[742] The facts in the subsequent account of the progress and suppression of the Protestant Reformation in Spain are taken, in general, from the “Histoire Critique de l’Inquisition d’Espagne,” par J. A. Llorente, (Paris, 1817-1818, 4 tom., 8vo,) and the “History of the Reformation in Spain,” by Thos. McCrie, Edinburgh, 1829, 8vo.

[743] The Grand Inquisitors had always shown an instinctive desire to obtain jurisdiction over books, whether printed or manuscript. Torquemada, the fiercest, if not quite the first of them, burned at Seville, in 1490, a quantity of Hebrew Bibles and other manuscripts, on the ground that they were the work of Jews; and at Salamanca, subsequently, he destroyed, in the same way, six thousand volumes more, on the ground that they were books of magic and sorcery. But in all this he proceeded, not by virtue of his Inquisitorial office, but, as Barrientos had done forty years before, (see ante, p. 359,) by direct royal authority. Until 1521, therefore, the press remained in the hands of the Oidores, or judges of the higher courts, and other persons civil and ecclesiastical, who, from the first appearance of printing in the country, and certainly for above twenty years after that period, had granted, by special power from the sovereigns, whatever licenses were deemed necessary for the printing and circulation of books. Llorente, Hist. de l’Inquisition, Tom. I. pp. 281, 456. Mendez, Typographía, pp. 51, 331, 375.

[744] I notice in a few works printed before 1550, that the Inquisition, without formal authority, began quietly to take cognizance and control of books that were about to be published. Thus, in a curious treatise on Exchange, “Tratado de Cambios,” by Cristóval de Villalon, printed at Valladolid in 1541, 4to, the title-page declares that it had been “visto por los Señores Inquisidores”; and in Pero Mexia’s “Silva de Varia Leccion,” (Sevilla, 1543, folio,) though the title gives the imperial license for printing, the colophon adds that of the Apostolical Inquisitor. There was no reason for either, except the anxiety of the author to be safe from an authority which rested on no law, but which was already recognized as formidable. Similar remarks may be made about the “Theórica de Virtudes” of Castilla, which was formally licensed, in 1536, by Alonso Manrique, the Inquisitor-General, though it was dedicated to the Emperor, and bears the Imperial authority to print.

[745] Peignot, Essai sur la Liberté d’Écrire, Paris, 1832, 8vo, pp. 55, 61. Baillet, Jugemens des Savans, Amsterdam, 1725, 12mo, Tom. II. Partie I. p. 43. Father Paul Sarpi’s remarkable account of the origin of the Inquisition, and of the Index Expurgatorius of Venice, which was the first ever printed, Opere, Helmstadt, 1763, 4to, Tom. IV. pp. 1-67. Llorente, Hist. de l’Inquisition, Tom. I. pp. 459-464, 470. Vogt, Catalogus Librorum Rariorum, Hamburgi, 1753, 8vo, pp. 367-369. So much for Europe. Abroad it was worse. From 1550, a certificate was obliged to accompany every book, setting forth, that it was not a prohibited book, without which certificate, no book was permitted to be sold or read in the colonies. (Llorente, Tom. I. p. 467.) But thus far the Inquisition, in relation to the Index Expurgatorius, consulted the civil authorities, or was specially authorized by them to act. In 1640 this ceremony was no longer observed, and the Index was printed by the Inquisition alone, without any commission from the civil government. From the time when the danger of the heresy of Luther became considerable, no books arriving from Germany and France were permitted to be circulated in Spain, except by special license. Bisbe y Vidal, Tratado de Comedias, Barcelona, 1618, 12mo, f. 55.

[746] Cardinal Ximenes was really equal to the position these extraordinary offices gave him, and exercised his great authority with sagacity and zeal, and with a confidence in the resources of his own genius that seemed to double his power. It should, however, never be forgotten, that, but for him, the Inquisition, instead of being enlarged, as it was, twenty years after its establishment, would have been constrained within comparatively narrow limits, and probably soon overthrown. For, in 1512, when the embarrassments of the public treasury inclined Ferdinand to accept from the persecuted new converts a large sum of money, which he needed to carry on his war against Navarre,—a gift which they offered on the single and most righteous condition, that witnesses cited before the Inquisition should be examined publicly,—Cardinal Ximenes not only used his influence with the king to prevent him from accepting the offer, but furnished him with resources that made its acceptance unnecessary. And again, in 1517, when Charles V., young and not without generous impulses, received, on the same just condition, from the same oppressed Christians, a still larger offer of money to defray his expenses in taking possession of his kingdom, and when he had obtained assurances of the reasonableness of granting their request from the principal universities and men of learning in Spain and in Flanders, Cardinal Ximenes interposed anew his great influence, and—not without some suppression of the truth—prevented a second time the acceptance of the offer. He, too, it was, who arranged the jurisdiction of the tribunals of the Inquisition in the different provinces, settling them on deeper and more solid foundations; and, finally, it was this master spirit of his time who first carried the Inquisition beyond the limits of Spain, establishing it in Oran, which was his personal conquest, and in the Canaries, and Cuba, where he made provident arrangements, by virtue of which it was subsequently extended through all Spanish America. And yet, before he wielded the power of the Inquisition, he opposed its establishment. Llorente, Hist., Chap. X., Art. 5 and 7.

[747] Llorente, Tom. I. p. 419.

[748] Llorente, Tom. II. pp. 183, 184.

[749] Ibid., Tom. II., Chap. XX., XXI., and XXIV.

[750] Llorente, Tom. II., Chap. XIX., XXV., and other places.

[751] See note to Chap. XL. of this Part.

[752] Ginguené, Hist. Lit. d’ltalie, Paris, 1812, 8vo, Tom. IV. pp. 87-90; and more fully in Historia de Don Hernando Dávalos, Marques de Pescara, en Anvers, Juan Steelsio, 1558, 12mo;—a curious book, which seems, I think, to have been written before 1546, and was the work of Pedro Valles, an Aragonese. Latassa, Bib. Nueva de Escritores Aragoneses, Zaragossa, Tom. I. 4to, 1798, p. 289.

[753] The coronation of Charles V. at Bologna, like most of the other striking events in Spanish history, was brought upon the Spanish theatre. It is circumstantially represented in “Los dos Monarcas de Europa,” by Bartolomé de Salazar y Luna. (Comedias Escogidas, Madrid, 1665, 4to, Tomo XXII.) But the play is quite too extravagant in its claims, both as respects the Emperor’s humiliation and the Pope’s glory, considering that Clement VII. had so lately been the Emperor’s prisoner. As the ceremony is about to begin, a procession of priests enters, chanting,—

To which the Emperor is made to reply,—

But such things were common in Spain, and tended to conciliate the favor of the clergy for the theatre.

[754] P. de Sandoval, Hist. del Emperador Carlos V., Amberes, 1681, folio, Lib. XII. to XVIII., but especially the last book.

[755] The Dictionary of Torres y Amat contains a short, but sufficient, life of Boscan; and in Sedano, “Parnaso Español,” (Madrid, 1768-78, 12mo, Tom. VIII. p. xxxi.,) there is one somewhat more ample.

[756] Tiraboschi, Storia della Lett. Italiana, Roma, 1784, 4to, Tom. VII., Parte I. p. 242; Parte II. p. 294; and Parte III. pp. 228-230.

[757] Andrea Navagiero, Il Viaggio fatto in Spagna, etc., Vinegia, 1563, 12mo, ff. 18-30. Bayle gives an article on Navagiero’s life, with discriminating praise of his scholarship and genius.

[758] Letter to the Duquesa de Soma, prefixed to the Second Book of Boscan’s Poems.

[759] Letter to the Duquesa de Soma.

[760] It is mentioned in the permission to publish his works granted to Boscan’s widow, by Charles V., Feb. 18, 1543, and prefixed to the very rare and important edition of his works and those of his friend Garcilasso, published for the first time in the same year, at Barcelona, by Amoros; a small 4to, containing 237 leaves. This edition is said to have been at once counterfeited, and was certainly reprinted not less than six times as early as 1546, three years after its first appearance. In 1553, Alonso de Ulloa, a Spaniard, at Venice, who published many Spanish books there with prefaces of some value by himself, printed it in 18mo, very neatly, and added a few poems to those found in the first edition; particularly one, at the beginning of the volume, entitled “Conversion de Boscan,” religious in its subject, and national in its form. At the end Ulloa puts a few pages of verse, attacking the Italian forms adopted by Boscan; describing what he thus adds as by “an uncertain author.” They are, however, the work of Castillejo, and are found in Obras de Castillejo, Anvers, 1598, 18mo, f. 110, etc.

[761] Góngora, in the first two of his Burlesque Ballads, has made himself merry (Obras, Madrid, 1654, 4to, f. 104, etc.) at the expense of Boscan’s “Leandro.” But he has taken the same freedom with better things.

The Leandro was, I think, the first attempt to introduce blank verse, which was thus brought by Boscan into the poetry of Spain in 1543, as it was a little later into English, from the versi sciolti of the Italians, by Surrey, who called it “a strange meter.” Acuña soon followed in Castilian with other examples of it; but the first really good Spanish blank verse known to me is to be found in the eclogue of “Tirsi” by Francisco de Figueroa, written about half a century after the time of Boscan, and not printed till 1626. The translation of a part of the Odyssey by Perez, in 1553, and the “Sagrada Eratos” of Alonso Carillo Laso de la Vega, which is a paraphrase of the Psalms, printed at Naples in 1657, folio, afford much longer specimens that are generally respectable. But the full rhyme is so easy in Spanish, and the asonante is so much easier, that blank verse, though it has been used from the middle of the sixteenth century, has been little cultivated or favored.

[762] Boswell’s Life of Johnson, ed. Croker, London, 1831, 8vo, Tom. II. p. 501.

[763] The first edition of it is in black letter, without the name of place or printer, 4to, 140 leaves, and is dated 1549. Another edition appeared as early as 1553; supposed by Antonio to have been the oldest. It is on the Index of 1667, p. 245, for expurgation.

[764] Ginguené, Hist. Lit. d’Italie, Tom. VII. pp. 544, 550.

[765] “I have no mind,” he says in the Prólogo, “to be so strict in the translation of this book, as to confine myself to give it word for word. On the contrary, if any thing occurs, which sounds well in the original language, and ill in our own, I shall not fail to change it or to suppress it.” Ed. 1549, f. 2.

[766] “Every time I read it,” says Garcilasso in a letter to Doña Gerónima Palova de Almogovar, prefixed to the first edition, “it seems to me as if it had never been written in any other language.” This letter of Garcilasso is very beautiful in point of style.

[767] Morales, Discourse on the Castilian Language, Obras de Oliva, Madrid, 1787, 12mo, Tom. I. p. xli.

[768] Cancionero General, 1535, f. 153.

[769] Petrarca, Vita di Madonna Laura, Canz. 9 and 14. But Boscan’s imitations of them are marred by a good many conceits. Some of his sonnets, however, are free from this fault, and are natural and tender.

[770]

Obras de Boscan, Barcelona, 1543, 4to, f. clx.

[771] Pedro Fernandez de Villegas, Archdeacon of Burgos, who, in 1515, published a translation of the “Inferno” of Dante, (see ante, p. 409, n.,) says, in his Introduction, that he at first endeavoured to make his version in terza rima, “which manner of writing,” he goes on, “is not in use among us, and appeared to me so ungraceful, that I gave it up.” This was about fifteen years before Boscan wrote in it with success; perhaps a little earlier, for it is dedicated to Doña Juana de Aragon, the natural daughter of Ferdinand the Catholic, a lady of much literary cultivation, who died before it was completed.

[772] The best life of Garcilasso de la Vega is to be found in the edition of his works, Sevilla, 1580, 8vo, by Fernando de Herrera, the poet. A play, comprising no small part of his adventures, was produced in the Madrid theatre, by Don Gregorio Romero y Larrañaga, in 1840.

[773] The story and the ballad are found in Hita, “Guerras Civiles de Granada,” (Barcelona, 1737, 12mo, Tom. I. cap. 17,) and in Lope de Vega’s “Cerco de Santa Fe” (Comedias, Tom. I., Valladolid, 1604, 4to). But the tradition, I think, is not true. Oviedo directly contradicts it, when giving an account of the family of the poet’s father; and as he knew them, his authority is perhaps decisive. (Quinquagenas, Batalla I. Quin. iii. Diálogo 43, MS.) But, besides this, Lord Holland (Life of Lope, London, 1817, 8vo, Vol. I. p. 2) gives good reasons against the authenticity of the story, which Wiffen (Works of Garcilasso, London, 1823, 8vo, pp. 100 and 384) answers as well as he can, but not effectually. It is really a pity it cannot be made out to be true, it is so poetically appropriate.

[774] Sandoval, Hist. del Emperador Carlos V., Lib. V.,and Oviedo in the Dialogue referred to in the last note.

[775] Obras de Garcilasso, ed. Herrera, 1580, p. 234, and also p. 239, note.

[776] Soneto 33 and note, ed. Herrera.

[777] Elegía II. and the Epístola, ed. Herrera, p. 378.

[778] Obras, ed. Herrera, p. 18.

[779] Obras, ed. Herrera, p. 15. Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., Lib. XXIII. § 12, and Mariana, Historia, ad annum. Çapata, in his “Carlos Famoso,” (Valencia, 1565, 4to, Canto 41,) states the number of the peasants in the tower at thirteen; and says that Don Luis de la Cueva, who executed the Imperial order for their death, wished to save all but one or two. He adds, that Garcilasso was without armour when he scaled the wall of the tower, and that his friends endeavoured to prevent his rashness.

[780]

a verse afterwards borrowed by Ercilla, and used in his “Araucana.” It is equally applicable to both poets.

[781] I am aware that Herrera, in his notes to the poetry of Garcilasso, says that Garcilasso intended to represent Don Antonio de Fonseca under the name of Nemoroso. But nearly every body else supposes he meant that name for Boscan, taking it from Bosque and Nemus; a very obvious conceit. Among the rest, Cervantes is of this opinion. Don Quixote, Parte II. c. 67.

[782]

Obras de Garcilasso de la Vega, ed. Azara, Madrid, 1765, 12mo, p. 5.

Something of the same idea and turn of phrase occurs in Mendoza’s Epistle to Boscan, which will be noticed hereafter.

[783] Odyss. T. 518-524. Moschus, too, has it, and Virgil; but it is more to the present purpose to say, that it is found in Boscan’s “Leandro.”

[784]

Obras de Garcilasso de la Vega, ed. Azara, 1765, p. 14.

[785] For example,—

I know of no earlier instance of this precise rhyme, which is quite different from the lawless rhymes that sometimes broke the verses of the Minnesingers and Troubadours. Cervantes used it, nearly a century afterwards, in his “Cancion de Grisóstomo,” (Don Quixote, Parte I. c. 14,) and Pellicer, in his commentary on the passage, regards Cervantes as the inventor of it. Perhaps Garcilasso’s rhymes had escaped all notice; for they are not the subject of remark by his learned commentators. In English, instances of this peculiarity may be found occasionally amidst the riotous waste of rhymes in Southey’s “Curse of Kehama,” and in Italian they occur in Alfieri’s “Saul,” Act III. sc. 4. I do not remember to have seen them again in Spanish except in some décimas of Pedro de Salas, printed in 1638, and in the second jornada of the “Pretendiente al Reves” of Tirso de Molina, 1634. No doubt they occur elsewhere, but they are rare, I think.

[786] Francisco Sanchez—who was named at home El Brocense, because he was born at Las Brozas in Estremadura, but is known elsewhere as Sanctius, the author of the “Minerva,” and other works of learning—published his edition of Garcilasso at Salamanca, 1574, 18mo; a modest work, which has been printed often since. This was followed at Seville, in 1580, by the elaborate edition of Herrera, in 8vo, filling nearly seven hundred pages, chiefly with its commentary, which is so cumbersome, that it has never been reprinted, though it contains a good deal important, both to the history of Garcilasso, and to the elucidation of the earlier Spanish literature. Tamayo de Vargas was not satisfied with either of them, and published a commentary of his own at Madrid in 1622, 18mo, but it is of little worth. Perhaps the most agreeable edition of Garcilasso is one published, without its editor’s name, in 1765, by the Chevalier Joseph Nicolas de Azara; long the ambassador of Spain at Rome, and at the head of what was most distinguished in the intellectual society of that capital. In English, Garcilasso was made known by J. H. Wiffen, who, in 1823, published at London, in 8vo, a translation of all his works, prefixing a Life and an Essay on Spanish Poetry; but the translation is constrained, and fails in the harmony that so much distinguishes the original, and the dissertation is heavy and not always accurate in its statement of facts.

[787] Don Quixote, (Parte II. c. 58,) after leaving the Duke and Duchess, finds a party about to represent one of Garcilasso’s Eclogues, at a sort of fête champêtre.

[788] I notice that the allusions to Garcilasso by Cervantes are chiefly in the latter part of his life; namely, in the second part of his Don Quixote, in his Comedias, his Novelas, and his “Persiles y Sigismunda,” as if his admiration were the result of his matured judgment. More than once he calls him “the prince of Spanish poets”; but this title, which can be traced back to Herrera, and has been continued down to our own times, has, perhaps, rarely been taken literally.

[789] How decidedly Garcilasso rejected the Spanish poetry written before his time can be seen, not only by his own example, but by his letter prefixed to Boscan’s translation of Castiglione, where he says that he holds it to be a great benefit to the Spanish language to translate into it things really worthy to be read; “for,” he adds, “I know not what ill luck has always followed us, but hardly any body has written any thing in our tongue worthy of that trouble.” It may be noted, on the other hand, that scarcely a word or phrase used by Garcilasso has ceased to be accounted pure Castilian;—a remark that can be extended, I think, to no writer so early. His language lives as he does, and, in no small degree, because his success has consecrated it. The word desbañar, in his second Eclogue, is, perhaps, the only exception to this remark.

[790] Eleven years after the publication of the works of Boscan and Garcilasso, Hernando de Hozes, in the Preface to his “Triumfos de Petrarca,” (Medina del Campo, 1554, 4to,) says, with much truth: “Since Garcilasso de la Vega and Juan Boscan introduced Tuscan measures into our Spanish language, every thing earlier, written or translated, in the forms of verse then used in Spain, has so much lost reputation, that few now care to read it, though, as we all know, some of it is of great value.” If this opinion had continued to prevail, Spanish literature would not have become what it now is.

[791] Goujet, Bibliothèque Française, Paris, 1745, 12mo, Tom. IX. pp. 372-380.

[792] It is something like the well-known German poem “Theuerdank,” which was devoted to the adventures of Maximilian I. up to the time when he married Mary of Burgundy, and, like that, owes some of its reputation to the bold engravings with which its successive editions were ornamented. One of the best of the Cavallero Determinado is the Plantiniana, Anvers, 1591, 8vo. The account of the part—earlier unsuspected—borne by the Emperor in the composition of the Cavallero Determinado is found on pp. 15 and 16 of the “Lettres sur la Vie Intérieure de l’Empereur Charles Quint, par Guillaume Van Male, Gentilhomme de sa Chambre, publiées pour la première fois par le Baron de Reiffenberg, Bruxelles, Société des Bibliophiles Belgiques, à Bruxelles, 1843,” 4to; a very curious collection of thirty-one Latin letters, that often contain strange details of the infirmities of the Emperor from 1550 to 1555. Their author, Van Male, or Malinæus as he was called in Latin, and Malinez in Spanish, was one of the needy Flemings who sought favor at the court of Charles V. Being ill treated by the Duke of Alva, who was his first patron; by Avila y Zuñiga, whose Commentaries he translated into Latin, in order to purchase his regard; and by the Emperor, to whom he rendered many kind and faithful services, he was, like many others who had come to Spain with similar hopes, glad to return to Flanders as poor as he came. He died in 1560. He was an accomplished and simple-hearted scholar, and deserved a better fate than to be rewarded for his devotion to the Imperial humors by a present of Acuña’s manuscript, which Avila had the malice to assure the Emperor would be well worth five hundred gold crowns to the suffering man of letters;—a remark to which the Emperor replied by saying, “William will come rightfully by the money; he has sweat hard at the work,”—“Bono jure fructus ille ad Gulielmum redeat; ut qui plurimum in illo opere sudârit.” Of the Emperor’s personal share in the version of the Chevalier Délibéré Van Male gives the following account (Jan. 13, 1551):—“Cæsar maturat editionem libri, cui titulus erat Gallicus,—Le Chevalier Délibéré. Hunc per otium a seipso traductum tradidit Ferdinando Acunæ, Saxonis custodi, ut ab eo aptaretur ad numeros rithmi Hispanici; quæ res cecidit felicissimè. Cæsari, sine dubio, debetur primaria traductionis industria, cùm non solùm linguam, sed et carmen et vocum significantiam mirè expressit,” etc. Epist. vi.

A version of the Chevalier Délibéré was also made by Gerónimo de Urrea, and was printed in 1555. I have never seen it.

[793] The second edition of Acuña’s Poesías is that of Madrid, 1804, 12mo. His life is in Baena, “Hijos de Madrid,” Tom. II. p. 387; Tom. IV. p. 403.

[794]

Sedano, Parnaso Español, Tom. VII. p. 75.

[795] A few of Cetina’s poems are inserted by Herrera in his notes to Garcilasso, 1580, pp. 77, 92, 190, 204, 216, etc.; and a few more by Sedano in the “Parnaso Español,” Tom. VII. pp. 75, 370; Tom. VIII. pp. 96, 216; Tom. IX. p. 134. The little we know of him is in Sismondi, Lit. Esp., Sevilla, 1841, Tom. I. p. 381. Probably he died young. (Conde Lucanor, 1575, ff. 93, 94.) The poems of Cetina were, in 1776, extant in a MS. in the library of the Duke of Arcos, at Madrid. (Obras Sueltas de Lope de Vega, Madrid, 1776, 4to, Tom. I., Prólogo, p. ii., note.) It is much to be desired that they should be sought out and published.

In a sonnet by Castillejo, found in his attack on the Italian school, (Obras, 1598, f. 114. a) he speaks of Luis de Haro as one of the four persons who had most contributed to the success of that school in Spain. I know of no poetry by any author of this name.

[796] The little that is known of Castillejo is to be found in his Poems, the publication of which was first permitted to Juan Lopez de Velasco. Antonio says, that Castillejo died about 1596, in which case he must have been very old; especially if, as Moratin thinks, he was born in 1494! But the facts stated about him are quite uncertain, with the exception of those told by himself. (L. F. Moratin, Obras, Tom. I. Parte I. pp. 154-156.) His works were well published at Antwerp, by Bellero, in 1598, 18mo, and in Madrid, by Sanchez, in 1600, 18mo, and they form the twelfth and thirteenth volumes of the Collection of Fernandez, Madrid, 1792, 12mo, besides which I have seen editions cited of 1582, 1615, etc. His dramas are lost;—even the “Costanza,” which Moratin saw in the Escurial, could not be found there in 1844, when I caused a search to be made for it.

[797]

These poems are in a small volume of miscellanies, published at Medina del Campo, called “Inventario de Obras, por Antonio de Villegas, Vezino de la Villa de Medina del Campo,” 1565, 4to. The copy I use is of another, and, I believe, the only other, edition, Medina del Campo, 1577, 12mo. Like other poets who deal in prettinesses, Villegas repeats himself occasionally, because he so much admires his own conceits. Thus, the idea in the little décima translated in the text is also in a pastoral—half poetry, half prose—in the same volume. “Assi como dos instrumentos bien templados tocando las cuerdas del uno se tocan y suenan las del otro ellas mismas; assi yo en viendo este triste, me assoné con el,” etc. (f. 14, b.) It should be noticed, that the license to print the Inventario, dated 1551, shows it to have been written as early as that period.

[798] He is much praised for this in a poetical epistle of Luis Barahona de Soto, printed with Silvestre’s works, Granada, 1599, 12mo, f. 330.

[799] The best are his glosses on the Paternoster, f. 284, and the Ave Maria, f. 289.

[800]

Obras, Granada, 1599, 12mo, f. 69.

Ibid., f. 71.

[801] There were three editions of the poetry of Silvestre;—two at Granada, 1582 and 1599; and one at Lisbon, 1592, with a very good life of him by his editor, to which occasional additions are made, though, on the whole, it is abridged, by Barbosa, Tom. II. p. 419. Luis Barahona de Soto, the friend of Silvestre, speaks of him pleasantly in several of his poetical epistles, and Lope de Vega praises him in the second Silva of his “Laurel de Apolo.” His Poems are divided into four books, and fill 387 leaves in the edition of 1599, 18mo. He wrote also, religious dramas for his cathedral, which are lost. One single word is ordered by the Index of 1667 (p. 465) to be expurgated from his works!

[802] The Discourse follows the first edition of the “Conde Lucanor,” 1575, and is strongly in favor of the old Spanish verse. Argote de Molina wrote poetry himself, but such as he has given us in his “Nobleza” is of little value.

[803] Pastor de Filida, Parts IV. and VI.

[804] Obras Sueltas, Madrid, 1777, Tom. XI. pp. xxviii.-xxx.

[805] Lives of Mendoza are to be found in Antonio, “Bibliotheca Nova,” and in the edition of the “Guerra de Granada,” Valencia, 1776, 4to;—the last of which was written by Iñigo Lopez de Ayala, the learned Professor of Poetry at Madrid. Cerdá, in Vossii Rhetorices, Matriti, 1781, 8vo, App., p. 189, note.

[806]

Arauco Domado, Acto III., Comedias, Tom. XX. 4to, 1629, f. 95.

Gaspar de Avila, in the first act of his “Governador Prudente,” (Comedias Escogidas, Madrid, 4to, Tomo XXI., 1664,) gives even a more minute genealogy of the Mendozas than that of Lope de Vega; so famous were they in verse as well as in history.

[807] The number of editions of the Lazarillo, during the sixteenth century, in the Low Countries, in Italy, and in Spain is great; but those printed in Spain, beginning with the one of Madrid, 1573, 18mo, are expurgated of the passages most offensive to the clergy by an order of the Inquisition; an order renewed in the Index Expurgatorius, 1667. Indeed, I do not know how the chapter on the seller of indulgences could have been written by any but a Protestant, after the Reformation was so far advanced as it then was. Mendoza does not seem ever to have acknowledged himself to be the author of Lazarillo de Tórmes, which, in fact, was sometimes attributed to Juan de Ortega, a monk. Of a translation of Lazarillo into English, reported by Lowndes (art. Lazarillo) as the work of David Rowland, 1586, and probably the same praised in the Retrospective Review, Vol. II. p. 133, above twenty editions are known. Of a translation by James Blakeston, which seems to me better, I have a copy, dated London, 1670, 18mo.

[808] This continuation was printed at Antwerp in 1555, as “La Segunda Parte de Lazarillo de Tórmes,” but probably appeared earlier in Spain.

[809] Antonio, Bib. Nov., Tom. I. pp. 680 and 728. Juan de Luna is called “H. de Luna” on the title-page of his Lazarillo,—why, I do not know.