Fig. 389, 1832-’33.—“Stiff-Leg-with-War-Bonnet-on-died winter.” He was killed in an engagement with the Pawnees on the Platte river, in which the Brulés killed one hundred Pawnees.
Fig. 390, 1833-’34.—“Storm-of-stars winter.” All the Winter Counts refer to this great meteoric display, which occurred on the night of November 12, 1833, and was seen over most of the United States.
Fig. 391, 1834-’35.—“Killed-the-Cheyenne-who-came-to-the-camp winter.” A Cheyenne who stole into the village by night was detected and killed. The village was near what is now the Pine Ridge agency.
Fig. 392, 1835-’36.—“Killed-the-two-war-party-leaders winter.” A Dakota war party met one of Pawnees and killed two of their leaders, whereupon the rest ran.
Fig. 393, 1836-’37.—“Fight-on-the-ice winter.” They fought with the Pawnees on the ice, on the Platte river, and killed seven of them. The two vertical marks, which are for the banks of the river, and the two opposed arrows, signify that the tribes were on opposite sides of the river.
Fig. 394, 1837-’38.—“Spread-out-killed winter.” A Santee man, whose name is indicated by his spread hands, was killed by soldiers.
Fig. 395, 1838-’39.—“Came-and-killed-five-Oglálas winter.” They were killed by Pawnees. The man in the figure has on a capote, the hood of which is drawn over his head. This garment is used here as a sign for war, as the Dakotas commonly wear it on their war expeditions.
Fig. 396, 1839-’40.—“Came-home-from-the-starve-to-death-war-path winter.” All of the Dakota tribes united in an expedition against the Pawnees. They killed one hundred Pawnees, but nearly perished with hunger.
Fig. 397, 1840-’41—“Came-and-killed-five-of-Little-Thunder’s-brothers winter,” and “Battiste-alone-returns winter.” The five were killed in an encounter with the Pawnees. Battiste Good was the only one of the party to escape. The capote is shown again.
Fig. 398, 1841-’42.—“Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.” The extended index denotes the man’s name, the ring and spots deep snow.
Fig. 400, 1843-’44.—“Brought-home-the-magic-arrow winter.” This arrow originally belonged to the Cheyennes from whom the Pawnees stole it. The Dakotas captured it this winter from the Pawnees and the Cheyennes then redeemed it for one hundred horses.
Fig. 401, 1844-’45.—“The-Crows-came-and-killed-thirty-eight-Oglálas winter.” The Oglálas were on the warpath, as indicated by the capote.
Fig. 402, 1845-’46.—“Broke-out-on-faces-had-sore-throats-and-camped-under-the-bluff winter.” “Also-had-bellyache.” The position of the camp is shown, also the suggestive attitude of the man.
Fig. 403, 1846-’47.—“Winter-camp-broke-his-neck winter.” He was thrown from his horse while on a hunt. The red on his neck is the break.
Fig. 404, 1847-’48.—“The-Teal-broke-his-leg winter.” His arm is lengthened to direct attention to his leg. The Chinese radical and phonetic character for the same concept, Fig. 1193, infra, may be compared, as also Fig. 231, supra.
Fig. 405, 1848-’49.—“Killed-the-hermaphrodite winter” and “Big-horse-stealing winter.” They captured a Crow who pretended to be a woman, but who proved to be a man, and they killed him. It is probable that this was one of the men, not uncommon among the Indian tribes, who adopt the dress and occupation of women. This is sometimes compulsory from failure to pass an ordeal or from exhibition of cowardice. Eight hundred horses were stolen from the Dakotas, but seven hundred of them were recovered. The Crows killed one Dakota, as is indicated by the arrow in contact with the red spot in the hoof print.
Fig. 406, 1849-’50.—“Brought-the-Crows-to-a-stand winter.” This was done at Crow Butte, near Camp Robinson, Nebraska. It is said that a party of Crows, who were flying from the Dakotas, took refuge on the Butte about dark and that the Dakotas surrounded them, confident of capturing them the next morning, but the Crows escaped during the night, very much to the chagrin of the Dakotas. The Crow’s head is just visible on the summit of the hill, as if the body had gone down.
Fig. 407, 1850-’51.—“The-big-smallpox winter.”
Fig. 408, 1851-’52.—“First-issue-of-goods winter.” The colored patches outside the circle are at the four cardinal points, the colored patches inside the circle are meant for blankets and the other articles issued, and the circle of strokes the people sitting. The Dakotas were told that fifty-five years after that issue they would have to cultivate the ground, and they understood that they would not be required to do it before.
Fig. 409, 1852-’53.—“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The spots around the horses represent snow.
Fig. 410, 1853-’54.—“Cross-Bear-died-on-the-hunt winter.” The travail means they moved; the buffalo, to hunt buffalo; the bear with mouth open and paw advanced, Cross-Bear; the stomach and intestines, took the bellyache and died. The gesture sign for bear is made as follows: Slightly crook the thumbs and little fingers, and nearly close the other fingers; then, with their backs upward, hold the hands a little in advance of the body or throw them several times quickly forward a few inches. The sign is sometimes made with one hand only.
For explanation of the word “travail,” applied to the Indian sledge made of the joined tent poles, see Fig. 764 and accompanying remarks.
Fig. 411, 1854-’55.—“Killed-five-Assiniboins winter.” The Dakotas are ashamed of the part they took in the following deplorable occurrence and it is not therefore noted in the record, although it really marks the year. In consequence of a misunderstanding in regard to an old foot-sore cow, which had been abandoned on the road by some emigrants and which the Dakotas had innocently appropriated, Lieut. Grattan, Sixth U. S. Infantry, killed Conquering Bear (Mato-way'uhi, Startling Bear properly) about ten miles east of Fort Laramie, August 19, 1854. The Dakotas then, in retaliation, massacred Lieut. Grattan and the thirty men of Company G, Sixth U. S. Infantry, he had with him.
The figure without the above statement tells the simple story about the killing of five Assiniboins who are denoted by the usual tribal sign, the number being designated by the five strokes below the arrow.
Fig. 412, 1855-’56.—“Little-Thunder-and-Battiste-Good-and-others-taken-prisoners-at-Ash-Hollow-on-the-Blue-creek winter,” and one hundred and thirty Dakotas were killed by the white soldiers. Also called “Many-sacrificial-flags winter.” The last-mentioned name for the winter is explained by other records and by Executive Document No. 94, Thirty-fourth Congress, first session, Senate, to refer to a council held on March 18, 1856, by Brevet Brig. Gen. W. S. Harney, U. S. Army, with nine of the bands of the Dakotas.
Fig. 413, 1856-’57.—“Bad-Four-Bear-trades-with-Battiste-Good-for-furs-all winter.” Bad-Four-Bear, a white trader, is represented sitting smoking a pipe in front of Battiste’s tipi under a bluff at Fort Robinson, Nebraska.
Fig. 414, 1857-’58.—“Hunted-bulls-only winter.” They found but few cows, the buffalo being composed principally of bulls. The travail is shown.
Fig. 415, 1858-’59.—“Many-Navajo-blankets winter.” A Navajo blanket is shown in the figure. Several of the records agree in the explanation about the bringing of these blankets at that time.
Fig. 416, 1859-’60.—“Came-and-killed-Big-Crow winter.” The two marks under the arrow indicate that two were killed.
Fig. 417, 1860-’61.—“Broke-out-with-rash-and-died-with-pains-in-the-stomach winter.”
Fig. 418, 1861-’62.—“Killed-Spotted-Horse winter.” Spotted Horse and another Crow came and stole many horses from the Dakotas, who followed them, killed them, and recovered their horses.
Fig. 419, 1862-’63—“Cut-up-the-boy-in-the-camp winter.” The Crows came to the lodges and cut up the boy while the people were away. The knife above his head shows that he was cut to pieces.
Fig. 420, 1863-’64.—“Crows-came-and-killed-eight winter.” Some of the eight were Cheyennes. The marks below the arrow represent the killed.
Fig. 421, 1864-’65.—“Roaster-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” A piece of roasted meat is shown on the stick in the man’s hand. The Dakotas roast meat on a stick held in front of the fire.
Fig. 422, 1865-’66.—“Deep-snow-used-up-the-horses winter.” The horse is obviously in a deplorable condition.
Fig. 423, 1866-’67.—“Beaver’s-Ears-killed winter.”
Fig. 424, 1867-’68.—“Battiste-Good-made-peace-with-General-Harney-for-the-people winter.” This refers to the great Dakota treaty of 1868 in which other general officers besides Gen. Harney were active and other Indian chiefs much more important than Battiste took part. The assumption of his intercession is an exhibition of boasting.
Fig. 425, 1868-’69.—“Killed-Long-Fish winter” and “Killed-fifteen winter.” The Crows killed fifteen Sans Arcs and Long-Fish also, a Lower Brulé. The long fish is shown attached by a line to the mouth of the man figure in the manner that personal names are frequently portrayed in this paper.
Fig. 426, 1869-’70.—“Trees-killed-them winter.” A tree falling on a lodge killed a woman.
Fig. 427, 1870-’71.—“Came-and-killed-High-Back-Bone winter.” He was a chief. The Crows and Shoshoni shot him at long range, and the pistol with which he was armed was of no service to him.
Fig. 428, 1871-’72.—“Gray-Bear-died winter.” He died of the bellyache.
Fig. 429, 1872-’73.—“Issue-year winter.” A blanket is shown near the tipi. A blanket is often used as the symbol for issue of goods by the United States Government.
Fig. 430, 1873-’74.—“Measles-and-sickness-used-up-the-people winter.”
Fig. 431, 1874-’75.—“Utes-stole-horses winter.” They stole five hundred horses. The Utes are called “black men,” hence the man in the figure is represented as black. He is throwing his lariat in the direction of the hoof prints.
Fig. 432, 1875-’76.—“Bull-Head-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.”
Fig. 433, 1876-’77.—“Female-Elk-Walks-Crying-died winter.” For some explanation of this figure see Lone Dog’s Winter Count for 1860-’61.
Fig. 434, 1877-’78.—“Crazy-Horse-came-to-make-peace-and-was-killed-with-his-hands-stretched-out winter.” This refers to the well-known killing of the chief Crazy-Horse while a prisoner.
Fig. 435, 1878-’79.—“Brought-the-Cheyennes-back-and-killed-them-in-the-house winter.” The Cheyennes are shown in prison surrounded by blood stains, and with guns pointing toward them. The Cheyennes referred to are those who left the Indian Territory in 1878 and made such a determined effort to reach their people in the north, and who, after committing many atrocities, were captured and taken to Fort Robinson, Nebraska. They broke from the house in which they were confined and attempted to escape January 9, 1879. Many of them were killed; it was reported at the time among the Dakotas that they were massacred in their prison by the troops.
Fig. 436, 1879-’80.—“Sent-the-boys-and-girls-to-school winter.” A boy with a pen in his hand is represented in the picture.
This is an important division of the purposes for which pictographs are used. The pictographs and the objective devices antecedent to them under this head may be grouped as follows: 1st. Notice of visit, departure, and direction. 2d. Direction by drawing topographic features. 3d. Notice of condition. 4th. Warning and guidance.
Mr. G. K. Gilbert, of the U. S. Geological Survey, discovered drawings at Oakley spring, Yavapai County, Arizona, in 1878. He remarks that an Oraibi chief explained them to him and said that the “Mokis make excursions to a locality in the canyon of the Colorado Chiquito to get salt. On their return they stop at Oakley spring and each Indian makes a picture on the rock. Each Indian draws his crest or totem, the symbol of his gens (?). He draws it once, and once only, at each visit.” Mr. Gilbert adds, further, that—
There are probably some exceptions to this, but the drawings show its general truth. There are a great many repetitions of the same sign and from two to ten will often appear in a row. In several instances I saw the end drawings of a row quite fresh while the others were not so. Much of the work seems to have been performed by pounding with a hard point, but a few pictures are scratched on. Many drawings are weather-worn beyond recognition, and others are so fresh that the dust left by the tool has not been washed away by rain. Oakley spring is at the base of the Vermilion cliff, and the etchings are on fallen blocks of sandstone, a homogeneous, massive, soft sandstone. Tubi, the Oraibi chief above referred to, says his totem is the rain cloud, but it will be made no more, as he is the last survivor of the gens.
A group from Oakley spring, of which Fig. 437 is a copy, furnished by Mr. Gilbert, measures 6 feet in length and 4 feet in height. Interpretations of several of the separated characters are given in Chapter XXI, infra.
Champlain (b) reports:
Quelque marque ou signal par où ayont passé leurs ennemis, ou leurs amis, ce qu’ils cognoissent par de certaines marques que les chefs se donnent d’une nation a l’autre, qui ne sont pas toujours semblables, s’advertisans de temps en temps quand ils en changent; et par ce moyen ils recognoissent si ce sont amis ou ennemis qui ont passé.
A notice of departure, direction, and purpose made in 1810 by Algonquins, of the St. Lawrence River, is described by John Merrick in the Collections of the Maine Historical Society (a), of which the following is an abstract;
It was drawn with charcoal on a chip cut from a spruce tree and wedged firmly into the top of a stake. It represented two male Indians paddling a canoe in an attitude of great exertion, and in the canoe were bundles of baggage and a squaw with a papoose; over all was a bird on the wing ascertained to be a loon. The whole was interpreted by an Indian pilot on the St. Lawrence, to be a Wickheegan or Awickheegan, and that it was left by a party of Indians for the information of their friends. The attitude of exertion showed that the party, consisting of two men, a woman, and a child, were going upstream. They intended to remain during the whole period allotted by Indians to the kind of hunting which was then in season, because they had all their furniture and family in the canoe. The loon expressed the intention to go without stopping anywhere before they arrived at the hunting ground, as the loon, from the shortness of its legs, walking with great difficulty, never alighted on its way.
The following account is from Doc. Hist. N.Y. (a).
When they go to war and wish to inform those of the party who may pass their path, they make a representation of the animal of their tribe, with a hatchet in his dexter paw; sometimes a saber or a club; and if there be a number of tribes together of the same party, each draws the animal of his tribe, and their number, all on a tree from which they remove the bark. The animal of the tribe which heads the expedition is always the foremost.
The three following figures show the actual use of the wikhegan by the Abnaki in the last generation. Wikhegan is a Passamaquoddy word which corresponds in meaning nearly to our missive, or letter, being intelligence conveyed to persons at a distance by marks on a piece of birch bark, which may be either sent to the person or party with whom it is desired to hold communication, or may be left in a conspicuous place for such persons to notice on their expected arrival. In the cases now figured the wikhegan was left as notice of departure and direction. They were made at different times by the brother, now dead, of Big Raven, baptized as Noel Joseph, who lived all alone on Long Lake, a few miles from Princeton, Maine. He would not have anything to do with civilization, and subsisted by hunting and fishing in the old fashion, nor would he learn a word of French or English. When he would go on any long expedition his custom was to tie to a stick conspicuously attached to his wigwam a small roll of birch bark, with the wikhegan on it for the information of his friends.
The upper device of Fig. 438 means, I am going across the lake to hunt deer.
The middle device means, I am going towards the lake and will turn off at the point where there is a pointer, before reaching the lake.
The lower device means, I am going hunting—will be gone all winter, the last information indicated by snowshoes and packed sledge.
The following description of a pictograph on the Pacific coast is extracted from Dr. Gibbs’ (a) account, “Tribes of Western Washington,” etc., Contrib. to N. A. Ethn. I, p. 222, of the Sound tribes.
A party of Snakes are going to hunt strayed horses. A figure of a man, with a long queue or scalp lock, reaching to his heels, denoted Shoshone; that tribe being in the habit of braiding horse or other hair into their own in that manner. A number of marks follow, signifying the strength of the party. A footprint, pointing in the direction they take, shows their course, and a hoof mark turned backward, that they expect to return with animals. If well armed, and expecting a possible attack, a little powder mixed with sand tells that they are ready, or a square dotted about the figures indicates that they have fortified. These pictographs are often an object of study to decipher the true meaning. The shrewder or more experienced old men consult over them. It is not everyone that is sufficiently versed in the subject to decide correctly.
Dr. W. J. Hoffman obtained the original of the accompanying drawing, Fig. 439, from Naumoff, an Alaskan, in San Francisco in 1882; also the interpretation.
The drawing was in imitation of similar ones made by the natives to inform their visitors or friends of their departure for a purpose designated. They are depicted upon strips of wood, which are placed in conspicuous places near the doors of the habitations.
The following is the explanation of the characters: a, the speaker, with the right hand indicating himself and with the left pointing in the direction to be taken; b, holding a boat-paddle, going by boat; c, the right hand to the side of the head, to denote sleep, and the left elevated with one finger erect to signify one night; d, a circle with two marks in the middle, signifying an island with huts upon it; e, same as a; f, a circle to denote another island; g, same as c, with an additional finger elevated, signifying two nights; h, the speaker, with his harpoon, making the sign of a sea-lion with the left hand. The flat hand is held edgewise with the thumb elevated, then pushed outward from the body in a slightly downward curve. At i is represented a sea-lion; j, shooting with bow and arrow; k, the boat with two persons in it, the paddles projecting downward; l, the winter or permanent habitation of the speaker.
The following, Fig. 440, is of a similar nature to the preceding, and was obtained under similar circumstances.
The explanation of the above characters is as follows:
The letters a, c, e, g, represent the person spoken to.
b. Indicates the speaker with his right hand to the side or breast, indicating self, the left hand pointing in the direction in which he is going.
d. Both hands elevated, with fingers and thumbs signifies many, according to the informant. When the hands are thus held up, in sign-language, it signifies ten, but when they are brought toward and backward from one another, many.
f. The right hand is placed to the head to denote sleep—many sleeps, or, in other words, many nights and days; the left hand points downward, at that place.
h. The right hand is directed toward the starting point, while the left is brought upward toward the head—to go home, or whence he came.
The drawing presented in Fig. 441 was made by a native Alaskan, and represents information to the effect that the artist contemplates making a journey to hunt deer. The drawing is made upon a narrow strip of wood, and placed on or near the door of the house, where visitors will readily perceive it.
In this figure the curves a a represent the contour lines of the country and mountain peaks; b, native going away from home; c, stick placed on hilltop, with bunch of grass attached, pointing in the direction he has taken; d, native of another settlement, with whom the traveler remained over night; e, lodge; f, line representing the end of the first day, i. e., the time between two days; rest; g, traveler again on the way; h, making signal that on second day (right hand raised with two extended fingers) he saw game (deer, i,) on a hilltop, which he secured, so terminating his journey; i, deer.
Figs. 442, 443, and 444 were drawn by Naumoff and signify “Have gone home.”
His explanation of this figure is as follows:
When one of a hunting party is about to return home and wishes to inform his companions that he has started, he ascends the hilltop nearest to which they became separated, where he ties a bunch of grass or other light-colored material to the top of a long stick or pole. The lower end of the stick is placed firmly in the ground, leaning in the direction taken. When another hill is ascended, another stick with similar attachment is erected, again leaning in the direction to be taken. These sticks are placed at proper intervals until the village is sighted. This device is employed by Southern Alaskan Indians.
He explained Fig. 443 as follows:
Seal hunters thus inform their comrades that they have returned to the settlement. The first to return to the regular landing place sometimes sticks a piece of wood into the ground, leaning toward the village, upon which is drawn or scratched the outline of a baidarka, or skin canoe, heading toward one or more outlines of lodges, signifying that the occupants of the boat have gone toward their homes.
This device is used by coast natives of Southern Alaska and Kadiak. He explained Fig. 444 as follows:
When hunters become separated, the one first returning to the forks of the trail puts a piece of wood in the ground, on the top of which he makes an incision, into which a short piece of wood is secured horizontally, so as to point in the direction taken.
Maj. Long—Keating’s Long (a)—says:
When we stopped to dine, White Thunder (the Winnebago chief that accompanied me), suspecting that the rest of his party were in the neighborhood, requested a piece of paper, pen, and ink, to communicate to them the intelligence of his having come up with me. He then seated himself and drew three rude figures, which, at my request, he explained to me. The first represented my boat with a mast and flag, with three benches of oars and a helmsman. To show that we were Americans, our heads were represented by a rude cross, indicating that we wore hats. The representation of himself was a rude figure of a bear over a kind of cipher, representing a hunting ground. The second figure was designed to show that his wife was with him; the device was a boat with a squaw seated in it; over her head lines were drawn in a zigzag direction, indicating that she was the wife of White Thunder. The third was a boat with a bear sitting at the helm, showing that an Indian of that name [or of the bear gens] had been seen on his way up the river and had given intelligence where the party were. This paper he set up at the mouth of Kickapoo creek, up which the party had gone on a hunting trip.
An ingenious mode of giving intelligence is practiced at this day by the Abnaki, as reported by H. L. Masta, chief of that tribe, lately living at Pierreville, Quebec. When they are in the woods, to say “I am going to the east,” a stick is stuck in the ground pointing in that direction, Fig. 445, a. “I am not gone far,” another stick is stuck across the former, close to the ground, same figure, b. “Gone far” is the reverse, same figure, c. The number of days’ journey of proposed absence is shown by the same number of sticks across the first; thus, same figure, d, signifies five days’ journey.
Fig. 446, scratched on birch bark, was given to the present writer at Fredericton, New Brunswick, in August, 1888, by Gabriel Acquin, an Amalecite, then 66 years old, who spoke English quite well. The circumstances under which it was made and used are in the Amalecite’s words, as follows:
“When I was about 18 years old I lived at a village 11 miles above Fredericton and went with canoe and gun. I canoed down to Washademoak lake, about 40 miles below Fredericton; then took river until it became too narrow for canoe; then ‘carried’ to Buctoos river; followed down to bay of Chaleur; went up the northwest Mirimachi, and ‘carried’ into the Nepisigiut. There spent the summer. On that river met a friend of my time; we camped there.
“One time while I was away my friend had gone down the river by himself and had not left any wikhe'gan for me. I had planned to go off and left for him this wikhe'gan, to tell where I would be and how long gone. The wigwam at the lower left-hand corner showed the one used by us, with the river near it. The six notches over the door of the wigwam meant that I would be gone six days. The canoe and man nearest to the wigwam referred to my friend, who had gone in the opposite direction to that I intended to travel. Next to it I was represented in my own canoe, with rain falling, to show the day I started, which was very rainy. Then the canoe carried by me by a trail through woods shows the ‘carry’ to Nictaux lake, beside which is a very big mountain. I stayed at that lake for six days, counting the outgoing and returning. As I had put the wikhe'gan in the wigwam before I started, my friend on his return understood all about me, and, counting six from and including the rainy day, knew just when I was coming back, and was waiting for me.”
The chief point of interest in this notice is the ingenious mode of fixing the date of departure. The marks for rain are nearly obliterated, but it flows from the man’s hair. The topography is also delineated.
The following is extracted from James Long’s Expedition (b):
On the bank of the Platte river was a semicircular row of sixteen bison skulls, with their noses pointing down the river. Near the center of the circle which this row would describe, if continued, was another skull marked with a number of red lines.
Our interpreter informed us that this arrangement of skulls and other marks here discovered were designed to communicate the following information, namely, that the camp had been occupied by a war party of the Skeeree or Pawnee Loup Indians, who had lately come from an excursion against the Cumancias, Ietans, or some of the western tribes. The number of red lines traced on the painted skull indicated the number of the party to have been thirty-six; the position in which the skulls were placed, that they were on their return to their own country. Two small rods stuck in the ground, with a few hairs tied in two parcels to the end of each, signified that four scalps had been taken.
When a hunting party of the Hidatsa arrived at any temporary camping ground from which some of them had left on a short reconnoitering expedition, the remainder, having occasion to move, erect a pole and cause it to lean in the direction taken. At the foot of this pole a buffalo shoulder blade or other flat bone is placed, upon which is depicted the reason of departure; e. g. should buffalo or antelope be seen, the animal is drawn with a piece of charred wood or red lead.
When a Hidatsa party has gone on the warpath, and a certain number is detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is taken as the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the rendezvous, should the second not come up in a reasonable length of time, they will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be taken, and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to represent the number of nights spent there by the waiting party.
A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose whatever often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to their respective lodges. Should one of the party return to the rendezvous before any others and wish to make a special trip, he will, for the information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4 feet in length in the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is cut, or perhaps a split made for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or branch having a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is inserted at one end, so that the whole may point in the direction to be taken. Should he wish to say that the trail would turn at a right angle, to either side, at about half the distance of the whole journey in prospect, the horizontal branch is either bent in that direction or a naturally curved branch is selected having the turn at the middle of its entire length, thus corresponding to the turn in the trail. Any direction can be indicated by curves in the top branch.
No prescribed system of characters is used at the present time by the Ojibwa, in the indication of direction or travel. When anyone leaves camp or home for any particular hunting or berry ground, a concerted arrangement is made by which only those interested can, with any certainty, recognize “blaze” or trail marks.
Three characters cut upon the bark of large pine trees observed in the forest near Red Lake, Minnesota, are shown in Fig. 447. The Ojibwa using such a mark will continue on a trail leading from his home, until he leaves the trail, when a conspicuous tree, or in its absence a piece of wood or bark, is selected upon which a human figure is cut, with one arm elevated and pointing in the direction to be taken. These figures measure about 18 inches in height. Those represented on the two sides of the copy were cut into the bark of a “jack pine” without coloration, and the one in the middle had been rubbed with red chalk upon the wood of the trunk after the bark had been removed and the incision made. The middle figure indicates the direction by its bearings, although the pointers are differently arranged.
Plain sticks are sometimes used by the Ojibwa to indicate direction. These vary in length according to the fancy of the person and the requirements of the case. They are stuck into the ground, and lean in the direction to which notice is invited.
When a preconcerted arrangement is made, scrolls of birch bark are used, upon which important geographic features are delineated, so that the reader can, with little difficulty, learn the course taken by the traveler. For instance, a hunter upon leaving his home, deposits there a scroll bearing marks such as appear in Fig. 448: