Burghley interrupted her at the point which concluded the last chapter, “not being able to contain himself, reproaching her that she had taken the name and arms of England and that she had aspired to the crown. She said that what she had done formerly in this respect was by order of King Henry II., her father-in-law, he knew well why; she said she did not wish to give them up although there was peace between them and King Henry. Although they had made peace because it was to their advantage she had not been inclined to give up her right for their profit, to renounce it to the great loss of herself and her successors without receiving anything in return. She owed them nothing, was not subject to them, nor was she their subject, nor was she now to give up a thing of such great consequence the memory of which would always have been a dishonour and blame. Burghley replied that since then she had always pretended and aspired. She said she had never given up this right and never would, and begged him before this assembly not to press her further; she wished to offend nobody, and therefore hoped he would be satisfied, for he and many of the company knew well why these things had been done, and there was no necessity to say more at present. She knew well that her enemies and those who had tried to nonsuit her had done everything they could by all unlawful means, even to attempting her life, as had been discovered in certain places, by people whom she could name if it were necessary. She did not ask for vengeance, but would leave it to Him who was the avenger of the innocent and of those who suffer in his name, under whose will and power she placed herself; she liked better the manner of Esther than of Judith, although both were approved by the Church, and she prayed God to do with her according to his good pleasure, to his honour and glory and the good of his Church, as she had ever been brought up, and for which, as she had already said, she would shed the last drop of her blood. She was not afraid of the threats of men; she was resolved to suffer and endure all that God pleased; that she would never deny Jesus Christ, knowing well that those who deny Him in this world He will deny before His father and disown them. As they read at intervals letters of Babington to Her Majesty, and hers to Babington, she denied flatly having ever seen such letters or received them, so that she could not answer them. Upon this charge they insisted, being that on which they founded all. They produced cyphered and other letters and the depositions of those who had been examined, such as Nau and Curle, to prove that she had received and answered this letter from Babington, and in consequence consented to the murder of Elizabeth. As to Ballard, who was one of the six who had undertaken the murder, Her Majesty said she had heard him spoken of, and had heard from France that he was a man of good understanding and zeal in religion, a rigid Catholic, who wished to be of use to her; that he had much intercourse with Walsingham, and that she should beware of him; she knew nothing else about him. Thereupon Walsingham got up and stood with his head uncovered, and took up the charge that Her Majesty had been warned that he did not wish her well, that he had said much against her and was her open enemy, even that he had plotted against her life, hers and her son's. He said he bore no ill-will to anyone; that he had never attempted anyone's life, protesting that he was a gentleman and a faithful servant of his mistress. Her Majesty avowed that she never thought this, and had never believed what they said; that if he had not been received in Scotland as he merited, she could not help it, and she did not think he would wish to avenge himself upon her who knew nothing about it. Of the four men on horseback who were stationed in London to come and warn her when the blow should be struck, she said she knew nothing whatever. Her Majesty owned to some cyphers. There were old ones and recent ones, but that was nothing, as many of them served for different occasions, and Morgan, who was formerly in her service, was helped by these cyphers to the intercourse he had with other princes. (This is the first time she named Morgan.) They reproached her that he was still her servant and that she gave him a pension although she knew well that he had plotted the death of Elizabeth with Pary and was still a prisoner in France. He was prosecuted and accused by Lord Derby, who was a witness, at the request of the Queen. She answered that they knew well she was not mixed up in that enterprise nor had bribed anyone. They could easily see that other people wished the Queen of England harm; if anyone had plotted against that Queen it was not her. She was very sorry Morgan had been mixed up in such a thing, but she was not responsible for his actions. She could not do less than help him in recognition of his services, which she could never forget.

“At last they changed the subject, after having insisted for a long time that Morgan was a pensioner, which she denied. She said she had merely given him money for his requirements. Of Nau and Curle they said they had writings signed, that they owned to answers of certain letters which they had always done by order of Her Majesty; that they had written nothing without communicating with her as was the custom, not allowing anything to be produced unknown to her, thus proving her direction of letters. They were written afterwards in her cabinet, where despatches were taken very often in her presence, and after having written them they read them; that she shut and sealed them always in her cabinet, and they often wished to dissuade her from these enterprises. She replied that she could not answer as to Nau and Curle what they had written about this enterprise. They had done it of themselves and not communicated with her; she entirely repudiated their evidence; that Nau, a servant of the King of France, might have undertaken something that she did not wish, and that there was intercourse she knew nothing of. Nau confessed publicly that he belonged to the King of France and not to her, and only did for her as he liked. They had many quarrels because she would not give in to him and would not instruct him; she knew well that Nau had many peculiarities, which could not be said in public, for which she was sorry, and further, that he did her great harm. She did not wish to accuse Nau and Curle; she saw quite well that what they said was under fear of death, under the promise of saving their lives, and that to do so they accused her, thinking that she could save herself better than they, never thinking that they would require to treat her in this fashion. For more than twelve months Nau had written nothing in her cabinet. He did everything, made out his despatches in his own room, for his own convenience and to be more at his ease, as Paulet and all those in the house could testify. As to Curle, if he had done anything he must have been constrained by Nau, whom he was afraid of displeasing and for quietness. At the same time she did not think that either the one or the other would have forgotten themselves so far. Being for the greater part of the time ill, she could not watch over everything and did not know much that they did but left it to Nau.

“Burghley replied that Nau was owned by the King of France as his subject, born in France; that he had been Cardinal Lorraine's secretary, but he was her sworn servant and did her commands. He had not been constrained in any way, but of his own free will had made this deposition, sworn, signed, and written by his own hand. Her Majesty replied that he was secretary to the King, and called himself his treasurer in this country; and upon this pretext he gave himself airs and was often disobedient. She ordered him in general and was answerable generally for what he did, but she was not responsible for his private actions, and would not believe that he was not forced. Feeling himself feeble and delicate, fearing torture, he thought to escape by laying it on the Queen. A criminal is not received on oath nor his affirmation believed; his oath is worth nothing. His first oath is to his master which detracts from all others, which are no longer of any value. She saw quite well that he had neither signed nor written what they affirmed he had. Then these shufflers in a rage debated and fought over this speech of the Queen like furies; all that had been said or written, all the circumstances, suspicions, and conjectures—in short, all the reasons they could imagine—were put forward to make their case good and accuse Her Majesty without her being able to answer distinctly what they said; but like madmen they went on, sometimes all together, sometimes one after the other, in order to bring out the Queen as guilty, which gave her occasion to make an eloquent speech.

“Next morning after she had returned to the hall, seated as usual, all the lords, who approached bareheaded, listened with great attention. She was permitted to speak freely, the Chancellor having allowed it in name of the assembly. She found it very strange the mode of proceeding towards her, because having made her come into this place against what was due to her rank, they had given the management of her cause to people whom they were not accustomed to employ. Her Majesty was overwhelmed by the importunity of lawyers and advocates, who seemed to indulge in the technicalities used by the petty lawyers of the towns and the chicanery that they used, rather than confine themselves to the examination of this question; and although it was promised that she would be interrogated and examined on this point alone concerning the person of Elizabeth, they rather accused her and hindered her from answering, and interrupted her, speaking and seeming to debate among themselves as to who would plead the best and distort the facts, wishing to force her to answer about what there was no question. She appealed against what had been done and what was being done against her.

“Burghley said it was quite right she should say what pleased her and what was in her power; and that those who had spoken the preceding day should have done what was necessary according to their belief; that in order to know the truth they made use of all their reasons which would serve their cause. As to her demanding another assembly to answer to, that might be provided, but they had no power to do it. He would lead them and cause them to speak or be silent as he wished. Upon this we hoped they would not continue long, because the greater part of the lords had come to the assembly booted and some in their riding habits. At the same time we were in doubt as to what verdict they might give before their departure.

“The next morning was employed in the reading of letters as on the preceding day, for the most part concerning the displacing of the Queen of England by foreigners; the intercourse of Her Majesty with Christian princes, and her deliverance from prison, all of which had been already discussed. Her Majesty said if they wished to deliver her from prison she was willing, but she did not know the means by which they might proceed; that her hands were tied, she could do nothing. Many times she had proposed an agreement for the utility and profit of her kingdom. She had advanced these offers so far that she had been suspected and blamed by the Christian princes and in danger of excommunication, having done more and offered more than was approved of, and what in reality was contrary to Catholic interests; that she had often submitted on condition that they would finish on their side what had been proposed, but they refused her offers, so her submission was conceded. She tried to do what she could for the best, and appealed to Beale, Mildmay, Sir Ralph Sadler, and the gentlemen of the Council, as witnesses; also Somers, if he had been present. All had to do with her affairs; she had often warned them of what might happen, as she was not responsible, and she had told them if anything happened they would blame her; but foreseeing all that, she had repudiated responsibility long ago.

“When the commissioners read, and wondered at her confession of correspondence, she silenced them by telling them it was not their business to speak of the affairs of princes. Did they not understand that princes had secret correspondents? and it could not be otherwise. Burghley did not blame her for this, and did not wish to enter into it, but said if such a number of soldiers as was spoken of had come into the country as the King of Spain, the Pope, and M. Guise thought of sending, what opinion would she have had of them, and would she have been willing to answer for the life of the King and the state of the country; and would not the country have been in danger of falling into the hands of foreigners? She said she did not know what were their intentions, but she was certain they might have done something for her, and if she could have employed them she could have formulated some agreement, as she several times offered to do. They ought not thus to reject her, and if they lost her they would experience more harm than profit, and put themselves in danger of what was being done by foreigners. She knew nothing and wished for nothing but her deliverance. Burghley again told her that the death of the Queen and principal lords and councillors had been plotted; that her friends had talked of setting fire to Chartley and killing her guards; they were to enter England by all sides and harbours of the kingdom; that all the Catholics were to rise, were to put Her Majesty in place of Elizabeth; that they already called her their Queen and their Sovereign, and that the Pope had sent bulls to deliver the kingdom from the illegitimate usurper; that they made public prayers in Rome for Her Majesty as their legitimate Queen; that the King of Spain and the Pope furnished ships, men, and money to invade the kingdom; that already there had been a revolt in Ireland which by the grace of God their mistress had subdued, and had had a victory over her enemies. This plot was to take the King of Scotland and give him to foreigners and Catholics in order to dispose of him afterwards, and that Her Majesty had offered her rights to the King of Spain. To all these things he said she was a consenting party, as they found by the letters discovered and read publicly, addressed to Mendoza, Ambassador of Spain, to Lord Paget, who was in Spain, to the Ambassador of France in London, and others. Her Majesty answered that she knew nothing of murder or any attempt against the life of anyone or of a plot or invasion of the kingdom; that as she had already said, she had warned her friends that they must take care lest they undertook some such enterprise. They were doing something, she knew not what; they had always hidden it from her, knowing she would not consent, and they were afraid of doing her harm; that they may have made use of her name to authorise their plan, to render it stronger, but that no letter was found written with her own hand signed, nor could they produce anyone who had seen or received it, or had communicated or spoken with her. Besides, they knew when she was in her kingdom she had never molested anyone about their religion, trying always to win by mildness and clemency. It had been the cause of her ruin, her subjects becoming proud and abusing the good treatment she had given them. They complained that they had not been so well as they had been under her government. They were formerly in the hands of a traitor and tyrant, the Earl of Morton, who had tyrannised over them till the very end. Since the death of Morton they were scarcely any better, having been almost always in subjection to the English, and others who were traitors to their country. Of all that the foreign princes had undertaken or done on her behalf she washed her hands and had nothing to say. As to Chartley, she said she knew nothing; she had not heard of setting fire to it, but they had promised to deliver her, and owned that if the foreign princes had assembled it was to take her out of prison, from which she could not go without armed men to receive, defend, and conduct her; and if the Catholics had offered assistance, it was for their own interests. Being so wickedly treated, vexed, and afflicted in this kingdom, they had fallen into despair, wishing rather to die than live longer under such persecution; but so far as she was concerned, she knew nothing of it. They would be none the better of afflicting either them or her; she was only one person, and although she were dead neither the Catholics nor foreign princes would keep quiet if the English did not cease their persecutions. As regards taking the place of the Queen, the letters they had read in this assembly answered sufficiently for this if they would own it, because they declared expressly that she desired neither honour nor kingdom, and no schemes on her account. She only cared for the Catholics and the kingdom of God. She desired the deliverance of the former and the defence of the latter. They did not see that what they reproached her for was as to her justification, and she proved the contrary of what they laid to her charge, as was evident by the letters. She could not hinder her friends from sending her such letters as seemed good to them; that they knew in their conscience what they had done, but if they spoke as they wished, and desired her to be delivered, she could not blame them; and it was not for her to hinder them. It was not for her to reform the Pope. She thanked him and all Christian people, every nation and Catholic assembly, for the prayers they offered daily for her, and begged them to continue. As to the bull, she had offered to hinder the execution of it, and desired that the Pope should do nothing. Upon which Burghley asked if she had really power to do so; that in England they cared nothing for it, and took no account of the Pope or his doings. She asked them to cease persecuting the Catholics, and she would do much to appease the troubles into which they were in danger of falling. Burghley said that no Catholic had been punished for his religion, to which Her Majesty replied that in all places and every day they were banished and exiled, fugitive and wandering here and there to hide themselves, and the prisons of England were full of them; in short, they were made guilty of treason. Some did not wish to serve or do the behests of the Queen, being contrary and repugnant to their religion; others of them would not recognise the Queen as head of the Church. They had been treated so cruelly that they died, and she could see they wished her also to die by accusing her of things of which she was entirely innocent in order to make out what they had resolved. It was no use troubling her further with these letters and papers, as she would not answer them and they were only wasting their time. It was not for her to render an account of her affairs and the correspondence she had had with Christian princes. She was allied to them and had been under their protection. Burghley said that if it pleased her she could now retire, and they would remain to finish the commission. She replied that she declared herself a faithful and humble servant of Almighty God, ready and willing to obey his commands and those of his Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church. It did not belong to them to resist or blame what she did, as she was guided by the Holy Spirit as God had promised to her; that as she was given the title of Queen they must not accuse her for that, since it was not she who took it, but the Catholic Church and the Christian princes who esteemed her legitimate. They knew well that this was her right, although they hid it, making special statutes and laws to meet her case, showing that they thought she could aspire to it, and that their object was to dispossess her as a Catholic princess. They must cease this procedure, for she had made it sufficiently clear that she cared not for it herself, but she would not allow it to be lost for those who came after her. The troubles in Ireland showed it was not for this that they revolted. They knew well they were subject to her. That country never had been peaceable, inasmuch as they wished her for their Queen. A certain book had been published in Ireland by Catholics desiring that the right to the crown should be changed to some other than her because they had little hope that she would get out of prison. She was growing old, sickly, and not likely to live long. As to her son, he belonged to her and the Queen of England, and she could do what seemed best to her; she was sorry they had taken so much care to make a league with him, separating the son from the mother and assisting him against her, and keeping him under the government of young people like Gray, who had been a traitor, and others who knew nothing about the government of a kingdom, furnishing him with money and making him Elizabeth's pensioner. He was ill-advised to let himself be so subject to his enemies on account of money received from them.

Burghley answered that her son was not a pensioner; that his mistress had given him some money in order to get on with; that he had little money, as it was given him to meet his engagements. He said there was no mention of the King of France in the league; that her son had done well to enter into Elizabeth's friendship; that they had always defended him, and Elizabeth liked him, and they had not separated him from his mother. Her Majesty said she knew well all about it. As to the King of Spain, she had great respect for him, and to tell the truth, she had found nobody who had troubled her with such goodwill, and he had often aided her in her affairs, and she relied more on him than on anyone else. There was also some talk of the Jesuits who had been in Scotland troubling the State and religion, and of a Dr. Loges, whom they called traitor, with whom Her Majesty was in correspondence. She called him reverend father, and he acknowledged her as his lawful Sovereign. She said the Jesuits did their office when they preached and laboured to restore the Catholic Church. To counsel and comfort afflicted Christians was their duty, and she esteemed them good people. She protested that she did not wish harm to any of the commissioners for what they had said and done against her, and there was not one of them to whom she did not desire good, and apart, before two or three Lords, she explained what they had touched upon as to the deposition of her secretary. She had some conversation with Walsingham in private, who did not show that he remembered much of what she had said. At last she told him her cause was in the hands of God. And Her Majesty, to gratify the commissioners, in passing out of the hall turned to them and with a pleasant mien said, 'You have behaved severely with your charges, and have treated me pretty rudely for a person who is not learned in the laws of chicanery. May God pardon you and keep me from having much to do with you.' They turning to each other smiled, as did also Her Majesty.” This was an extraordinary rebuke to the commissioners, and it is unfortunate we have not a full report of the trial, in order to see the treatment the Queen so keenly resented, treatment that must have been disgraceful to call forth such a rebuke. The proceedings terminated, and the commissioners returned to London.

In order that the reader may comprehend the situation it will be necessary to reproduce the two letters in connection with the Babington Conspiracy (referred to on page 213) on which Mary's trial was founded. The letters in italics are the interpolations.

Babington to the Queen of Scots, July 1586:—

“May it please your gracious Majesty to admit excuse of my long silence and discontinuance from those dutiful offices intercepted upon the removal of your royal person from the ancient place of your abode to the custody of a wicked Puritan and mere Leicestrian, a mortal enemy both by faith and faction to your Majesty and to the Catholic estate. I held the hope of our country's weal depending on the life of your Majesty to be desperate, and therefore resolved to depart the realm, determined to spend the remainder of my life in such solitary manner as the miserable and wretched state of my country doth require; only expecting, according to the just judgment of God, the present confusion thereof, which God for His mercy's sake prevent. The which my purpose being in execution, and standing upon my departure, there was addressed to me from the parts beyond the seas by one Ballard, a man of virtue and learning, and of singular zeal in the Catholic cause and your Majesty's service. This man informed me of great preparations by the Christian princes, your Majesty's allies, for the deliverance of our country from the extreme and miserable state wherein for a long time it hath remained; which, when I understood, my special desire was to advise by what means I might, with the regard of my life and all my friends in general, do your Majesty one day's good service. Whereupon, according to the great care which these princes have of the preservation and safe deliverance of your Majesty's sacred person, I advised of means and considered of circumstances accordingly, to and with so many of the wisest and most trusty so as with safety I might commend the secrecy thereof. I do find, by the assistance of the Lord Jesus, assurance of good effect and much fruit of our travail. These things are first to be advised in this great and honourable action, upon the issue of which dependeth not only the life of your Majesty, which God long preserve to our inestimable comfort, and to the salvation of English souls and the lives of all actors therein, but also the honour and weal of our country, far more dear than our lives unto us, and the last hope to recover the faith of our forefathers, and to redeem ourselves from the servitude and bondage which heretofore hath been imposed upon us with the loss of many thousand souls. First, for the assuring of invasions sufficient strength on the invaders' part to arrive is appointed, with a strong party at every place to join with them and warrant their landing, the deliverance of your Majesty, the despatch of the usurping competitor. For the effecting of it all may it please your Majesty to rely upon my service. I protest before the Almighty, who hath long miraculously preserved your royal person, no doubt to some universal good, that what I have said shall be performed or all our lives happily lost in the execution thereof. Which vow all the chief actors have taken solemnly, and are, upon assurance by your Majesty to me, to receive the blessed sacrament therefrom, either to prevail in the Church's behalf and your Majesty's, or fortunately to die for so honourable a cause. Now, forasmuch as delays are extremely dangerous, it might please your Majesty by your wisdom to direct us, and by your princely authority to enable us and such as may advance the affairs; foreseeing there is not any of the nobility at liberty assured to your Majesty in this desperate service but those unknown to us; and seeing it is very necessary that some there should be to become heads to lead the multitude who are disposed by nature in this land to follow nobility; considering withal it doth not only make the commons and country to follow without contradiction, which is ever found in equality, but also doth add great courage to the leaders. For which necessary purposes I would recommend some to your Majesty as are fittest in my knowledge to be your lieutenants in the west parts, in the north parts, South Wales and North Wales, the counties of Lancaster, Derby, and Stafford. In all which counties parties being already made and fidelity taken in your Majesty's name, I hold them as most assured and of undoubted fidelity. Myself, with ten gentlemen of quality and one hundred followers, will undertake the delivery of your person from the hands of your enemies; and for the despatch of the usurper, from obedience of whom, by the excommunication of her, we are made free, there be six noble gentlemen, all my private friends, who, for the zeal they bear the Catholic cause and your Majesty's service, will undertake the tragical execution. It followeth that, according to their infinite deserts and your Majesty's bounty, their heroic attempts may be honourably rewarded in them, if they escape with life, or in their posterity; and that so much by your Majesty's authority I may be able to assure them. Now it remaineth only in your Majesty's wisdom that it be reduced into method that your happy deliverance be first, for on that dependeth the only good, and that the other circumstances concur—that the untimely end of the one do not overthrow the rest, all which your Majesty's wonderful experience and wisdom will dispose in so good manner as I doubt not, through God's good assistance, shall take deserved effect; for the obtaining of which every one of us shall think his life most happily spent. Upon the 12th day of this month I will be at Lichfield, expecting your Majesty's answers and letters, to execute what by them shall be commanded.—Your Majesty's faithful subject and sworn servant,

“Anthony Babington.”

Mary's alleged answer to Babington: Chartley, 17th July 1586:—

“According to the zeal and entire affection which I have known in you towards the common cause of religion, and since having always made account of you as a principal and right worthy member to be employed both in the one and in the other, it hath been no less consolation unto me to know your estate, as I have done by your last letter, and to have further means to renew my intelligence with you, than I have felt griefs all this while past to be without the same. I pray you, therefore, to write unto me hereafter, so often as you can, of all concurrents which you may judge in any sort important to the good of mine affairs, wherein I shall not fail to correspond, with all the care and diligence possible. For divers considerations, too long to be dealt with here, I cannot but greatly praise and commend your common desire to prevent in time the design of our enemies for the extirpation of our religion out of this realm with the ruin of us all; for I have long ago showed to the foreign Catholic princes what they have done against the King of Spain, and in the time the Catholics here, remaining exposed to all persecutions and cruelty, do daily diminish in number, forces, means, and power, so as, if remedy be not speedily provided, I fear not a little but that they shall become altogether unable for ever to rise again to receive any aid at all when it is offered. Then, for my own part, I pray you assure our principal friends that, albeit I had no particular interest in this case, that all that I may pretend unto being of no consideration to me in respect of the public good of the State, I shall be always ready and most willing to employ therein my life, and all that I have or may look for in this world. Now, to ground substantially this enterprise, and to bring it to good success, you must examine duly (1) what forces, as well on foot as on horse, you may raise among you all, and what captain you shall appoint for them in every shire, in case a general cannot be had; (2) which towns, ports, and havens you may assure yourselves, as well as the north, west, and south, to receive succour as well from the Low Countries, Spain, and France, as from other parts; (3) what place you esteem fittest and of most advantage to assemble the principal company of your forces at the same time, which would be compassed conform to the proportion of your own; (4) for how long pay and munition, and what ports are fittest for their landing in this realm from the foresaid three foreign countries; (5) what provision of moneys and armour, in case you should want, you would ask; (6) by what means do the six gentlemen deliberate to proceed; (7) the manner of my getting forth of this hotel—which points having taken amongst you who are the principal actors, and also as few in number as you can, the best resolution in my opinion is that you impart the same with all diligence to Mendoza, Ambassador to the King of Spain in France, who, besides the experience he hath of the estate on this side, I may assure you will employ himself most willingly. I shall not fail to write to him of the matter with all the recommendations I can, as also I shall do in any way that shall be needful. But you must take choice men for managing the affair with Mendoza and others out of the realm, of some faithful and very secret both in wisdom and personage, unto whom only you must commit yourselves, to the end things may be kept the more secret, which, for your own security, I commend to yourself. If your messenger bring you back again sure promise and sufficient assurance of the succours which you demand, then thereafter (but not sooner, as it would be in vain) take diligent order that all those on your part make, secretly as they can, provision of armour, fit horses, and ready money, wherewith to hold themselves in readiness to march so soon as it shall be signified to you by the chief and principal of every shire, reserving to the principals the knowledge of the ground of the enterprise. It shall be enough at the beginning to give it out to the rest that the said provisions are made only for the fortifying of yourselves, in case of need, against the Puritans of this realm, the principal whereof, having the chief forces thereof in the Low Countries, as you may let the report go disguised, do seek the ruin and overthrow on their return home of the Catholics, and to usurp the crown, not only against me and all other lawful pretenders thereto, but against their own Queen that now is, if she will not altogether submit herself to their government. These pretexts may serve to found and establish among all associations or confederations what is done only for your preservation and defence, as well in religion as lands, lives, and goods, against the oppression and attempts of the said Puritans, without directly giving or writing out anything against the Queen, but rather showing yourselves willing to maintain her and her lawful heirs after her, not naming me. The affairs being thus prepared and forces in readiness both within and without the realm, then shall it be time to set the gentlemen on work, taking good order upon the accomplishment of their design. I may be suddenly transported out of this place, and meet without tarrying for the arrival of the foreign aid which thus must be hastened with all diligence, now for that there can be no certain day appointed for the accomplishment of the said gentlemen's design, to the end others may be in readiness to take me from hence. I would that the said gentlemen had always about them, or at least at court, divers and sundry scout men, furnished with good and speedy horses, as soon as the design shall be executed, to come with all diligence to advise me thereof, and those who shall be appointed for my transporting; to the end that immediately after they may be at the place of my abode, before my keeper can have notice of the execution of the said design, or at the least before he can fortify himself within the house, or carry me out of the same. It were necessary to despatch two or three of the said advertisers by divers ways, to the end if one be stayed the other may come through; at the same instant were needful to try to cut off the posts ordinary ways.

“This is the plot that I consider best for this enterprise, and the order whereby we shall conduct the same for our common security; for stirring on this side before you be sure of sufficient foreign forces, that were for nothing but to put ourselves in danger of following the miserable fortune of such as have heretofore laboured in the like actions; and if you take me out of this place, be well assured to set me in the midst of a good army, or some very good strength, where I may safely stay till the assembly of your forces and arrival of the said foreign succours. It were sufficient cause given to the Queen, in catching me again, to enclose me in some hold, out of the which I should never escape, if she did use me no worse, and to pursue with all extremity those who assisted me, which would grieve me more than all the unhappiness that would fall upon myself. Earnestly as you can, look and take heed most carefully and vigilantly, to compass and assure all so well that shall be necessary for the effecting of the said enterprise, as with the grace of God you may bring the same to a happy end, remitting to the judgment of your principal friends on this side with whom you have to deal, therein to ordain and conclude upon these points, which may serve you for an overture of such propositions as you shall amongst you find best; and to yourself in particular I refer the gentlemen aforenamed, to be assured of all that should be requisite for the entire execution of their plans. I have their common resolution to advise: in case the design do not take hold, as may happen whether they will or no, do not pursue my transport, and the execution of the rest of the enterprise. But if the mishap should fall out that you might not come by me, being set in the Tower of London, or in any other strength with strong guard, yet, notwithstanding, delay not, for God's sake, to proceed with the enterprise; for I shall at any time die most contentedly, understanding of your delivery out of the servitude wherein you are holden as slaves. I shall endeavour, at the same time that the work shall be in hand, to make the Catholics of Scotland rise and put my son in their hands, to the effect that from thence our enemies may not prevail by any aid from others. I would also that some stirring were in Ireland, and that it were begun some time before anything be done here, and then that the alarm might arise thereby on the direct contrary side. That the blow may come from your designs is very pertinent; and therefore were it good to send privately to the Earl of Arundel or some of his brethren, and likewise to seek the young Earl of Northumberland, if he be at liberty from over the sea; the Earl of Westmoreland may be had, whose hand and name you know may do much in the north; also the Lord Paget, of good ability, in some counties there. Both the one and the other may be had, amongst whom secretly some of the principal banished may return, if the enterprise be once resolute. Lord Paget is now in Spain, and may treat of all that by his brother Charles, or directly by himself, what you commit unto him. Beware that none of your messengers that you send forth of the realm carry any letters upon themselves; but write their despatches, and send them either after or before them by some others. Take heed of spies and false brethren that are amongst you, specially of some priests already educated by your enemies for your discovery; and in any case keep never a paper about you that may in any sort do harm, for from like errors has come the condemnation of all such as have suffered heretofore, against whom otherwise nothing could justly have been proved. Disclose as little as you can of your names and intentions to the French Ambassador in London; for although he is a very honest gentleman, yet I fear his master entertaineth a course far contrary to our designs, which may induce him to discover us, if he had any particular knowledge thereof. All this while, I have tried to change and remove from this house, and for answer the Castle of Dudley only hath been named to serve the turn; so as by appearance about the end of this summer I may go thither. Therefore advise me, as soon as I shall be there, what provision may be had for my escape from thence. If I stay here there is but one of three ways to be looked for: First, that at a certain day appointed for my going abroad on horseback, on the moors between this and Stafford, where ordinarily you know but few people pass, let fifty or sixty horsemen, well mounted and armed, come to take me away, as they may easily, my keeper having with him but eighteen or twenty horse, armed only with pistols. Secondly, to come at midnight or soon after, and set fire to the barns and stables, which you know are near the house; and, whilst my guardian's servants come forth to the fire, your company, having duly on a mark whereby they may be known one from another, some of you may surprise the house, where I hope, with the few servants I have around me, I shall be able to give your people aid. Thirdly, some there be shall bring carts hither early in the morning. These carts may be so prepared that, being in the midst of the great gate, the carts might fall down or overthrow; that thereupon you might come suddenly and make yourselves master of the house, and carry me suddenly away; so you might easily do before any number of soldiers who lodge in sundry places, some half a mile and some a mile away, could come to relieve. Whatever issue the matter taketh, I do and shall think myself obliged, so long as I live, towards you for the offers you make to hazard yourself as you do for my deliverance; and by any means that ever I may have, I shall do my endeavour to recompense you as you deserve. I have ordered a more complete alphabet to be made for you, which you will herewith receive. May the Almighty God protect you.

Marie R.”