescott, who, after a year’s service, gave Cæsar his freedom. Cæsar, soon after married suitably, and by his industry obtained a snug little place in the town of Brockville, where he lived many years, and died.”
Daniel Jones, father of Sir Daniel Jones, of Brockville, had a female slave, and there were a few others residing in the district of which I have no personal knowledge.
Squire Bleeker, of the Trent, had a slave called Ham. Abraham Cronk, of Sophiasburgh, bought a female slave from Mrs. Simpson, of Myers’ Creek, for $300. After a time, she returned to Mrs. Simpson, with whom she lived till her death. This female had a daughter, who grew up to be an unusually “smart girl.”
Nicholas Lazier had slaves. One, named Sal, was noted for her attachment to Methodism, and would go long distances to attend meetings. As a female slave, Black Betty was one of the first congregation, to which the first Methodist preacher in America preached at New York, so this woman was one of the first Methodists at the Bay, and in Upper Canada. John Cronk and she were the only Methodists in the Township for a long time.
Pryne, who lived a short distance above Bath, had two slaves. Col. Thompson also had some, and Lieut. McGinness, of Amherst Isle, likewise possessed them. Capt. Trumpour, of Adolphustown, had two negroes. Leavens, of Belleville, bought a female slave of Wallbridge, for $100. A son of hers was purchased by Captain McIntosh.
The Hon. Peter Russell, when Receiver-General, had a man and his wife as slaves, with their son and two daughters.
Samuel Sherwood, writing to a person at Kingston, from Thurlow, in Oct. 1793, says, “My negro boy, and Canadian boy have absented themselves last night without leave. I send Jim and two Indians in pursuit of them. I beg, if you can give any assistance, you will do me that service. McLean’s black woman is my boy’s mother, he may call to see her.”
We have before us the copy of an assignment made in 1824, by Eli Keeler, of Haldimand, Newcastle, to William Bell, of Thurlow, of a Mulatto boy, Tom, in which it is set forth, that the said boy has time unexpired to serve as the child of a female slave, namely, ten years, from the 29th Feb. 1824, according to the laws of the Province; for the sum of $75. Probably, this was the last slave in Canada whose service closed, 1835.
There are, at the present time, a good many of the descendants of the early Canadian slaves. Some of them have done badly, others again have made themselves respectable and happy. The Mink family are descended from an old slave that belonged to William Herkimer.
When made free, they, in many instances, preferred to remain in connection with their old masters, and even to this day, their children manifest a predilection for the name of their father’s master. In and about Belleville, may yet be found such as spoken of. Most, or all of these are descendants of “Black Bess” who, at different times, was in possession of the Wallbridge’s, Leaven’s, and McLellan.
In the Ottawa Citizen of 1867, appeared the following:
A British Slave.—An old negro appeared at the Court of Assize yesterday, in a case of Morris vs. Hennerson. He is 101 years of age, and was formerly a slave in Upper Canada, before the abolition of slavery in the British possessions. He fought through the American war in 1812, on the side of the British; was at the battles of Chippewa and Lundy’s Lane, and was wounded at Sacket’s Harbour. He is in full possession of all his faculties. He was born in New York State in 1766, and was the slave of a U. E. Loyalist, who brought him to Canada. He was brought to this city to prove the death of a person in 1803, and another in 1804.
It would seem odd enough at the present day to see the following advertisements in a Canadian journal. This appeared in the Gazette, Newark:
“For Sale.—A negro slave, 18 years of age, stout and healthy, has had the small pox, and is capable of service, either in house or out door. The terms will be made easy to the purchaser; and cash or new lands received in payment. Enquire of the Printer.
“Niagara, November 28th, 1802.”
“Indian Slave.—All persons are forbidden harboring, employing, or concealing my Indian slave, called Sal, as I am determined to prosecute any offender, to the utmost extremity of the law; and persons who may suffer her to remain on their premises for the space of half an hour, without my written consent, will be taken as offending, and dealt with according to law.
Niagara, August 28th, 1802.”
“For Sale.—The negro man and woman, the property of Mrs. (widow) Clement. They have been bred to the business of a farm; will be sold on highly advantageous terms, for cash or lands. Apply to Mrs. Clement. Niagara, January 9th, 1802.”
We have seen that the record of Upper Canada with respect to the subject of human bondage is particularly bright and honorable. This Province, in its very infancy, took the lead in severing the fetters which a dark and penurious age had rivetted upon the bodies of the African. This blackest curse of the world, which the power of England assisted to create, and which her offspring, the United States, continued to perpetuate for so many years, was put aside by the young Province at the first; while, but a few years later, a Canadian Judge, of Lower Canada, declared slavery to be inconsistent with the laws of Canada. These are facts of which every Canadian may well be proud. It was no “military necessity” which caused the abolition of slavery in Canada. It was a question of right, which the Canadian Parliament experienced no difficulty in solving. How grand the spectacle! How noble the conduct, setting an example to the world! In striking contrast, behold the United States. Flaunting their flag of liberty before the gaze of the world, they cried “All men are born free and equal, with the right to pursue that course which will lead to happiness;” yet notwithstanding these principles, enunciated with so much boldness, and, year after year, proclaimed by wordy fourth of July orators; they continued, not only to hold slaves, but made the bonds tighter until oceans of blood had been shed, and the Union was almost destroyed—when it could not be saved with slavery, as Lincoln had declared he would wish to save it; when it became necessary to strike a blow, which the northern legions had been unable to deal the Southern Confederacy, then, and not until then, were the slaves declared to be free. Lincoln said he would save the Union with slavery, if he could, failing this, then he would enlist the African slave to assist in saving the Union, by giving them liberty. The Southern blacks owe their liberty to-day, to the almost superhuman courage of the people with whom they lived, who held them in bondage, not, it is true, because their masters wished to liberate them; but because they were unable to successfully combat the perfect flood of men that was poured against their northern borders, and which infested their sea-board with an unbroken circle of armed vessels, shutting them out from all means of carrying on the unequal combat. It was this heroic attitude that made it necessary for Lincoln to issue the famous proclamation. Let the freedman thank the exigency which made necessary the step which broke the back of the Confederacy, and thereby gave efficiency to the proclamation. It cannot be doubted that the great body of abolitionists were from the commencement of the war, anxious to secure the abolition of slavery; but they were impotent, their councils to the President were unheeded, their desires disregarded. The great mass of the Northerners had no sympathy with the poor slave, they only cared for the Union; and many of them were even dissatisfied that Lincoln should resort to the plan of freeing them in order to save the Union. It is abundantly easy, now to declare that, from the first the Washington Government was determined to abolish slavery—that, from the first, it was a war for, and against the life of that institution; but reading the events of the war, carefully scanning each page of its history, examining each line, studying every word; looking with an unbiassed eye upon the whole gigantic drama, it is submitted there is no reason for believing that the nation desired to free the slave at all; but, always excepting the Abolitionist, submitted to the necessity of setting the negro free, rather than sacrifice the Union, or, rather than be conquered by the South.
All honor then, to the U. E. Loyalists, in Parliament assembled, at the young capital of Newark—the representatives of the devoted band of refugees, who had been made such by rebels, who pretended to fight for “liberty,” who placed on record their interpretation of the word Freedom; that it meant not liberty to a certain class; but to all, irrespective of color. All honor to the noble Judge, who had the probity and moral courage to enunciate a doctrine that at once made every supposed slave in Lower Canada conscious of being a free man. This noble beginning in the Canadas was followed by events no less interesting. They became the asylum of the slave, who were not only sought after by their Southern masters, but who were chased to the very borders by Northerners themselves.
Contents—Returns to the Pioneer—Bay Region—Garden of Canada—Clogs—False views of settlers—Result—New blood—Good example—Anecdote—The “Family Compact”—Partiality—Origin of the Compact—Their conduct—The evil they did—A proposed Canadian Aristocracy—What it would have led to—What may come—“Peter Funks.”
In the section devoted to the first years of Upper Canada there has much been said having reference to the growth and prosperity of the Province, and advance of civilization, but something remains to be told which requires particular notice, and without which our sketch would not be complete.
The privations endured, and hardships overcome by the pioneers, tended to make them careful and prudent, and no doubt led to the more permanent prosperity of their children. As years wore away, comforts began to reward their toil and patience. Acre after acre was brought under cultivation; the log house received an addition, not large, but so as to supply a second room, which a growing family of boys and girls seriously demanded. Stock began to accumulate, and the future brightened up before them. In considering the rate and degree of advancement, it must be remembered that many of the first settlers were disbanded soldiers, and understood as little about agriculture as about clearing the land. “Though in most instances, a man of intelligence, the U. E. Loyalist introduced but a primitive system of agriculture; and the facilities of acquiring lands in the western part of the Province, has in a measure prevented that admixture among them of the more scientific and educated agriculturist from the old countries, which has helped to improve other parts of Canada. It has been only of late years, and since the general establishment of agricultural societies, that the real capacities of the Midland District has begun to be developed, and improvements introduced, which have resulted in making, even in the neighbourhood of Kingston, where the soil was looked upon as comparatively unproductive, some of the best and handsomest farms that can be seen in the Province.”—(Cooper).
The region about the Bay because of its central position, received the name of Midland District. This district embraced, and at the beginning of the present century was regarded as the most important and influential part of Canada. But times have changed. Upper Canada has grown to be the largest and wealthiest province in British America, and although improvements around the Bay have continued to increase, yet westward the bulk of the immigrants have found a home, so that this section no longer holds so important a position. Nevertheless, as in former years, so now, the Bay country may be regarded as the garden of Western Canada. Long since the wilderness has become a fruitful field, and the fertile land has returned to the toiler a full reward. To the tourist passing along the Bay the appearance of the lands is exceedingly beautiful, especially in the days of summer; in June when all things are clothed in the richest green, and some weeks later when the golden hues of harvest have gathered over the fields of grain. The substantial residences of the farmers tell of prosperity and advancement. The old log house around which clustered so many associations, made dear by the circumstances of pioneer life, has been superseded by the more pretending frame building, and this again has been removed to be followed by elegant, and often stately edifices. The work of improvement and of beautifying has gone on from year to year, and now the inhabitants of the Bay are in most cases living in affluence. But while we mark the advancement, it must not be forgotten that it ought to have been greater. While we give all credit to the soldier farmer, for achieving so much, it must be related that there were certain landholders who were as clogs to the wheel of progress, who displayed, not that enterprize, at an early day, which they ought to have done. Had the greedy few who hoarded up land, and grasped for more, and still more; who stood ready to buy up the land of every unfortunate one compelled to sell—had such made themselves acquainted with the improvements in the agriculture of the day; had they, instead of leaving the hard workers to make roads across their lands, opened them up and provided a passible way; had they endeavored to make their land productive, and by example to show the struggling farmers a better way, and how to increase and advance; then, instead of merely the prosperity which now exists, there would have been great wealth. The broad acres are old enough, the landscape charming enough, the ground productive enough, and had the proper spirit been abroad among the class mentioned, those who aspired to be landed aristocrats then, the Bay Quinté might have presented, not alone a beauty rivaling that of the Hudson, but also the palatial mansions which adorn its shores. No more suitable spot in the wide world can be found for ornamental residences, and it is to be hoped that many with capital and taste, will very shortly proceed to set examples, for the wealthy farmers in some degree, to imitate. It may be said it were better the farmers and their children should have humble ideas, and the fact may be adduced that not a few of the descendants of the first settlers have, by their excesses in dress, and by trying to imitate the habits of the dwellers of towns and cities, laid the foundation of their ruin, by getting into the books of the merchant, and ultimately becoming helpless in his hands, so that the fathers heritage passed away to the stranger. But it is forgotten that such was principally the case with those who, suddenly becoming well to do, thought, if they desired to associate with the aristocracy, they must dress in finer clothing, and have clean hands; that their daughters must cease spinning, and the wife no longer do housework, that it was a disgrace to be seen working. It was such feelings and views which creeping in, paved the way for the downfall of many a one, who had begun to get on in the world; whereas, had gentlemen by birth and education, and there were such among the first settlers, given their time to actual improvement, had shewn that they considered it honorable to work with their hands. Had they carried their refinement into the more rural parts and shewn that agriculture and gentility may go together, and that education is as important for the agriculturist as for any other, both in enabling him to till the soil with success, and in providing him with those superior means of enjoyment which a wise Providence desires us to possess, a most valuable service would have been rendered. It was because the farmer thought he must dress as they did in the city, in order to associate with them, and that labor was not honorable, that ruin came to many a household, and the names of the first owner of farms are not now there; who laid low the forest in the infancy of the country. There is no forgetfulness that those blamed had once been wealthy and occupied high positions in the old colonies, and owned broad acres. It was perhaps natural that such persons, exiled in the wilderness, and struggling with the stern realities of their existence, should aim to regain a position of similar power and affluence, and were determined that, although they might not see the return of those independent days, their children should; so they continued to bend every energy to secure it. But alas! how rarely was the dream realized! How few of the limited number who first ruled the country—how few of the Family Compact are now in the higher circle of independence.
Respecting the more common settler, it was to be expected that now and then one would fail to advance—would fall behind in the onward march of the country. The wonder is great that so few of the old soldiers made shipwreck of the liberal grants bestowed by a motherly government. “The sons of some of those men who have hewn out a home in the primitive forest, have, in some cases, through bad management or bad conduct, suffered their possessions to pass to the stranger: the speculating merchant has grasped their all under a mortgage, and indolence or dissipation has completed the ruin.”—(Cooper). “These evils, however, are rapidly curing themselves or producing an equivalent or greater amount of good—the idle and shiftless sells out to the practical and industrious farmer, who introduces among his neighbours the latest improvements in agricultural skill, and implements of husbandry; new systems of drainage, new stock, or improved breeds occupy the attention and employ the capital of the father of a family, whilst his wife and daughters, though well able to compete with the gayest and grandest, readily forego, when necessary, the imported and costly silks sported by the family of a less enterprising neighbour, and set an example of neatness, taste and appropriateness, in attire.”
Cooper, in his essay, relates the following: He says, “The ideas of enterprize and modern progress entertained by some, may be illustrated by the following anecdote: When a new road was proposed leading through some of the best portions of the counties (of Frontenac, Lennox and Addington), opening up others, and affording many and great advantages, the benefits of which in short were apparent to all, and the only question involved was how to raise the money, a very wealthy landholder, who had amassed his thousands in the City of Kingston, and part of whose possessions lay on the route, replied to an application to take stock, that the effect of the road would be to enable people to steal his timber, and he declined to subscribe! It is presumed that railroads and electric telegraphs were not in fashion when this gentleman made his money.” It was a feeling indulged by many similar to what this person had, that from the first, assisted to retard the judicious development of the young country.
Reference has been made to the “Family Compact.” In speaking of Bishop Strachan, the statement is made that he was honest in his convictions that Church and State would best serve the interest of Canada, that in the uneducated state of the people, Government should reside altogether or principally in the hands of the Governor and Executive Council. But while the honesty of the late Bishop is thus freely admitted, it must at the same time be acknowledged that those in authority were not disinterested dispensers of the good things which always exist in connection with a Government; and which particularly were provided for the loyalist settlers of Upper Canada by the British Government. For instance, it is averred by McMullen, and sharply reiterated by Gourlay, that “the provisions, clothing, and farming utensils, granted by the British Government for the benefit of the poor loyalists, were in many cases handed over to favorites, in others allowed to become useless from negligence in the public stores.”
It was not alone provisions, clothing, and farming utensils that were enjoyed by the favorites. Lands—choice lands, were to be had by them, by the choosing. Settlements in Upper Canada commenced at several points, in each settlement were a few leading men, half-pay officers, or those who had held important positions during the Revolutionary war, with a good sprinkling of personal friends and relatives. At the capital, those were in excess. These leading men throughout the Province were in the most cases closely united by consanguinity and marriage; and soon became even more closely identified in interest—forming a strong political body, which derived its life-blood from the Executive. Its members surrounded the gubernatorial throne, and had the ear of the Governor, they formed his Councillors, and managed to become his friends; and as such secured abundantly of the bounties. It was not enough that large blocks of land should be held in reserve for the Crown, the Clergy, and for the Indians, which last was right; but choice bits of land were granted to members of this strong family, compacted together, to help one another, and the land was left uncultivated, unimproved, until the energies of the pioneers around had made it more valuable.
With the departure of Simcoe commenced the manipulations of this family. That Governor had invited by proclamation, persons from the United States, who might wish to become Canadians, and promised them grants of land. But he was re-called, and his promises were not attended to, although many came to the Province on their strength. Government ignored them, and it is stated, with abundant show of plausibility, that the reason was; that the growing family might have the more land to choose from, and to leave for their children; and with some, that they might live in England upon the rents derived from Canada, and so “men of capital and enterprise, who had come into the Province furnished with cattle and implements to commence the settlement of townships,” were disappointed. Some of these persons, who desired to live under the British flag, returned to the States to become truly republicans, others remained to form an element in the party which was in time to rise in opposition to the Family Compact. Such, in brief was the origin of the Family Compact. They aspired not alone, to possess the best tracts of land; but to fill every post of honor and emolument, to hold the reins of Government exclusively, and to constitute a select circle of nobility, to act the part of Lords over vassals; and to this end desired to possess extensive lands upon which, and around which should grow the belongings to estated gentlemen. When eight schools were granted certain sums of money, and the teachers were nominated by the Governor, they were generally half-pay officers. For a long time they had everything pretty much their own way. If any dissented from them, he was accused of disloyalty. Did an honest farmer question their honesty, he was pointed out as one to be suspected—as seditious, and as one of the King’s enemies, against whom it was thought necessary to legislate. Nor did the House of Assembly, in any respect, for a long time, interfere with the growth and prosperity of the Family Compact, for, generally speaking, a member of the family managed to get elected. The charge is not made that all of the members of the early Parliaments were of the Compact; but they were more or less under their influence.
A history of the Family Compact, would be a history of the political life of Canada for many years, including the rebellion of 1837–8. The attempt has not been made to cast unnecessary reproach upon the old tory party of Upper Canada. As one brought up a conservative, the writer is free to admit all mistakes committed by the party in early times—to acknowledge that too much exclusiveness existed among those, forming the leaders of the party, and occasionally a disregard of justice. And it is freely admitted, that great mistakes were made by them, mistakes from the effects of which the country has not yet recovered. But then, they were but mistakes, and who does not make them.
It may, then, be said, that in some respects the Family Compact retarded the advance of civilization. An aristocracy, or nobility cannot thrive in a new country and will certainly fail, and in its efforts to live be a drawback on improvements. In the debate in the Imperial Parliament upon the constitution of Canada, Mr. Pitt expresses his desire to have established in Canada, an hereditary nobility. While never endorsing the extreme views of Gourlay, it is thought he spake the truth when he said that “nothing could have so exposed the absurdity, as actual trial and consequent ridicule. By this day we should have witnessed many a pleasant farce. We should have seen, perhaps, the Duke of Ontario leading in a cart of hay, my Lord Erie pitching, and Sir Peter Superior, making the rick; or perhaps, his Grace might now have been figuring as a petty-fogging lawyer, his Lordship as a pedlar, and, Sir Knight, as a poor parson, starving on 5,000 acres of Clergy Reserves.”
If we allowed ourselves to speak of the future of our country, with respect to this question, we should hesitate to say that the idea of Pitt cannot be carried out. The repulsiveness of Republicanism is to Canadians so great that we almost entertain the belief that our Dominion may ultimately develope into a nation with a constitutional monarchy, with all its surroundings. It would certainly be infinitely preferable to the “Model Republic.”
In strong contrast to the Family Compact, yet likewise obstructionists in the work of advancement, we now mention another class.
We have said that not a few came to Canada from the States to trade with the Canadians, to do work, and that some took up lands, and that of all these a good many became true subjects of the realm, showing their attachment by taking up arms in 1812. But while this fact is recognized, it cannot be forgotten, that Canada was often, is even to-day, plagued with a certain class, styled oftentimes speculators; but who are in reality of the Peter Funk order. The class to whom reference is made, is recognized by the honest Americans themselves. The New York Tribune, after the close of the Southern war, in speaking of the South, says thus: “We hear that many of the blacks, thoroughly distrusting their old masters, place all confidence in the Yankees, who have recently come among them, and will work for these on almost any terms. We regret this; for while many of these Yankees will justify their confidence, others will grossly abuse it. New England produces many of the best specimens of the human race, and along with these, some of the very meanest beings that ever stood on two legs—cunning, rapacious, hypocritical, ever ready to skin a flint with a borrowed knife, and make (for others) soup out of the peelings. This class soon became too well known at home—“run out,” as the phrase is—when they wandered all over the earth, snuffling and swindling, to the injury of the land that bore them and cast them out. Now let it generally be presumed by the ignorant blacks of the South, that a Yankee, because a Yankee, is necessarily their friend, and this unclean brood will overspread the South like locusts, starting schools and prayer-meetings at every cross-road, getting hold of abandoned or confiscated plantations, and hiring laborers right and left, cutting timber here, frying out tar and turpentine there, and growing corn, cotton, rice, and sugar, which they will have sold at the earliest day and run away with the proceeds, leaving the negroes in rags and foodless, with winter just coming on.”
It is unnecessary to say, that civilization was never much advanced by this class, many specimens of which, time after time, have visited Canada.
Contents—Agriculture—Natural Products—Rice—Ginseng—Orchards—Plows—Reaping—Flax—Legislation—Agricultural Society organized by Simcoe—A Snuff Box—Fogies—Silver—Want of help—Midland District taking the lead—Societies—Legislative help—Prince Edward—Pearl Ashes—Factories—Tanneries—Breweries, Carding Machines—Paper—Lumber—First vehicles—Sleighs—Waggons—Home-made—Roads—First Public Conveyances—Stages—Fare—Building Greater—Sawing Mills introduced by the Dutch—First Brick Building—Myers’ House—Its past history—Furniture from Albany—Currency—Paper Money—Banks—First Merchants—Barter—Pedlars—On the Bay.
While the dense forest everywhere yet covered the earth, the shores of the Bay yielded some natural productions. The wild plum was plentiful in some places, a fruit which, although in its natural state somewhat sour, has, under cultivation, much improved in size as well as quality; and constitutes to this day a valuable luxury; at the same time, it is exceedingly healthy. In some places also, at the proper seasons, was the delicious cranberries. These were often brought by the Indians, and exchanged for some article of the settlers. In some parts of the Bay, there grew wild rice, which was much prized by the Indians, and which was often used by the settlers. It is spoken of as an excellent article of diet, and when boiled with meat, very tasty as well. The grain is much smaller than the imported article; not unfrequently, the Indians would collect the grain and sell it to the settlers.
In the year 1716, a Jesuit discovered in the forests of Canada, the Ginseng plant, which grew also in China, where it was in much demand because of certain supposed virtues to which, however, it rightly has no claim. It is of the genus Panax. It “became a means of enriching the colony for a time, by its exportation to China. A pound weight of it worth two francs at Quebec, sold at Canton for twenty-five francs. Its price ultimately rose to eighty francs per pound. One year, there was sent thither, ginseng yielding a return of 500,000 francs. The high price it obtained set everybody at work to find it. The plant was not in proper condition till August or September; but with purblind avidity, the seekers gathered it in May. The fresh plants ought to have been slowly dried in the shade; the gatherers, anxious to get returns, dried them in ovens. They then became worthless in Chinese estimation; and the trade in it ceased almost as suddenly as it began.”—(Garneau.) But, according to other authority, the trouble consisted in the actual destruction of the plant, from gathering it too early in the season, whereby the plant was killed, which seems a more likely thing. Some of the settlers of the Bay had knowledge of the value of the plant in Chinese estimation, as the following letter will show. It is addressed to Mr. Wm. Bell, of Thurlow, who was subsequently known as Col. Bell. “Fredericksburgh, 16th July, 1799. Sir—I have taken the liberty of enclosing to you an advertisement, as you will see—Respecting Ginseng roots, having in view to get all I can—and, thinking the Indians would be likely to collect considerable of a quantity, will thank you to acquaint them of it, or any of the white people you may see; and set up the advertisement in the most public place about you.—And oblige, Your very humble servant, Eben’r Washburn.”
Another letter, dated Aug. 27, 1799, says “I have to acknowledge the attention you have paid to mine of prior date, in respect of Ginseng. I will thank you to keep the refusal of the 500 lbs. you mention, if possible, and collect more if you can.” Mr. Washburn says that he is about to set out for Montreal; and it was, most likely, to see what market he could make of the article in question.
One of the first considerations, after the settler had attained comparative comfort, at least secured what was requisite for life, was the planting of fruit trees. No doubt, the thoughts often reverted back to the old orchards which had been left behind, and although the pioneer, in the afternoon of life, could not expect to derive any personal return for planting orchards, he was anxious to leave them to his children. This same spirit—this regard for offspring, constituted a marked feature in the U. E. Loyalists. The earliest reference to apple trees we find, is in a letter, dated “Sydney, 22rd July, 1791,” from John Ferguson, to William Bell, Kingston, requesting the latter to bring some to Sidney.
The implements of husbandry, like the utensils for household use, were, for a considerable time, of the rudest description. Among the articles granted by government, were but few to use in the tilling of land and the reaping of crops. Here and there was one who had come at a later date, who had fetched with them articles more essential for farm use; but the great majority had not such things as hoes, plows, pitch-forks, scythes, &c. Many of these were made by the settlers, and were of the rudest order, although generally strong enough, and therefore cumbersome enough. It was many years before these home-made implements were substituted by others made abroad. Gourlay informs us, writing, 1817, that most of the farmers made their own plows and harrows. The iron of the plow costing from nine to twelve dollars.
As the thickly covered ground, with stumps, materially interfered with the sowing of grain; so with gathering the products. For several years, they had only in use the sickle; but, in time, the Yankee pedlar brought in the scythe, which ultimately took the place of the sickle.
It has been observed, in connection with the “clothing” of the early settlers, that they turned their attention to the growing of flax, and that it was made to afford comfortable and durable habiliments for both sexes. There was, as well, early attention given to the cultivation of hemp, “in pursuance of two several addresses of the House of Commons.” In 1804, £1,000 was granted, and Commissioners appointed, to carry into effect the object thereof, cultivation and exportation. The following year, £45 was granted for the purchase of hemp seed. Another Act was passed in 1808, to encourage its cultivation and exportation. Again, there was legislation in 1810, and in 1812, when £1,000 was granted for the purchase, sale and exportation of hemp, purchase of seed, and for bounties. In 1822, it was enacted that £300 be appropriated to purchase machinery for dressing hemp, that the machinery should be imported free, the place for erection to be selected by the Governor, £50 was to be applied annually to keep it in repair. But, notwithstanding all this legislation, and substantial encouragement, the cultivation of hemp did not succeed. The object seems to have been to supply hemp for the British market, which derived it from Russia. But labor being cheaper in that country than in Canada, there was no chance for success. Gourlay says “This absurdity we must not wholly rest on the shoulders of the simple Canadians. They were simple indeed, to be voting away the public money; but it was a patriotic measure, and blindness may be allowable in matters so elevated and pure. No doubt they were spurred on by our home ministers, who should have known better. The failure produced more beneficial effects than would have waited on success.”
Gov. Simcoe, who had the interest of the Province so much at heart, gave his patronage to, if indeed he did not inspire the organization of the first Agricultural Society, at Newark. Col. Clark, of Dalhousie says “I have a perfect remembrance of the first Agricultural Society patronized by Governor Simcoe, who subscribed his ten guineas a year cheerfully. My father was a member, and the monthly dinners were given by the members during the season, with the great silver snuff-box ornamented with the horn of plenty on its lid.” The Col. remarks that this snuff-box was the property of the society, and was taken care of by the one who was next to furnish the dinner; and goes on to lament that it is lost, hoping it may be found, “that it may remain as an heir-loom to tell posterity at what an early period the progress of Agriculture was followed up and which has led to its present high state of perfection.” Thus we see that in Niagara District, at the very commencement of the Government of Upper Canada, attention was given, even by the Governor, to agricultural matters. Although the settlers upon the Niagara frontier, established agricultural societies at an earlier date than any found in the Midland Districts, it may be presumed that it was in a great measure due to the impetus given to the settlement by the presence of the seat of Government, and the influence exerted by the Governor. And, although steps may not have been taken to secure their establishment along the Bay Quinté, yet, even so early as the beginning of the last decade of the last century, individuals were to be found who sought to introduce improvements in agriculture, and everything that would advance the art. At the same time it must be admitted that a vast number were content to follow in the footsteps of their fathers so long as food and enough were yielded by the soil. The land was plentiful, and productive. The course of events was even as a steady stream. The old men satisfied with the abundance of to-day, and drawing a contrast between the present and the past, when starvation was at the door, and in the cupboard, were quite content with the primitive system of agriculture, which his soldier father had adopted. He saw no other mode of tilling the soil, and with no reason sought not a change, so no innovations by scientific agriculturalists disturbed the quiet repose of many of the steady going plodders. Their sons rarely went abroad to learn the ways of others; and often what did come to their ears was regarded with great suspicion. They wanted no new-fangled notions. Hence, the farms were not fully cultivated for many a day, parts remaining in a waste state for want of drain. But the establishment of agricultural associations and the occasional coming of a new man upon an old farm gradually, and frequently very gradually, dispelled the old man’s ideas.
The townships most contiguous to the town of Kingston, naturally were the first to experience prosperity, and gradually the adjacent townships also became productive, and means were created to transport the produce to the market.
We are told by Mrs. P——, daughter of John Ham, of Ernesttown, now upwards of seventy, that she remembers one occasion, about the beginning of the present century, that her father coming from Kingston, after selling produce, had a bag of silver dollars, as much as she could lift—$900. By this we learn that his farm was productive, his labor well directed, and that hard cash was paid for his produce by the Kingston merchants. It shows, moreover, that this was over and above the cost of what was required of merchandize by him for his family using.
One serious drawback with the farmers often was the want of assistants. If a farmer had not a son old enough to help, he was in great trouble oftentimes to secure the necessary help. Frenchmen were frequently employed, yet they could not be fully depended upon to remain during the whole season. At harvest time, when large wages would be offered, the hired man would often, without hesitation, leave his employer to go to another who would give for a while, larger wages. In the absence of men, the wife and daughters took hold of the fork, cradle, and rake.
If we may credit the statements of writers who had passed through Canada in the beginning of the present century, the Midland District took the lead in agricultural and social progress. Mr. Talbot, whose opinion of the Canadians, as to their intelligence, education, morals, and religion, was anything but flattering, made a pedestrian tour from the west to Montreal, in 1823. He says of the inhabitants of Sidney, Thurlow, and Richmond, that they possessed more wealth than any other people in the Province. But Mr. Talbot passed only along the Kingston Road by Napanee, and saw not the townships of the lower part of the bay, or he would have seen even a more advanced state of prosperity and agricultural wealth.
The first formation of agricultural societies was initiated by an Act of Parliament, passed March 6, 1830. The object of this Act was to give encouragement to organize associations in the several districts, “For the purpose of importing live stock, grain, grass, seeds, useful implements, or whatever else might conduce to the improvement of agriculture.” It was enacted that each society, having had subscribed to it £50, should, upon petitioning the Governor, receive the sum of £100. This Act was to remain in force four years.
This Act was promptly responded to by the inhabitant of the Midland District. So early as the 27th April following, a meeting of the inhabitants of the district was held at the Court House, Kingston, H. C. Thompson, Esq., Chairman, and H. Smyth, Esq., Secretary, and “A form of a constitution for an Agricultural Society was read and submitted to the meeting for approval.” The following day, the adjourned meeting adopted a constitution for the Midland District Agricultural Society. The officers were to be a President, five Vice-Presidents, thirty Directors, a Treasurer, and a Secretary—One Vice-President, and six Directors to be elected from each of the five counties in the district. John McCaulay, Esq., was elected President; David J. Smith, Esq., Treasurer, and H. C. Thompson, Esq., Secretary of the Society. It was “Resolved” by the Society, “that Isaac Fraser, Esq., of Addington; Allan McPherson, Esq., of Lennox; Asa Worden, Esq., of Prince Edward; and William Bell, Esq., of Hastings, be requested to call meetings in their respective counties,” and make returns as to whom had been elected for Vice-Presidents and Directors. The Vice-President for the County of Frontenac was John Marks, Esq.
In the Hallowell Free Press of May 31, 1831, we find that the “Annual Meeting of the Prince Edward Agricultural Association, was held at Striker’s Inn, in Hallowell, on the 26th instant. The following officers were chosen for the following year:—Stephen Miles, President; James Colter, William Cunningham, and Paul Clapp, Vice-Presidents; S. P. McPherson, Secretary; B. Dougall, Assistant Secretary; David Smith, Treasurer.” The Government having offered a bounty of £100 to every society which could raise £50; the Prince Edward Society raised the necessary amount. But judging from a communication, which subsequently appeared in the Press, the townships of Hallowell and Hillier, raised the most of the amount, £46; Marysburgh, Sophiasburgh, and Ameliasburgh, paying only £4.
In a General Report of Midland District, 1817, it is stated that “the assess roll gives about 3,600 horses above two years; 100 oxen above four years; 6,185 milch cows; 1,654 head of young cattle above two years.”
The first great obstacle to agriculture in Upper Canada was the thickly standing trees, many of which were large and hard in substance. For the first years, with every one, destruction of the trees was the only consideration, not even the ashes were thought of. But after a time, their value for the manufacture of pot and pearl ashes was recognized. In July, 1801, an Act was passed to appoint Inspectors of flour, and pot and pearl ashes, in order to establish the credit of those articles in foreign markets, the fee for examining to be threepence per barrel of flour, and one shilling for every cask of pot ash.
The following appears in the Kingston Gazette, April 19, 1817, after stating that “a Pearl and Pot Barley Factory is to be established in Ernesttown. It is said this is the first establishment of the kind we recollect to have heard of in Upper Canada, we have seen some of the barley, and think it equal to that imported. Such domestic manufactories ought to be encouraged by the community.”
The first Brewery and Distillery established in Upper Canada, was built by John Finkle, of Ernesttown, on his own place. He also kept, for many years the only tavern between Kingston and York. Mr. Finkle also built the first Masonic Lodge of Upper Canada, at his own expense, upon the town plot of Fredericksburgh.
It is stated in Gourlay, that in 1817, there was in Kingston township “a machine for carding wool, at the rate of nine-pence per pound.” In Ernesttown “there were two carding, and one fulling machines. One barley hulling mill, together with a blast furnace. Carding is nine-pence half-penny per pound, and fulling six-pence per yard.” In Sophiasburgh there was one carding machine. In Hallowell, there was one carding, and one fulling machine. Thurlow had two carding machines, and two fulling mills. In the whole Midland District, there were twenty-four grist-mills and forty saw-mills.
John Morden, who came to the bay about 1790, “was a man well known in his day, being a manufacturer of general household goods, as chairs, spinning-wheels, flax-dressers, weaver’s apparatus, and other things. In the house of mostly every descendant of a Quinté settler, may be found some of his work, especially those who occupy the homesteads.”
As an indication of the desire of Government to encourage home manufactures, we find that Parliament, in 1826, granted £125 as a premium to the first “who should set up a manufactory of paper,” and bring it into successful operation.
The valuable timber that thickly covered the ground, was, at the first, indiscriminately destroyed, scarcely thinking of saving the ashes; but, in a few years, the majestic pine, oak, elm, and other trees of the forest were sought after by the lumber merchant. For many years, lumbering was carried on in the Bay Quinté, and rafted to Montreal, and was a source of no little profit.
The wilderness was trackless, and of course some time elapsed before vehicles of any kind could be used, except in winter, after the bays and rivers had frozen. Rude sleighs, made by inferior tools, were the first made. At first hand-sleighs; and then heavier ones, to be used with oxen and horses. But as the beasts of burden were scarce, there was but one here and there, who had occasion to make a vehicle of any kind, except what could be hauled by hand. The sleighs were often used in summer to haul in grain and hay from the field. Some constructed a sort of waggon by sawing a hard-wood tree, of suitable size across, making four pieces about a foot in length. Holes having been bored through the centre of the blocks, they constituted the wheels of the waggon. The axle-tree of hard-wood was then fashioned to suit the wheels, and in this way a rough, but serviceable vehicle was made, which proved of great use, especially in hauling grain and hay to the place of stacking. The account of one is given which would carry as much as 150 sheaves.
As years elapsed, and roads were cut and made passable, waggons were introduced. One of the first waggons brought into the Province was, it is said, by Jacob Cronk, of Sophiasburgh. It came from Duchess County, New York. The second one was brought by James Way. Possibly this is not true, but at least they were the first introduced into that township.
The first public conveyance by land between Kingston and Montreal, was made by Dickenson. He called on Judge Cartwright to consult him about opening a line of stage travel. Consequently, in 1808, a line was established. It ran all the year round, though not so regularly in summer as in winter. “Lumber gentlemen from Quebec traveled through by the stage.”—(Finkle.)
It was not until the war of 1812, that a line of stages was commenced between Kingston and York. By an advertisement in the Kingston Gazette, it is learned that in June, 1817, “A stage was commenced running from Kingston to York, leaving Kingston every Monday morning at six o’clock, and York every Thursday morning, same hour.” “Persons wishing for a passage will call at Mr. David Brown’s Inn, Kingston, where the stage-books will be kept. From twenty to twenty-eight pounds baggage will be allowed to each passenger, over this they must be charged for. All baggage sent by the stage will be forwarded with care, and delivered with punctuality, and all favors acknowledged by the public’s humble servant. (Signed), Samuel Purdy, Kingston, January 23, 1817. N.B. Stage fare, eighteen dollars.”
The same year, Lieutenant Hull, traveling in Canada, writes that there is a stage waggon from Montreal to Prescott, which carries the mail. From thence to Kingston the mail is carried on horseback. The stage waggon, he remarks, is the roughest conveyance on either side of the Atlantic.
The first buildings were of logs, generally put up in their natural rough state; now and then, as the Government mill at Kingston, the logs were squared. There was only one way of procuring sawed lumber, and that was by the whip saw. But few of the settlers thought of spending the time and labor necessary to obtain what was not strictly necessary. Houses, barns, saw-mills, flouring-mills, even breweries and still-houses were all alike constructed of logs. Indeed, many a one had no barn for years; stacking his grain, and thrashing upon the ground, made smooth and hard. When, however, sawing-mills began to spring up here and there, sawed lumber became a more common article, and after several years, individuals, better off than others, began to put up framed buildings, both houses and barns, and so forth. Sawing-mills were introduced originally into America by the Dutch, and it was their descendants who introduced them into Canada. But it was slowly done. It required no little capital to procure even the small amount of machinery which was then used, and to have it brought so long a distance. Then, millwrights were not plentiful, and often inferior in skill. Indeed there was nothing at hand by which to erect sawing-mills, until after many years. In the meantime, the whip saw enabled them to construct something like a door for the house and log barn; and rough sort of furniture was made for the house. But toward the close of the last century, sawing-mills became somewhat numerous. The demand for lumber was foreseen, and those who had a water privilege set about to get up a mill. Following the saw-mill came the grist-mill, which, though more needed than the former, because of its greater expense, was not built until a later period. It was about the first of 1800, that frame buildings began to appear in the first, second, and third townships particularly, to take the place of the log hut. Mr. George Finkle, of Ernesttown, says, his father Henry Finkle, who, during the war, had learned the use of carpenter’s tools, in the Engineer Department, built, with his whip saw and cross-cut saw, the first frame house in the country. He also built the first school-house, and a dwelling house for the teacher on his own premises. Likewise, the first wharf along the bay.
We have made somewhat extensive enquiries, and believe we are correct in stating that the oldest brick building in Upper Canada is situated upon the brow of the hill at Belleville. We also entertain the belief that it was the first, certainly one of the very first brick buildings put up in the Province. It is known as Myers’ House, having been built by Captain Myers about the year 1794. This quaint edifice, upon which the tooth of time is eating so peacefully, standing upon the brink of the hill was, when new, of most imposing appearance; and, no doubt, stood up grandly, overlooking the winding river, and the thickly set cedars at its base. The bricks were made in Sidney at the Myers Place, five miles east of Trenton. Captain Myers was a man of great hospitality, which was shared in by his estimable spouse, whose short stature and genial face is remembered by some yet living. They served visitors at the brick house always with an excellent board. Here, many a distinguished traveler between Kingston and York, Dr. Strachan among the number, found a welcome. Not less so was it with the farmers round about, who came long distances to get grists ground; all such were invited to the table and supplied with a bed until the grist was ground. The furniture for the house was procured at Albany.
In June, 1796, an Act was passed “for the better Regulation of certain Coins current in the Province;” and it was enacted that the British guinea, the Johannes of Portugal, the moidore of Portugal, the American eagle, the British crown, the British shilling, the Spanish milled dollar, the Spanish pistareen, the French crown, and several other French pieces; the American dollar, should pass as legal tender at certain specified value.
The punishment for tendering “a counterfeit, knowingly,” of any of the gold or silver coins of Great Britain, Portugal, the United States, Spain, or France, was to suffer one year’s imprisonment, and be set in and upon the pillory for the space of one hour, in some conspicuous place, and upon a second conviction, he should be adjudged guilty of felony without benefit of clergy.
The first paper money issued in America, was by the Anglo-Americans in 1689, to pay the troops under Sir William Phipps, when he returned from the unsuccessful seige of Quebec. The value ranged from ten pounds to two shillings.
During the war of 1812, in 1813, an Act was passed “to facilitate the circulation within the Province, of Army Bills, issued by the authority of the Lower Province.” It was to continue one year unless peace was declared.
The first Legislation in Upper Canada, with respect to banks, was in 1819, when the Bank of Kingston, or, as it was subsequently called Pretended Bank of Upper Canada, was incorporated; but, this was “forfeited by non-user,” although the institution was in operation, under the title of “the President, Directors, and Company of the Bank of Upper Canada.” Legislation was made in 1823, to settle the affairs of the “pretended bank.” The commissioners were George Herkimer, Markland, John Kirby, and John Macaulay. Repeated Acts were necessary before the affairs of this company were fully settled.
In 1819, was also passed an Act to “form the Company of the Bank of Upper Canada.” It was reserved for the assent of His Majesty, which was given and made known by proclamation in 1821. Among the names of those who petitioned for the Act of Incorporation, are those of Allan, Baldwin, Legge, Jackson, Ridout, Boulton, Robinson, Macaulay, Cameron, and Anderson. This bank, the failure of which so recently occurred, was, in its time, of great benefit to the Province, and it deserved a better fate.