In September 1638, the Pequots being completely conquered, Uncas, the chief sachem of the Mohegans, (who had assisted in the war,) and Miantonomo, were invited to meet the Connecticut magistrates at Hartford, to agree upon a division of captives. These were two hundred in number, besides women and children. Eighty of them were allotted to the Narraghansett sachem; twenty to a neighboring chief Ninigret; and the other one hundred to Uncas. The Pequots were to pay an annual tribute of Wampum at Hartford. It was also covenanted, that there should be a perpetual peace between Miantonomo and Uncas; that all past injuries should be buried; that if any should be committed in future, complaints should be submitted amicably to the arbitration of the English, both parties being bound to abide by their decision on pain of incurring their hostility. No open enemies of the English were to harbored, and all individual criminals were to be given over to justice.

The terms of this treaty did not long remain inviolate. Whatever were the motives of Miantonomo, and whatever his justification, he soon became bitterly hostile to the Mohegans at least. It might have been reason enough with him for opposing both them and the English, that either was his enemy; because he knew them to be bound together by alliance of offence and defence. But it seems probable, that he intended only to fight the Mohegans. His old grudge against the Pequots revived against them, as a branch of the Pequot stock. Uncas, too, was his greatest personal rival; and Miantonomo was ambitious to stand at the head of all the New England Indians. If, however, as has been asserted by some, his main design was to resist the growing power of the English, from merely patriotic motives, it was clear, that an essential step towards the attainment of this object, and especially towards a hostile union of all the tribes, must be the death of Uncas, and the suppression of his tribe. Other causes of hostility will be considered hereafter.

But be the reasoning of the sachem what it might, his measures were of a character not to be mistaken. Great efforts were made for a general co-operation of the tribes, especially in Connecticut. They were observed to be collecting arms and ammunition, and to be making a general preparation for war. The colonists thought themselves obliged to keep guard and watch every night, from sunset to sunrise, and to protect their inhabitants from town to town, and even from one place to another in the same neighborhood.

Meanwhile Miantonomo is said to have hired a Pequot, subject to Uncas, to kill him. The assassin made an attempt, in the spring of 1643. He shot Uncas through the arm, and then fled to the Narraghansetts, reporting through the Indian towns that he had killed him. When it was understood, however, that the wound was not fatal, the Pequot circulated a rumor that Uncas had purposely cut his own arm with a flint, and then charged the Pequot with shooting him. But, Miantonomo soon after going to Boston in company with the refugee, the governor and magistrates, on examination, found clear evidence that the latter was guilty of the crime with which he was charged. They proposed sending him to Uncas to be punished; but Miantonomo pleaded that he might be suffered to return with himself; and gave them to understand, it is said, that he would send him to Uncas. He took occasion to exculpate himself of all blame in the affair, and convinced them so completely, that his requests were granted. Two days afterwards, he killed the Pequot with his own hand.

About the same time, an event took place in another direction, under circumstances which strongly indicated the same authorship. Sequassen, a sachem on the Connecticut river, killed a principal Indian of the Mohegan tribe; and waylaid Uncas himself; as he was going down the river, and shot several arrows at him. Uncas complained to the governor and court of the colony, who took great pains to settle the affair; but without success. He was finally induced to accept of one of Sequassen's Indians, to be given up as an equivalent for the murdered man; but Sequassen would not consent to submission or concession of any kind. He insisted upon fighting. Uncas accepted his challenge, and invaded his territory; and Sequassen was defeated, with the loss of many of his wigwams burned, and his men killed. [FN]

[FN] Trumbull's Connecticut.

As the conquered sachem was nearly allied to Miantonomo, and upon intimate terms with him, it was generally believed that he acted from his instigation, and with the promise of his assistance in case of necessity. He even expressed, openly, his reliance on the aid of Miantonomo.

The Narraghansett chief was not a man to desert his ally or to retreat from his foe. Having hastily matured a plan of campaign, it was the next object to strike the intended blow with the most possible effect, and that implied the least possible notice. He raised an army of between five hundred and one thousand men, and marched towards the Mohegan territory. The spies of Uncas discovered their approach, and gave him intelligence. The enemy was already near, and Uncas was unprepared; but he hastily rallied four or five hundred of his men, and telling them that the enemy must by no means be suffered to surprise them in their villages, marched out to meet him forthwith. At the distance of three or four miles, the two armies encountered each other upon a large plain. Meanwhile, Uncas, who found himself obliged to rely more upon stratagem than strength, had acquainted his warriors on the march with a plan which he now proceeded to put in execution.

He desired a parley, and the two armies halted in the face of each other. Then advancing in the front of his men, he addressed Miantonomo: "You have a number of stout men with you, and so have I with me. It is a great pity that such brave warriors should be killed in a private quarrel between us only. Come on, then, like a man, as you profess to be, and let us fight it out. If you kill me, my men shall be yours. If I kill you, your men shall be mine." Miantonomo saw advantage too clearly to accept such a proposal. "My warriors," said he, "have come a long way to fight, and they shall fight." The reply was anticipated, and it was scarcely uttered, when Uncas fell to the ground. His men discharged over him a shower of arrows upon the Narraghansetts; and then following up the surprise without a moment's interval, rushed upon them furiously with a hideous yell, and soon put them to flight.

The pursuit was sustained with a ferocious eagerness. The enemy were chased down rocks and precipices, like the doe flying from the huntsman. About thirty were slain, and a much greater number wounded. Miantonomo was exceedingly pressed. Some of the bravest men of Uncas at length came up with him; but not daring actually to skirmish with him, or preferring to leave that honor to their leader, they contrived to impede his flight by twitching him back, and then passed him. Uncas now came up, and rushing forward like a lion greedy of his prey, he seized him by the shoulder. The Narraghansett saw that his fate was decided—Uncas was a man of immense strength, and his warriors were thick around him. He stopped, sat down sullenly, and spake not a word. Uncas gave the Indian whoop, and called up a party of his men, who gathered about the royal captive and gazed at him. He still continued moody and speechless. Some of his sachems were slain before his eyes, but he moved not a muscle. "Why do you not speak," inquired Uncas, at length; "had you taken me, I should have besought you for my life." But the Narraghansett was too proud to ask such a boon of his enemy, and especially of his rival. Uncas however spared his life for the present, and returned in great triumph to Mohegan, leading along with him the splendid living evidence of his victory.

The notorious Samuel Gorton having purchased lands of Miantonomo, under the jurisdiction of Plymouth and Massachusetts, and expecting to be vindicated by him in his claims against those colonies, and against other Indian tribes, he immediately sent word to Uncas to give up his prisoner, and threatened him with the vengeance of the colonies if he refused a compliance. But Uncas shrewdly bethought himself of a safer course. He carried his prisoner to Hartford, and asked advice of the governor and magistrates. There being no open war between the Narraghansetts and English, these authorities were unwilling to interfere in the case, and they recommended a reference of the whole affair to the commissioners of the United Colonies; at their next meeting in September. Meanwhile, Miantonomo had recovered his speech. He probably expected better treatment with the English than with Uncas, and he now earnestly pleaded to be committed to their custody. Uncas consented to leave him at Hartford, but insisted on having him kept as his prisoner.

At the meeting of the commissioners the whole affair was laid before them. In their opinion it was fully proved that Miantonomo had made attempts against the life of Uncas, by all the means and measures heretofore alluded to, and by poison and sorcery besides; that he had murdered the Pequot assassin with his own hand, instead of giving him up to justice; that he was the author of a general plot among the Indian tribes against the colonies; and that he had moreover gone so far as to engage the aid of the Mohawks, who were now within a day's journey of the English settlements, waiting only for Miantonomo's release to serve him according to his pleasure.

"These things being duly weighed and considered," say the commissioners in their report,[FN-1] "we apparently see that Vcus cannot be safe while Myantenomo [FN-2] lives, but that either by secret treachery or open force his life will still be in danger. Wherefore we thinke he may justly putt such a false and blood-thirsty enemie to death, but in his owne Jurisdiccon, not in the English plantacons; and advising that in the manner of his death all mercy and moderacon be shewed, contrary to the practice of the Indians who exercise tortures and cruelty, and Vcus haveing hitherto shewed himself a friend to the English, and in this craveing their advice, if the Nanohiggansetts Indians or others shall unjustly assault Vcus for this execucon, vpon notice and request the English promise to assist and protect him, as farr as they may, against such vyolence."

[FN-1] Hazard's Collections, Vol. II. p. 7.

[FN-2] Haz. Coll. Vol. II. p. 7.—The reader will observe the variation of the Sachem's name here used. There are several others in Hazard. Hutchinson writes Myantinomo and Miantonomo in the same volume; Baylies, both terms in the course of the same; Trumbull adds an h. Winthrop admits this spelling with the qualification that the chief was otherwise called Mecumah (as he was); but he afterwards regularly uses Miantunnomoh. Mason, (account of the Pequot war) writes Myantonimo and Miantomo; Wolcott, Miaatinomoh; Roger Williams, Miantunnomu, and several other variations. We are thus particular only in the hope of amusing the curious.

The commissioners further directed, that Uncas should immediately be sent for to Hartford, with some of his trustiest men; and informed of the sentence passed upon his captive. He was then to take him into the nearest part of his own territory, and there put him to death in the presence of certain discreet English persons, who were to accompany them, "and see the execucon for our more full satisfaccon, and that the English meddle not with the head or body at all." The Hartford Government was subsequently to furnish Uncas with forces enough to defend him against all his enemies.

These directions were promptly obeyed. Uncas made his appearance at Hartford, received his prisoner, and marched off with him to the very spot where the capture had happened. At the instant they arrived on the ground, a Mohegan who marched behind Miantonomo split his head with a hatchet, killing him at a single stroke; so that he was probably unacquainted with the mode of his execution. Tradition says that Uncas cut out a piece of his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph. "He said it was the sweetest meat he ever eat—it made his heart strong." The royal victim was buried, by the conqueror's order, at the place of his death; and a great heap or pillar was erected over his grave. The field of battle, situated in the eastern part of the town of Norwich, is called the Sachem's Plain to this day.

CHAPTER X.

Consideration of the justice of the Commissioners' sentence upon Miantonomo—Their reasons, as alleged—The charge against him of ambitious designs—Of employing the Mohawks—Of breaking the league of 1638—"Concerning the Pequot squaws"—Of hostility to the English—Of peculation—Proofs of his fidelity and friendship—Causes of complaint by him and Canonicus against the English—Character of both Sachems—Their treatment of Roger Williams—Letters of that gentleman—Anecdotes—Death of Canonicus.

It is not easy to determine, at this period, the justice of the sentence by which Miantonomo was led to the slaughter. As between himself and his enemy, considering Indian custom and character, it might be considered just; and the sufferer would certainly have been the last to complain of it. But though Uncas may not be blamed for using the privilege of the victor, a different opinion has been entertained of the interference of the English. Their justification, as laid before the Narraghansett nation, after Miantonomo's death, was as follows:

"They may well vnderstand that this is without violacon of any couenant betweene them and vs; for Vncus being in confederacon with vs, and one that hath diligently observed his couenants before mentioned for aught we know, and requiring advice from vs, vpon serious consideracon of the premises, viz. his [Miantonomo] treacherous and murtherous disposition against Vncus &c. and how great a disturber he hath beene of the common peace of the whole countrey, we could not in respect of the justice of the case, safety of the countrey and faythfulness of our frend, do otherwise than approve of the lawfullness of his death. This agreeing so well with the Indians owne manners, and concurring with the practice of other nations with whom we are aquainted, we persuade ourselves howeuer his death may be grieuous at present, yet the peaceable fruits of it will yield not only matter of safety to the Indians, but profite to all that inhabite this continent."

Supposing every thing to be true which is here and elsewhere alleged, it may still be doubted whether the colonies could be justified in the part taken by their commissioners;—but such is not the case.

His killing the Pequot was one point against him; but what could be more natural than for them to misunderstand his promise in that case, or for him to suppose that administering justice with his own hand would be the most satisfactory course he could take. Stress is laid upon Miantonomo's "ambitious designes to make himself vniversal Sagamore or Governor of all these parts;" but this, whether laudable or reprehensible in itself, was clearly no usurpation as against them. As to his hostility towards the English, suffice it to say here, that the evidence of it seems to have been furnished chiefly by his enemies, whose direct interest it was to oppress him by engaging the English interest in their own favor. As to the employment of the Mohawks, in particular, the most that was made to appear, even through this medium, was, that they were awaiting Miantonomo's release—"and then they will carry on their designes, whether against the English or Vncus or both, is doubtful." [FN]

[FN] Hazard's Col. Vol. II. p. 9. Commissioners' Report.

Let us observe the testimony of Mr. Williams in regard to this affair, borrowing from a letter written immediately after it took place. "A fortnight since, I heard of the Mauquawogs coming to Paucomtuckqut, their rendezvous; that they were provoked by Onkas wronging and robbing some Paucomtuck Indians the last year, and that he [Uncas] had dared the Mauquawogs, threatening if they came to set his ground with gobbets of their flesh &c."

He admits, that a few of the Narraghansetts had joined the Mohawks; but these, whether they were well or ill disposed towards the English, were at all events considered traitors to Miantonomo. Elsewhere he states, "yt ye Narigansetts and Mauquawogs are the two great bodies of Indians in ye country, and they are confederates, and long have bene as both yet are friendly and peaceable to ye English." [FN]

[FN] Ms. Letters in the Mass. Col. Rec. (File 10. No. 45.)

Miantonomo is said to have violated the league of 1638, by invading the country of Uncas, without having previously submitted his grievances to the decision of the English. But did he not think himself absolved from the obligation created by that league, in consequence of violations of it on the part of the English. He probably regarded them at this very time, precisely as they regarded him. Roger Williams writes on one occasion, when letters of complaint had been sent to him from Massachusetts, that "they [Miantonomo and Canonicus] thought they should prove themselves honest and faithful when Mr. Governor understood their answers; and that (although they would not contend with their friends) yet they could relate many particulars, wherein the English had broken (since these wars) their promises."

Respecting the alleged violation of the Hartford league in particular, we might perhaps properly waive all attempts at justification, inasmuch as the charge hardly purports to be true. Governor Winthrop gives an account of the affair as received officially from Connecticut, by which it appears that Miantonomo, before taking plan with Sequassen, applied to the authorities of that province for redress of grievances committed upon him by Uncas. He was answered, that the English had nothing to do with the business. He then applied also to Governor Winthrop himself, and was very desirous to know if he would not be offended, by his making war upon Uncas. Our Governor answered, if Onkus had done him or his friends wrong, and would not give satisfaction, we should leave him to take his own course. [FN]

[FN] Journal Vol. II. and Records of the Colonies.

The account which follows next of the explanation given upon one point by the accused parties, is sufficiently characteristic of their intelligence, at least, to be quoted at length. "First then, concerning the Pequot squaws. Canaunicus answered that he never saw any, but heard of some that came into these parts, and he bade carry them back to Mr. Governour; but since he never heard of them till I came, and now he would have the country searched for them. Miantunnomu answered, that he never heard of but six; and four he saw which were brought to him, at which he was angry, and asked why they did not carry them to me, that I might convey them home again. Then he bid the natives that brought them to carry them to me, who departing brought him word that the squaws were lame, and they could not travel, whereupon he sent me word, that I should send for them. This I must acknowledge, that this message I received from him, and sent him word, that we were but few here, and could not fetch them nor convey them, and therefore desired him to send men with them, and to seek out the rest. Then, saith he, we were buzy ten or twelve days together, as indeed they were in a strange kind of solemnity, wherein the sachems eat nothing but at night, and all the natives round about the country were feasted. In which time, saith he, I wished some to look to them, which notwithstanding, in this time, they scaped, and now he would employ men instantly to search all places for them, and within two or three days to convey them home. Besides he profest he desired them not, and was sorry the governour should think he did. I objected that he sent to beg one. He answered, that Sassamun, being sent by the governour with letters to Pequot, fell lame, and lying at his house, told him of a squaw, which was a sachem's daughter, who while he lived was his, Miantunnomue's, great friend. He [Miantonomo] therefore desired in kindness to his, dead friend, to beg her or redeem her" [of Mr. Williams.]

In reply to a charge touching his fidelity to the English alliance, Canonicus declared that the Narraghansetts "had stuck to the English in life or death, without which they were persuaded that Okace [Uncas] and the Mohiganeuks had proved false, as he fears they will yet." He then went on to specify his reasons for this persuasion and this fear. He also stated, that although the Mohegans had yet brought in no captives, his own brother, Yootash, had on one occasion "seized upon Puttaquppuunk, Quame and twenty Pequts and three-score squaws; they killed three and bound the rest, watching them all night, and sending for the English delivered them into their hands in the morning." It seems that soon afterwards Miantonomo passed the house where the Pequots were kept confined by the English, and having a curiosity to see one of the captive sachems—a man of considerable note—he made application for that purpose—but was thrust at with a pike several times by the English sentinels, and finally driven off. Mr. Williams suggested, that probably he was not recognised; but he thought that he was, and several of the Narraghansetts were of the same opinion, and asked if they should have dealt so with "Mr. Governour." Mr. Williams still denied, that he could have been known; to which Miantonomo answered that, at least, his whole company [FN] were disheartened, "and they all and Cutshamquene desired to be gone; and yet, saith he, two of my men (Waqouckwhut and Maunamoh) were their guides to Sesquanket from the river's mouth."

[FN] He was at the head of two hundred of his warriors, just returned from an expedition against the Pequots, in which they had taken ten prisoners, and had faithfully brought them in at this time. See the Life of Cutshamequin in a succeeding Chapter.

To a third accusation, that he had received prisoners and Wampum of the enemy, which belonged to the common stock, and were nevertheless monopolized by himself; Canonicus replied, that although he and Miantonomo had paid their own warriors many hundred fathom of wampum, he never had received one Pequot or one yard of beads. Miantonomo added, that he had received nothing but one small present from four women of Long-Island, who were no Pequots, but of that Island, and who, for safety's sake, had thereby put themselves under his protection.

Other facts, if not opinions, appear in some of the early annals, which would lead to similar conclusions respecting the fidelity of the Narraghansett chiefs. Governor Winthrop says, in his journal of February 1637—"Miantunnomoh &c. sent twenty six, with forty fathom of Wampum, and a Pequot's hand." In March, he records intelligence received from the same source, concerning the Pequot movements, with proposals of fresh assistance. On the 22d of the month, "Miantunnomoh sent us word, that Mason had, surprised and slain eight Pequods" &c. Again, during the same summer, "Miantunnomoh sent here some Pequod squaws, which had run from us;" and five days afterwards, "the Narraghansetts sent us the hands of three Pequods" &c. The two last statements agree with the declaration of the sachems to Mr. Williams, apparently upon the same points.

We have seen that Canonicus accused the English of having broken their promises. Omitting the proof of that statement, it is impossible to doubt at least, that it was made in the most earnest sincerity. The writer just cited informs us incidentally in is Key to the Indian Languages, that Canonicus, in a solemn address to himself, before a large assembly, had once used the following expression—"I have never suffered any wrong, to be offered to the English since they landed, nor never will. If the Englishmen speak true," he added, "then I shall go to my grave in peace, and hope that the English and my posterity will live in peace and love together." Mr. Williams observed, that he hoped he had no occasion to question the friendliness of the English. Upon this the sachem took a stick, broke it into ten pieces, and related ten instances, laying down a stick to every instance, which gave him cause for apprehension or suspicion. With regard to some of them, he was afterwards convinced of his being mistaken, and readily acknowledged himself to be so; but not as to all.

The truth probably is, that provocations of some sort had been received upon both sides; but that the English had any peculiar reason to complain, and especially to assume the violent administration of punishment or prevention, certainly cannot be admitted. There is no evidence extant to support such a position. Mr. Williams indeed acknowledges, with his usual frankness, that individual Narraghansetts had perhaps now and then committed offences in "matters of money or pettie revenging of themselves in some Indians upon extream provocation;" but he also states, in the same paragraph, that he "could not yet learn y^t ever it pleased y^e Lord to permit y^e Narraghansetts to staine their hands with any English blood, neither in open hostilities nor secret murthers, as both Pequts and Long Islanders did, and Monhiggans also in y^e Pequt wars." [FN]

[FN] Ms. Letters.

This statement we suppose to be uncontradicted, and the authority is certainly deserving of credit. Now, for a moment, let us examine the other side of the question, bearing in mind how little likely we are, under the circumstances, to be furnished by history with the truth, and least of all with the whole truth.

Some instances in point have already been given. The excessive jealousy and the frequent complaints of the English were in themselves calculated, to produce, if not to justify, what they referred to "The governor of the Massachusetts"—says Mr. Winthrop, in his journal of 1638—"wrote also to Mr. Williams to treat with Miantunnomoh about satisfaction, or otherwise to bid them look for war." This was a harsh message, at the best, to send to a sovereign ally, who had faithfully served the English cause. The only reason for it which appears in the context is, that Janemoh, a Niantick chief, was understood to have committed certain depredations on a settlement of Long Island Indians who were tributary to the English. Now some of that tribe, we have seen, put themselves under Miantonomo's protection; and there are no means of determining whether that chieftain did not in this case, like the English, feel himself aggrieved by Janemoh. We do find it recorded, however, that, in the summer of 1637, Miantonomo came to Boston. The governor, deputy, and treasurer, treated with him, and they parted upon fair terms. He acknowledged on this occasion, that all the Pequot and Block Island country belonged to the English, and promised that he would not meddle with them but by their leave. "In fine, we gave him leave to right himself for the wrongs which Janemoh and Wequash Cook had done him; and for the wrong they had done us, we would right ourselves in due time." [FN]

[FN] Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. 243.

Not far from the time when the above mentioned complaint seems to have been made through Mr. Williams, the latter writes to Governor Winthrop as follows. "Sir, there hath been a great hubbub in all these parts, as a general persuasion that the time was come for a general slaughter of natives, by reason of a murther committed upon a native [Narraghansett] within twelve miles of us, four days since, by four desperate English. . . . An old native comes to me, and tells me that the natives round about us were fled, relating that those four had slain an Indian, who had carried three beaver-skins and beads for Canaunicus's son, and came home with five fathom and three coats; that three natives which came after him found him groaning in the path; that he told them, &c." The particulars of this flagrant outrage even to the Christian and surnames of the four murderers—are given with a minuteness which precludes the possibility of mistake. And yet we find no mention of this transaction in the English histories. Miantonomo perhaps made his complaint to the proper authority, without success. But more probably he endured the injury in silence, as a new evidence that his allies were become his enemies.

Still, it should not be omitted, that Miantonomo never declined to make all the explanation for which a fair opportunity was given him. [FN-1] As late as 1642, two messengers were sent to him by the Massachusetts government, with articles of complaint; requiring him to come himself or send two of his chief counsellors to the governor, in order to give satisfaction for certain grievances alleged. He attended this summons promptly and personally. On his arrival at Boston, he came forward in court, and demanded that his accusers should be brought before him face to face; and that if they failed in their proof; they should suffer the same punishment which their accusations were calculated to bring upon himself. The whole on this occasion was grave and dignified. His answers were given with great deliberation, and never except in the presence of the counsellors who attended him, that they might be witnesses of every thing which passed. Two days were spent in treaty. He denied all he was charged with and affirmed—what we have already suggested—that the reports to his disadvantage were raised and circulated, either by Uncas, or some of his people. Such an effect, (it should be observed) had these reports already produced, that the Connecticut people were importunate for open war with the Narraghansetts at this very time; and it required the whole influence of the Massachusetts authorities, (who doubted, "whether, they had sufficient proofs of the designs of the Indians to justify a war,") to prevent immediate hostilities. Such alarm existed, that places of refuge for the women and children were provided in most of the towns and plantations. Beacons were set up, in readiness to be fired; and smiths were ordered to postpone other business until all the arms in the colony were put in complete repair. A great excitement was produced in the towns about Boston, by a poor man, in a swamp at Watertown, crying out for help against a kennel of wolves which he heard howling around him in the night. And although Massachusetts was opposed to war, "Yet the governor, with the magistrates, before the court met, thought it necessary to disarm the Indians within the colony, which they readily submitted to." [FN-2]

[FN-1] "The messengers coming to him, he carried them apart into the woods, taking only one of his chief men with him, and gave them very rational answers to all their propositions, &c." Win. Journal, Vol. II.

[FN-2] Hutchinson, Vol. I.

Miantonomo, as was very natural, not only noticed these symptoms of jealousy on his visit to Boston, but felt keenly the ill-will they implied, and inquired the cause of them. Governor Winthrop gave him an evasive answer, with which, however, he politely professed to be satisfied. He then entered into quite an argument, to show that the suspicions which had been entertained of him were unjust, and were owing to the machinations of his enemies. He offered to meet Uncas either at Hartford or at Boston, and to prove his treachery to the English, in their presence. He should stand ready to come at any time, he added; and this notwithstanding he had been advised not to visit the English again, lest they should seize upon his person. He relied upon his innocence, and he would visit them, whenever it was deemed necessary that he should.

It is acknowledged in fine, that he gave perfect satisfaction at this time. Considering the entertainment which was given him, and his great pride of character, that was quite as much as could be expected. "When we should go to dinner"—it is recorded in the Governor's Journal—"there was a table provided for the Indians to dine by themselves, and Miantunnomoh was left to sit with them. This he was discontented at, and would eat nothing till the governor sent him meat from his table. So at night, and all the time he staid, he sat at the lower end of the magistrates' table." But he overlooked the indignity, and parted upon good terms. "We gave him and his counsellors coats and tobacco; and when he came to take his leave of the governor, and such of the magistrates as were present, he returned and gave his hand to the governor again, saying, that was for the rest of the magistrates who were absent." It may be observed, that the examination in this case, which resulted thus satisfactorily to Massachusetts, was a deliberate and thorough one. The court was already assembled, when he arrived at Boston; and even before his admission, all the points and order of inquiry were agreed upon; "For we knew him," says the governor, "to be a very subtle man." [FN] The same authority admits, that he showed, in his answers, "a good understanding of the principles of equity and justice, and ingenuity with withal."

[FN] A phraseology, which, as implying prejudice, is rather more creditable to the subject than the writer. Hubbard describes him as a very goodly personage, of tall stature, "subtile and cunning in his contrivements, as well as haughty in his designs."

The attack of Miantonomo upon Uncas, independently of the interest which the English had in it, has been regarded as a moral if not legal outrage—an unprovoked, unprincipled aggression—the off-spring of hatred, envy, or at best of mere ambition. But even here we do not happen to be without proof as well as probability, in favor of the accused. In more than one case, if not generally, the fault was on the side of Uncas; and that being true, it must naturally occur to every reader, to inquire, in the language applied to a similar case by Mr. Williams,—"Graunt these subjects, What capacitie hath their late massacre of y^e Narrgansetts (with whom they had made peace) without y^e English consent, tho' still under y^e English name, put them into?" [FN] A very forcible query, it must be admitted; and to show its relevancy to the present subject, let us look again for a few facts.

[FN] Ms. Letters, dated 1654.

Soon after the Pequot war, when the chieftains who had assisted the English in carrying it on, convened at Hartford for a division of the spoil, Mr. Williams accompanied Miantonomo on his journey. "By the way," says he, ("lodging from his house three nights in the woods,) we met divers Nanhiggontick [Narraghansett] men complaining of robbery and violence, which they had sustained from the Pequts and Monahiggins in their travel from Cunnihticut [Connecticut]; as also some of the Wunnashowatuckoogs [subject to Canaunicus] came to us and advertised, that two days before about six hundred and sixty Pequts, Monahiggins and their confederates had robbed them and spoiled about twenty-three fields of corn; and rifled four Nanhiggontick men amongst them; as also that they in way and wait to stop Miantunnomue's passage to Cunnihticut, and divers of them threatened to boil him in the kettle."

These tidings being confirmed by various authorities, Mr. Williams and the other English in the company, were strongly in favor of turning back, and going to Hartford by water. But Miantonomo declared that not a man should retreat; he would keep strict watch by night, and in dangerous passes the sachems should all march with a body-guard, but they should die, as he himself would, rather than turn back. They moved on, therefore, the English with Miantonomo and his wife in front, and a flank-guard of forty or fifty men on either side to prevent surprisal. They arrived safely at Hartford, and the conference took place. Uncas was accused of conniving at the trespasses of his men upon the Narraghansetts, and he retorted with charges of the same kind upon Miantonomo. The result of this angry discussion was, as follows. "At last we drew them to shake hands, Miantunnomu and Okace; and Miantunnomu invited (twice, earnestly) Okace to sup and dine with him, he and all his company (his men having killed some venison;) but he would not yield, altho' the magistrates persuaded him also to it."

The magnanimity manifested by the chieftain on this occasion, was uniformly a prominent part of his character. When he visited Boston in 1640—as he always did, at the request of the Massachusetts government—he was entertained first by the government at Roxbury; but when the parley was to commence, he refused to treat through the medium of a Pequot interpreter. The governor being unwilling to yield this point to him as good policy, if not manners apparently required that he should—he departed abruptly for Boston, without so much as taking leave of his host. The latter informed the court of this conduct, "and would show him no countenance, nor admit him to dine at our table as formerly, until he had acknowledged his failing, which he readily did as soon as he could be made to understand it." [FN] He observed, however, with some dignity, that when the English should visit him, he should cheerfully permit them to use their own fashions, as they always had done.

[FN] Win. Jour. vol. II.

Previous to the expedition against the Pequots, both Miantonomo and Canonicus had expressed a wish that whatever was done with the warriors of the enemy, their women and children should be spared. There was a chivalry in this request—and it does not seem to have been soon forgotten—which accords with all that is known of both these chieftains. Canonicus might have suppressed the Plymouth colony in 1622, at a single blow; but he thought it more honorable to give them formal notice of hostile intentions, by a messenger; and when he became convinced that they had been misrepresented to him, he at least ceased to be their enemy if he did not become their friend. In the same spirit, Miantonomo, while in the custody of the governor of Connecticut, cautioned him to increase his guard. He openly declared—what was the fact—that attempts were and would be made by his Narraghansett subjects for his rescue.

There is a most affecting evidence of the same noble disposition, in the report of the commissioners for 1644. The Narraghansetts, now constantly complaining of the conduct of Uncas and his tribe, brought a charge, among other things, that the latter had embezzled a quantity of wampum which had been put into their hands for the ransom of Miantonomo, while the chief was yet living. How much truth there might be in the allegation, cannot well be ascertained. The commissioners however report, that they gave a fair hearing to the "Narraghansett" deputies on the one hand, and to Uncas on the other. The result is thus stated:

"That though several discourses had passed from Vcus and his men that for such quantities of wampom and such parcels of other goods to a great value there might have been some probabilities of spareing his life, yet no such parcells were brought. But Vncus denyeth; and the Narrohiggansett Deputies did not allready, much less proue that any ransome was agreed, nor so much as any treaty begunn to redeeme their imprisoned Sachem. And for that wampoms and goods sent as they were but small parcells and scarce considerable for such a purpose, a part of them disposed by Myantinomo himself to Vncus his counsellors and captaines for some favour either past or hoped for and part were giuen and and sent to Vncus and to his Squa for preseruing his life so long and vssing him curteously during his Imprisonment." What could be nobler than this?

The warm and constant friendship of the two sachems for Williams himself, is a sufficient indication of noble natures. Canonicus was suspicious of him at first; "but with Miantunnomu," writes Mr. Williams soon after his removal, "I have far better dealing. He kept his barbarous court lately at my house. He takes some pleasure to visit me, and sent me word of his coming over some eight days hence." When the treaty of 1636 was negotiated at Boston, Miantonomo not being able to understand perfectly all the articles, or perhaps not placing entire confidence in the Massachusetts government, desired that a copy should be sent to his friend Williams—if he was satisfied, it was intimated, no objection or difficulty would arise upon his own part. The conveyances of land heretofore spoken of, were made to him in the same feeling. "It was not price or money," says the grantee, "that could have purchased Rhode Island; but 't was obtained by love, that love and favor which that honored gentleman, Sir Henry Vane, and myself, had with the great sachem, Miantunnomu, about the league which I procured in the Pequod war. The Indians were very shy of selling lands to any, and chose rather to make a grant [gift] of them, to such as they affected."

It might be supposed, that Mr. Williams had peculiar facilities for instructing the sachems in the doctrines of Christianity; but he did not attempt a great deal in this way, and his reasons for it are given in his Key to the Languages. [FN] He observes, that he once heard Miantonomo conversing with several of his chief warriors about keeping the English Sabbath. At another time, a Connecticut Indian undertook, in Miantonomo's presence, to dispute Mr. Williams' doctrine, that the souls of the good should up to heaven, and those of the wicked to hell. Our Fathers have told us, said he, that all go to the South-West, and this I believe. "And why so," asked the sachem, "did you ever see a soul go to the South-West?" To this the other rejoined, that the evidence was the same in this respect for the Indian doctrine as for that of Mr. Williams. "Ah!" answered Miantonomo, "but he has books and writings, and one which God himself has made; he may well know more than we or our fathers." The anecdote certainly shows a great confidence of the sachem in his English acquaintance.

[FN] In 1654, (Mass.) he writes—"at my last departure for England, I was importuned by ye Narigansett sachims, and especially by Nanekunnat, to pressent their petition to ye high sachims of England, yt they might not be forced from their religion, and for not changing their religion be invaded by war; for they said they were daily visited by threatenings by Indians yt came from about ye Massachusetts yt if they would not pray they should be destroyed by war." Ms. Letters.

We shall close our remarks upon this part of our subject with citing at large one of the letters to which we already have been so much indebted for facts. It is sufficiently characteristic of both the writer and the chieftains his friends, to repay us for the labor of perusal. It is supposed to have been written in October 1637.

"The last of the week. I think the 28th of the 8th.

"Sir.

"This bearer, Miantunnomu, resolving to go on his visit, [to Boston] I am bold to request a word of advice from you concerning a proposition made by Canaunicus and himself to me some half year since. Canaunicus gave an island in the bay to Mr. Oldam, by name Chibachuwese, on condition, as it should seem, that he would dwell there near unto them. The Lord (in whose hands all hearts are) turning their affections towards myself, they desired me to move hither and dwell nearer to them, I have answered once and again, that for the present I mind not to remove. But if I have it from them I would give them satisfaction for it, and build a little house, and put in some swine, as understanding the place to have store of fish and good feeding for swine. Of late I have heard that Mr. Gibbons, upon occasion, motioned your desire and his own of putting some swine on some of these islands, which hath made me since more desire to obtain it. I spake of it to this sachem, and he tells me that because of the store of fish, Canaunicus desires that I would accept half (it being spectacle-wise, and between a mile or two in circuit, as I guess) and he would reserve the other; but I think, if I go over, I shall obtain the whole. Your loving counsel, how far it may be inoffensive, because it was once (upon a condition not kept) Mr. Oldam's. So with respective salutes to your kind self and Mrs. Winthrop, I rest

"your worship's unfeigned, in all I may.
"Ro. Williams.
"For his much honored }    Mr. Governour, these.  }"

A singular paragraph in a previous communication addressed to the same gentleman, indicates that the writer took some pains to requite the various favors conferred upon him. "Sir, if any thing be sent to the princes, [alluding to proposed presents,] I find that Canaunicus would gladly accept of of eight or ten pounds of sugar, and indeed he told me he would thank Mr. Governor for a box full."

In fine, we cannot dismiss the biography of Miantonomo without confessing a sensation of sorrow, and even shame, arising from the contemplation of the lofty and noble traits which certainly adorned his character, contrasted with the ignominious death which he met with at the hands of his allies. The learned editor of a recent edition of Winthrop's Journal, calls it a case of "perfidy or cruelty, or both." He also expresses an opinion, that the argument which really though secretly decided the minds of the commissioners against the sachem, was his encouragement of the sale of Shaomet and Patuxet to Gorton and his associates. Without going as far as this, we may be permitted to say; that the case requires all the apology which can be derived from the great excitement of the times, occasioned especially by the power and movements of the Indians.

Such seems to have been the opinion of Governor Hopkins, [FN] who, it will be observed, also intimates a new explanation of the conduct of the colonies, towards the Narraghansett chief. His eloquent and generous tribute to the memory of the latter, we do not think ourselves at liberty to omit or abridge.

[FN] See his Account of Providence Colony, first published in the Providence Gazette of 1765, and preserved in the Mass. His. Coll. He was governor of Rhode-Island for nine years, but is better known as one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence.

"This," says that eminent scholar, and patriot, "was the end of Myantinomo, the most potent Indian prince the people of New-England had ever any concern with; and this was the reward he received for assisting them seven years before, in their war with the Pequots. Surely a Rhode-Island man may be permitted to mourn his unhappy fate, and drop a tear on the ashes of Myantinomo; who, with his uncle Conanicus, were the best friends and greatest benefactors the colony [of R. I.] ever had. They kindly received, fed, and protected the first settlers of it, when they were in distress, and were strangers and exiles, and all mankind else were their enemies; and by this kindness to them, drew upon themselves the resentment of the neighboring colonies, and hastened the untimely end of the young king."

Nothing of great interest can be added to the history of Canonicus, subsequent to the death of his colleague. Messengers were sent to him, the same year, to explain the circumstances of that event, and to take measures for preserving peace. In 1644, he is said to have subjected himself and his territory to the Government of Charles I. of England, by a deed dated April 19th. [FN] He must have been near ninety yearn of age at this time, and if actually in the exercise of government, no doubt was more disposed than ever to live peaceably with his English neighbors.

[FN] Report of Commissioners appointed in 1683 by Charles II. to enquire into the claims and titles to the Narraghansett Country. 5th Vol. of Mass. His. Coll. 1st. Series.

Mr. Winthrop states, that he died June 4th, 1647. Mr. Hubbard says 1648, and he has been copied by late writers (including Holmes;) but the former date is believed to be the better authenticated of the two. One or two historians indeed seem to confound the old sachem with a younger man, who was killed in Philip's war, by the Mohawks, in June 1676. This person bore the same name, and may have been one of his descendants. Between twenty and thirty years before this, Mr. Williams, (the best authority on all that relates to the Narraghansetts,) writes, that "their late famous long-lived Caunnonicus so liv'd and died, and in ye same most honorable manner and solemnitie (in their way) as you laid to Sleepe your Prudent Peace-Maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honour this, their Prudent and Peaceable Prince." [FN]

[FN] Ms. Letters.