The proclamation regarding Moray's Rebellion is a document that is not usually included in the biographies of Queen Mary. This proclamation was the result of Moray and Morton's conduct in opposing to the very last Mary's marriage with Darnley and taking steps to create a rebellion in the kingdom. The Queen keenly resented this conduct, and although her position and influence were much stronger than that of the rebels, these two nobles were vindictive, unforgiving, and tyrannical to a degree. They both led the conspiracy which resulted in Darnley's murder, and Morton was the man who behaved so treasonably and disgracefully at Carberry Hill and betrayed the Queen, an event which was followed by all her troubles.

We also give the text of the two fabricated documents—the Abdication and the Procuratory—signed by her at Lochleven on 24th July 1567, when Lord Lindsay of the Byres committed the outrage on the Queen by forcing himself into her bedchamber and compelling her to sign these papers under pain of death.

The letters in the handwriting of Phillips the spy, as also the text of Queen Mary's Will, are reproduced as being rather uncommon papers.

Queen Mary's Devices and Mottoes, which once adorned her private apartments, have, very fortunately for posterity, been carefully deposited in the State Paper Office. They have been specially translated for this volume, and must be admitted to be very ingenious and very curious, and full of pathetic interest. The translation was difficult on account of the age and obscurity of the text; but in their new form they are an invaluable addition to the history of the Queen.

Queen Mary and her First Parliament

Letter from Randolph to the Earl of Rutland 10th June 1563 at Edinburgh:—

“Her Grace has now held her Parliament, the solemnity whereof hath been very great. On the 26th May her Grace rode to the Parliament House in this order:—gentlemen, barons, lords, and earls in their order; after these the trumpeters and such other music as they had; next the heralds; then the Earl of Moray, who carried the sword, the Earl of Argyll the sceptre, and the Duke the regalia. Then followed the Queen in her Parliament robes and a very fair rich crown upon her head. There followed Her Grace the noblemen's wives as these were in dignity, twelve in number; after them the four Maries, demoiselles of honour, or the Queen's minions, call them as pleases your honour, but a fairer sight was never seen. These being the principals, sixteen, there followed them as many more so wonderful in beauty that I know not what court may be compared to them. The choice, I assure your lordship, that day was there of the whole realm. Having taken her place in Parliament, and silence being commanded, the Queen delivered, with a singular good grace, an oration short and very pretty, of which I send your lordship a copy. I am sure she made it herself, and she deserved great praise for delivering the same. I had that day the honour to escort Her Grace to the Parliament House and to be present at the whole solemnities during the time she was there. That day there was little done.”

Queen Mary's Proclamation anent Religion,
Edinburgh, 25th August 1561

“Forasmuch as the Queen's Majesty has understood the great inconvenience that may come by the division presently standing in this realm in matters of religion, that Her Majesty is desirous to see pacified by an order to the honour of God and tranquillity of her realm, and means to adopt the same by the advice of her Estates as soon as convenient may be. Her Majesty's resolution may be greatly hindered if any tumult or sedition be raised among the lieges. Therefore Her Majesty ordains letters to be directed charging all and sundry by open proclamation at the Mercat Cross of Edinburgh and other places, that the lieges continue in quietness, keep peace and civil society among themselves. In the meantime while the Estates of her realm may be assembled, and Her Majesty having taken a final order by their advice and consent, which Her Majesty hopes will be for the good of all—that none of them take on themselves publicly or privately to make any alteration or innovation on the state of religion, or attempt anything against the form which Her Majesty found universally observed on her arrival in this realm, under pain of death; with certification that if any subject violate this order he shall be held to be a seditious person and a raiser of tumult, and the said penalty shall be executed upon him with all rigour, as an example to others,—Her Majesty by the advice of the Lords of her Secret Council commands and charges her lieges that none of them take upon themselves to molest or trouble any of her domestic servants or any person who has come from France in her company, in word, deed, or countenance, or any cause whatever, either within her palace or outside of it, or make any division amongst them on any colour or pretence, under pain of death. Albeit Her Majesty is sufficiently persuaded that her good and loving subjects would do the same for the reverence they bear to her person and authority even if no such command were published.”

Second Proclamation,
St. Andrews, 16th March 1562

“Forasmuch as our Sovereign Lady remembering that soon after her arrival in this realm, understanding the great inconvenience that might follow by the differences in matters of religion, and being desirous to see the same pacified by a good order to the honour of God and tranquillity of the realm, directed letters, proclamations, and charges throughout the realm, straightly commanding her lieges that they should continue in quietness and keep peace and civil society among themselves. In the meantime the Estates might be assembled and a final order by their advice and consent might be taken in the matter that none of the lieges shall take in hand privately or openly to make any alteration on the state of religion, or attempt anything against the form which Her Majesty found publicly and universally observed on her arrival, under pain of death. With certification that if any violate this order he shall be held to be a seditious person and a raiser of tumult. Albeit the same was duly proclaimed so that none can pretend ignorance thereof. Nevertheless, some forgetting their duty, are reported to have contravened, and intend purposely to contravene, the same by innovation of the religion and ministration of the sacraments otherwise than the public form aforesaid. Such contravention if it be allowed to proceed unpunished may not only engender contempt for our authority, but raise tumult and sedition within the realm, to the hindrance of Her Majesty's good intentions for restoring peace in such matters. Her Majesty ordains open proclamation to be made at the Mercat Cross of all burghs of this realm, that they as far as in them lies endeavour to observe and keep the said former proclamation in every point and condition; that none of them presume to do anything that may tend to the violation thereof, under the penalty contained in the same, certifying them that as Her Majesty most lovingly will embrace all her subjects obeying her commands, so can she not of her honour and duty but hate and punish the transgressors thereof, specially where the matter concerns the keeping of good order, of which they may assure themselves when they shall feel the same and obtain the reward due to those who depart from their Sovereign's obedience.”

Confirmation of the foregoing proclamation; Holyrood, 30th June 1564:—

“The Queen ordains the Keeper of her Signet to pass letters of the date hereof according to the ordinance made by her grace at St. Andrews, 16th March 1562, touching the matter of religion and the keeping of civil society among her subjects, nowise adding thereto or diminishing the same in any of its conditions; keeping this present Act for his warrant as he will answer to Her Majesty therefor.”

Third Proclamation,
22nd August 1565

“The King and Queen remembering that soon after Her Majesty's arrival great inconvenience arose by differences in matters of religion, and being desirous to see the same pacified, directed letters, proclamations, and charges throughout the realm, commanding the lieges not to make any alteration on the state of religion or attempt anything against the form which Her Majesty found prevailing on her arrival, under pain of death; with certification that if any should act contrary to this he should be regarded as a seditious person and raiser of tumult. The same has been divers times duly proclaimed, so that none can pretend ignorance. Nevertheless, some forgetting their duty, it is reported that they have contravened, and intend to contravene, the same by introducing the religion and ministration of the sacraments otherwise than by the public form observed on Her Majesty's arrival. Others have already disobeyed their Majesties' commands and are denounced rebels and put to the horn. To cover their rebellion they endeavour to persuade the lieges to believe that their Majesties in prosecuting the rebels mean nothing else but the plain subversion of the state of religion as aforesaid. By such false reports they alienate the lieges from their loyalty. For eschewing of which false report their Majesties ordain letters to be directed to officers of the King and Queen, etc., charging all and sundry their lieges that they endeavour to observe and obey the former proclamation, and that none presume to attempt anything that may tend to the violation and breaking thereof under the penalty contained in the same.”

Proclamation Touching Moray's Rebellion

Declaration by the King and Queen, 3rd September 1565:—

“Forasmuch as in this uproar lately raised against us by certain rebels and others to blind the eyes of the simple people, we have given them to understand that the quarrel they had in hand was only religion, thinking with that cloak to cover their other ungodly designs. And so under pretence of that plausible argument to draw after them a large following of ignorant persons. Now, for preservation of our lieges whose cases were to be pitied if they blindly should be trapped in so dangerous a snare, it has pleased God, by the utterance of their own mouths and writings to us, to discover the poison that before lay hid in their hearts; albeit to persons of clear judgment the same was evident before. For what other thing might move the principal raisers of this tumult to put themselves in arms against us so unnaturally, upon whom we had bestowed so many benefits. The great honour we did to them, being thereof most unworthy, made them to misknow themselves, and their insatiable ambition could not be satisfied with heaping riches upon riches, and honour upon honour, unless they might receive in their hands ourselves and our whole realm, to be led, used, and disposed at their pleasure. But of this the multitude could not perceive if God, for disclosing of their hypocrisy, had not compelled them to utter their unreasonable desire to govern. For now, by letters sent from themselves to us, they make plain confession that the establishing religion will not content them, but we must perforce be governed by such counsel as shall please them to give us, a thing so far beyond all reason that we think the mere mention of such a demand is sufficient to make their nearest kinsfolk their mortal enemies. What is this but in a manner to invert the order of nature, to make the prince obey, the subject to command? The like was never demanded of any of our noble progenitors, nor of governors or regents. The princes ever chose their counsel of such as they thought most fit. When we ourselves were of less age, and on our first arrival in the realm, we had free choice of counsel at our pleasure. Now, when we are at our full majority, shall we be brought back to the state of pupilage and minority, or be put under tutelage?

“So long as some of them bore the whole swing with us, this matter was never called in question; but now, when they cannot be permitted to do and undo all things at their own pleasure, they will put a bridle on our mouths and give us counsel after their own fantasy. This is the quarrel of religion they made you believe they had in hand; this is the quarrel for which they would have you hazard your lives, lands, and goods, in company with certain rebels against your natural princes; or, in plain language, they would be kings themselves, leaving us the bare name and title, taking to themselves the whole use and administration of the kingdom.

“We have thought good to make publication hereof so that you suffer not yourselves to be deceived under pretence of religion to follow them, who, preferring their own advancement to the public good, would, if ye hearken to their voice, draw you after them to your utter destruction. Assuring you that as we have hitherto had good experience of our clemency, and under our rule enjoyed in peace the possession of your goods and liberty of conscience, so may ye be in full assurance of the like hereafter, and have us always your good and loving princess as many as shall continue in due obedience and do the office of faithful and natural subjects.

“St. Andrews, 3rd September 1565.”

Fabricated Abdication of Queen Mary

“Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of Scots, to all and sundry, our judges and ministers of our laws, lieges and all to whom it effeirs, to whose knowledge these our letters shall come, greeting:—Forasmuch as after long, great, and intolerable pains and labours taken by us since our arrival in the realm for the government thereof, and keeping of the lieges in quietness, we have not only been vexed in our spirit, body, and senses, but altogether so wearied thereof, that our ability and strength of body is not able longer to endure the same. Therefore and because nothing earthly can be more comfortable and happy to us, or in our lifetime to see our most dear son the native prince of this our realm, placed in the kingdom thereof, and the crown royal set on his head; we of our own free will and special motive have demitted and renounced the government, guiding, and governing of this our realm of Scotland, lieges, and subjects thereof, in favour of our said son; to the effect that in all time coming he may peaceably and quietly enjoy the same without trouble and be obeyed as native king and prince of the same by the lieges thereof. And understanding by reason of his youth he is not able in his own person to administer in his kingly government as equity requires until hereafter he come to the years of discretion; and also knowing the proximity of blood standing between our son and our dearest brother James, Earl of Bothwell, Lord Abernethy, etc., and having experience of the natural affection and kindly love he has in all times borne and presently bears towards us, honour and estate of our said son, of whose love and favour towards him we cannot but assure ourselves to whom no greater honour, joy, nor felicity on earth can come than to see him inaugurated in his kingdom, feared, reverenced, and obeyed by the lieges thereof. In respect whereof and of the certainty and notoriety of the honesty, ability, qualification, and sufficiency of our said dearest brother to have the care and control of our dearest son, realm, and lieges foresaid, during our son's minority, we have made, named, appointed, constituted, and ordained, and by these our letters, name, appoint, make, constitute, and ordain our said dearest brother James, Earl of Moray, regent to our said dearest son, realm, and lieges foresaid, during his minority and until he be of the age of seventeen years, and that our dearest brother be called during the said space regent to our son, realm, and lieges; so that our son after completing the years foresaid in his own person may take upon him the government, and use and exercise all and sundry privileges, honours, and other immunities that appertain to the office of a king, as well in governing his realm and people according to the laws, as in repressing the violence of such as would invade or unjustly resist him, or their or his royal authority; with power to our dearest brother James, Earl of Moray, in name, authority, and on behalf of our said most dearest son, to receive surrenders of whatever lands are holden of him, or of offices, castles, towers, fortalices, fishings, woods, benefices whatsoever; the same again in our son's name to give and deliver signatories thereupon, and upon the gifts of words, release of lands, marriages of heirs, falling, or shall happen to fall, into our son's hands as superior thereof; and also upon presentation of lands, benefices, escheat of goods movable and immovable, debts and tacks, reports and remissions; and upon the disposition of offices vacant or when they shall become vacant; to subscribe and cause to pass the Seals. The said office of regent to use and exercise in all things, privileges and commodities, as freely and with as great liberty as any regent or governor to us or our predecessors used in times bypast; and as if every privilege and article concerning the said office were at length expressed and amplified in these our letters; promising to hold firm and stable on the word and faith of a prince to whatever things our said dearest brother in the premises happens to do; charging therefor all and sundry our judges and ministers of law, lieges, and others foresaid, to answer and obey our said brother in all and sundry things concerning the said office of regent as you and each of you will declare your loving subjects to our dear son, and under all pains, charge, and offence that ye may commit against His Majesty in that part.

“Subscribed with our hand and given under our Privy Seal at Lochleven the 24th day of July 1567, and of our reign the 25th year.”

[This abdication was a forgery. The text of the document the Queen never saw.]

Procuratory Appointing a Commission to Make Arrangements in Moray's Absence and providing for the Contingency of his Refusing the Regency

“Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of Scots, to all and sundry our judges and ministers of law, lieges and others whom it effeirs, to whose knowledge these our letters shall come, greeting:—Forasmuch as by long, irksome, and tedious travel taken by us in the government of the realm and lieges thereof, we are so vexed and worried that our body, spirit, and senses are become unable longer to travel in that room; and therefore we have demitted and renounce the office of government of the realm in favour of our most only dear son, native prince of this realm; and because of his tender youth and inability to use the government in his own person during his minority, we have constituted our dearest brother James, Earl of Moray, regent to our said son, realm, and lieges foresaid; and in respect that our said dearest brother is actually furth of our realm and cannot instantly be present to accept the said office of regent, and use and exercise the same during our dearest son's minority. We, until his returning within our realm, or in case of his decease, have made, constituted, named, appointed, and ordained, and by these our letters make, constitute, name, appoint, and ordain, our trusty cousin and counsellor James, Duke of Chatelherault, Earl of Arran, Lord Hamilton; Mathew, Earl of Lennox, Lord Darnley, etc.; Archibald, Earl of Argyll; John, Earl of Atholl; James, Earl of Morton; Alexander, Earl of Glencairn; John, Earl of Mar,—regents to our dearest son, realm, and lieges; and in case our said brother James, Earl of Moray, come within our realm and refuse to accept the office of regent upon his own person, we make, constitute, name, appoint, and ordain our trusty cousins and counsellors foresaid, and our said brothers, regents of our dear son, giving, granting, and committing to them, or any five of them conjointly, full power for our son, and in his name to receive surrenders of lands, make disposition of wards, marriage of benefices, escheats, offices, and other casualties and privileges whatsoever concerning the said office, signatories thereupon to make, subscribe, and cause to be passed by Seals; and to use and exercise the office of regent in all things as freely and with as great liberty as any regent or governor to us or our predecessors used in times past; promising to hold firm and stable, on the word and faith of a prince, to whatever things our said dearest cousins do in the circumstances; charging all and sundry foresaid to answer and obey our said cousins and regents in all and sundry things concerning the office of regent during our son's minority and until he be of the age of seventeen years complete, as you and each of you will declare yourselves loving subjects to our said most dear son, your native prince, and under all pain, charge, and offence that you and each of you may commit against His Majesty in that part.

“Subscribed with our own hand and given under our Privy Seal at Lochleven, 24th July 1565, and of our reign the 25th year.”

[The Queen signed this by compulsion. The text of the document is a fabrication.]

The Following were some of the Schemes for Queen Mary's liberation from the grasp of Elizabeth, with a portion of the Correspondence which followed thereon

In May, June, and July 1586, no less than three plots for Mary's liberation were proposed by the Catholics—one by John Savage for the assassination of Elizabeth and release of Mary; one by Ballard for an invasion of England and release of Mary; and one by Babington for her release by force of arms. These plots eventually culminated in one scheme, and Walsingham, by the aid of his spies, was able to intercept letters, decipher and copy them, introduce matter of his own into the copies, and by this means brought about the ruin of all concerned, including Mary herself. The Babington plot [20] we have fully recited, but we now reproduce the following letters translated from the French, not hitherto published by us, excepting Nos. 3 and 4. They throw a very curious light over the startling events of these three months. The letters are No. 1, Queen Mary to Charles Paget; No. 2, Charles Paget to Queen Mary; No. 3, Babington to Queen Mary; No. 4, Mary to Babington; No. 5, Mary to Paget; No. 6, Mary to Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador.

These letters are preserved in the State Paper Office in the handwriting of Phillips, one of the spies, and this throws suspicion on the whole. We cannot guarantee that any one of them is genuine, and it will be well for the reader to attach little importance to them; but as an illustration of the voluminous literature of that period, they will be read with interest. It was very probably these interpolated letters that gave rise to the kidnapping plot of 16th August. A writer in our own day (Strickland) says: “The tone in which Queen Mary writes on 13th July to Archbishop Beton shows that she was perfectly unconscious that any projects against Elizabeth's life were in contemplation; in the mass of papers seized at Chartley it is a striking fact that not one was produced in evidence against her.”

“I have thought it good that you enter with the ambassador of Spain into the following overtures:—That I endeavour by all means to make my son enter into the enterprise (invasion of England), and if he does not, that I arrange a secret league among the Catholic nobility and adherents to be joined with the King of Spain, to do what shall be thought meet for advancing the scheme, so being that they have plenty of men and money. Moreover, I shall arrange to have my son delivered into the hands of the King of Spain or the Pope, as shall be thought best, stipulating to set him at liberty when I shall desire, or that after my death, being Catholic, he shall desire to return to Scotland; and that the King of Spain shall never attempt anything to my prejudice or my son's (if he be Catholic) in the succession to the Crown. This is the best hostage that I and the Lords of Scotland can give to the said king for the performance of that which depends on them in this enterprise, but withal there must be a regent appointed in Scotland having commission from me and my son to govern the country in his absence, and I find no man so capable as Lord Claud Hamilton. He shall have a Privy Council, without which he shall not ordain anything of importance. I shall be obliged to the King of Spain if he will receive my son and instruct him in the Catholic religion, which is the thing of all things in this world I most desire, affecting rather the salvation of his soul, than to see him monarch of all Europe. And I fear much that so long as he remains where he is it will never be in my power to bring him again into the right ways, whereby there shall remain in my heart a thousand regrets if I should die and leave behind me a tyrant and persecutor of the Catholic Church. If you get a good answer from the ambassador, I would desire you to write Lord Claud informing him that the King of Spain is to set on this country (invasion of England), and desires to have the assistance of the Catholics of Scotland to stop any assistance that may come from there to the Queen of England. You will also inquire what help in men and money would be required from the said king to hold Scotland. If you get a favourable answer, you may inform Lord Claud that to assure himself of my son, if all things be done under his name and authority, it shall be necessary to seize his person if he cannot be willingly brought into this enterprise, and that the surest way would be to deliver him to the said king or the Pope, as shall be deemed best, Lord Claud to be regent in his absence.

“All this I will confirm and approve. For various reasons my name not to be named in this until the very last. You will say to Lord Claud, that indirectly you put him in hope that I shall make him be declared lawful heir to the Crown of Scotland should my son die without children, and that I shall make the Catholic princes of Christendom recognise and maintain him. I have written to the Spanish Ambassador in favour of your brother Lord Paget and yourself. [21]

“Chartley, 20th May.”

Charles Paget to Queen Mary, 29th May 1586:—

“Since my last letter to your Majesty, a priest named Ballard, capable and discreet, has arrived who knows the most important Catholics in England and Scotland. He has been sent by them to announce this resolution to take up arms, provided they are assured of foreign assistance. I sent him to the Spanish Ambassador that he might report what he knew, and to state how many of the chief nobles and knights in the North and West country were ready to take up arms; what number of men, armed and unarmed, and how many of them had promised and therefore received the sacrament in order to make their obligation stronger; as now the Earl of Leicester has with him the best and most valiant captains and Protestant soldiers; and the people are annoyed and discontented at the oppression they have endured on account of the wars in the Netherlands. These times are more suitable than ever to accomplish with little trouble the deliverance of the Queen.

“The ambassador listened attentively, and requested Ballard to write down full details of the numbers from these provinces who would take up arms on Mary's behalf. Ballard said he could not name the persons, as he had pledged his word to the priest not to do so. The ambassador gave notice of the ports for landing and several other things which he thought the knowledge of would be necessary. Nevertheless he (Ballard) came with a resolution so general that the ambassador gave him other instructions to show him how to proceed, more particularly and by secret means assuring him that the King of Spain, after being fully satisfied, would give them prompt assistance. The principal thing with which he is charged is to assure and guarantee your person, and if strong enough to try by every possible means to carry off your Majesty from the hands of those who restrain you. After this we consulted about the best port for landing troops. I think Newcastle, Hartlepool, or Scarborough, or some other port in the north; our help will be by the Prince of Parma. Our design will not be suspected by the Queen of England, as she would never dream of enemies this way (the East coast); she believing that all designs would come by way of Spain. Ballard will be here again immediately after my return from the baths, and you will be promptly informed of everything that happens.”

Queen Mary to Charles Paget, 27th July 1586:—

“Upon the return of Ballard to this country, one of the principal Catholics who sent him (to the Queen) communicated their intentions according to what you had written before, more particularly asking directions for the execution of the design. I have written them a full despatch, giving my advice concerning all requirements; as much for those on this side as for those outside the kingdom, in order to bring their enterprise to a successful issue. I have shown them that they must not lose time, having undertaken to carry out the resolution contained in the despatch, they must hasten to communicate this to Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador, sending for the purpose either Ballard or some other of the most faithful and secret that can be found, and who will be sufficiently instructed by them, having promised them that I would write to Mendoza as I do now, to give credit to these messengers, the Stewards: so that I hope if ever the Pope or the King of Spain have had intentions to provide aid to this state, the occasion is now offered them very advantageously. Finding that the Catholics are so well prepared there will be more to do to keep them back than to urge them forward. As to the other difficulties that the ambassador refers to, such as my escape from here and other things, he will be sufficiently satisfied. It only remains now to go on as quickly as possible, both in Rome and Spain, to procure the required support in horses, foot-soldiers, arms, ammunition, and money.”

Queen Mary to Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador, Chartley, 27th July 1586:—

“Since yours of the 29th May I have been pleased to see that my good brother the King of Spain begins to retaliate the injuries and practices of this queen (Elizabeth); against him not only for the good of this island, but principally for the maintenance of the greatness and reputation of Christendom. You cannot conceive how the exploit of Leicester and Drake has raised the hearts of the enemies of the king, and how his long patience with this queen has tried the confidence the Catholics have always had in him. As to myself, I frankly confess I was very much discouraged to enter into new proposals, seeing how little effect those of the past have had. I shut my ears to the different overtures and propositions that have been made to me for the last six months by Catholics, not being able to give them any answer. Now, having heard of the good intentions of the king, I have written very fully to some Catholics, with my opinion on each point, that they may resolve together on the execution of these. In order to gain time I have asked them to send you, with all diligence, one of themselves sufficiently instructed to treat with you concerning the general offer which has been made to you. On every point they will show you and the king that upon their faith they have given me assurance that, faithfully and sincerely, they will accomplish at the hazard of their lives what they promise by their deputy. You will credit them as if I myself had sent them. He will inform you of the means of my escape from here, which I undertake to effect provided that I can be assured of sufficient strength to receive and preserve me while waiting on the assembling of troops. Thank God, my health at present is better than it has been for three months. I thank you very fully for your good offers on the part of the king, your master, for the 12,000 crowns he is pleased to bestow for my deliverance; in which they will be employed and in nothing else, for it is to my great regret that the other 12,000 have been of so little profit to Scotland. I have notice from London which tells me ... but without urgent necessity I shall be very unwilling to be importuned for these things, which I resist owing to the tax required for this sum. You will help me if you please to testify to the king the obligation which I have to him and how willingly I should repay it if ever I have the means; and to you in particular I hope not to remain ungrateful. I have given charge to my ambassador to receive what you will deliver to him, and to send it to me with all diligence by the secret means that I have made known to him.”

“P.S.—As I was sending you enclosed, yours of 5th July reached me. Thank God, this way of communication is so well established that from henceforth you can write to me when you please. May God give help to the king my good brother, preserve his children, and give him all the honour, contentment, and prosperity that his piety and care for the good of Christianity merit; in respect of which he will have my daily prayers, since I cannot serve him otherwise. I thank you for your diligence in having imparted to him what I committed to you in my letter of May as much for what concerns myself as for those poor English gentlemen whom I cannot abstain from recommending to you, especially the liberty of Morgan, and some pension, if by any means you can help him. I have already answered you about the money that you obtained for me, and I shall put myself in communication with my ambassador concerning what more has to come.”

Queen Mary's Devices and Mottoes

In Queen Mary's apartments the following devices and mottoes were discovered,—in Latin and French, [22]—and have fortunately been preserved.

Queen Mary's Devices

Adorning the walls of her bedchamber

1. A vine root, to the east a hand pouring out a flagon of wine upon the root. Motto—

“Mea sic mihi prosunt.”
“Thus do mine help me.”

2. A lion snared and held in nets (pris et tenu), five or six beasts more like hares than rabbits (cinq ou six bêtes plutôt lievres, etc.): beneath is written this saying—

“Et lepores devicto insultant leoni.”
“Even hares mock a captive lion.”

3. A lioness and cub by her side.

“Unum quidem sed leone.”
“It is indeed but one, but by a lion.”

4. A leopard holding in mouth a hedgehog.

“Premit et heret.”
“It grips, and holds.”

5. Two globes, and a naked sword between them (une espée decouverte), at whose point there is a moon.

“Luna non subjacet orbi.”
“The moon is not subject to the earth” (or “world”).

(N.B.—I prefer to read “subjacet,” not “subjicit,” for this latter would require orbem.)

6. A lofty pyramid surmounted by a branch of laurel. (“Lubie” I can't find, but conjecture it to be laurel or some branch of victory.)

“Te stante florebo.”
“While thou standest I shall flourish.”

7. A crescent beneath a sword.

“Donec totum impleat orbem.”
“Until it fill the whole world.”

(The French is “au bout de l'espée il y a.”)

8. Un port de mer et une (main) a (droite) fectant une pierre dedans. A seaport and a (hand) (feminine to agree with “une”), whereas “navire” in the original is masculine. A seaport, and a hand to the right casting in a stone.

“Donec emerserit undis.”
“Until it come forth (emerge) from the waves.”

9. A hedgehog in a half-stormy sea, the hedgehog fairly laden (or covered) with pebbles.

“Ne volutetur.”
“Let it be tossed about.”

9A. Une roue de moulin dans l'eau. A mill-wheel in water. Spanish motto—

“Llena de dolore non da de speranza.”
“It soothes sorrow, but does not supply hope.”

10. A dove in a cage, and, above, an eagle ready to devour it—from which (bird) this device escapes—in Italian—

“Male pareo, ma peggiora temeo.”
“I seem in evil plight, but I fear worse.”

10A. An upright ship in a stormy sea, sails, masts, and ropes broken, ready to founder.

“Nunquam mei vector.”
“Never the bearer of me.”

11. Un bouclier comme fiche en haut, au dessus une espée. A shield as support above, a sword underneath.

“Aut hoc aut super hoc.”
“Either with this shield or upon it.”

(The Greek warrior brought home dead on his shield.)

12. A tree called Picea (dwarf-pine) and a fallen cedar, like this sketch—

“Floret picea quod cedrus cecidit.”
“The dwarf-pine flourishes now that the cedar has fallen.”

(The allusion is to Elizabeth.)

13. An eagle's wing among many small feathers partly tinted red (or tinged with red) and tattered.

“Magnatum vicinitas.”
“The semblance of the nobles.”

(The great ones of Mary's time were bloodstained and petty: the eagle's wing indicates the Queen.)

14. A vine root and hand grasping another branch or root, above them the legend—

“Virescit volucri virtus.”
“Strength grows to the bird.”

“The bird gains strength”: not “volucre” but “volucri.”

15. At the end of a valley a large oak broken and dismantled by the wind, also a sapling (or shrub) (qui d'en saut), which springs out of it.

“Ut superis visum.”
“As seen by those above” (i.e. by Heaven).

16. Une colonne d'or demye: a split golden column.

“Idem intus et extra.”
“The same within and without.”

17. Deux corones en tronc (two crowns on a tree-trunk), et une au ciel (and one in the sky), this one made of stars and flames flowing (flammes de feu decoulantes).

“Manet ultima cœlo.”
“The last (crown) awaits in heaven.”

18. Another crown like the preceding, but that it resembles the two on earth.

“Aliaque moratur.”
“The other tarries.”

Not “aliam” but “alia”: the other crown tarries.

19. A queen at the foot of a cross, crown and sceptre beneath on the sward, many double “Rã” (for “Regina.”)

“Undique Rã, Rã” (Regina, Regina).
“Everywhere a queen, a queen.”

20. Three seals pierced by an arrow.

“Dederit fortunam Deus ne.”
“Has God given (or sent) this fortune.”

21. A tree laden with crowns and sceptres mixed together, with croziers, cardinals' hats, chains of precious stones, wallets for bread, beneath it is a woman with her eyes bandaged, having in her hand a book.... (I suggest “elle va prendre de l'arbre,” she advances to take from the tree.)

“Ut casus dederit.”
“As luck shall have bestowed,”
or, “As chance shall bestow.”

22. The order of the Annunciation, with these four capital letters (lettres maiscules) F. E. R. I.

The rising sun. Motto—

“Quae cecidere resurgunt.”
“Things fallen rise again.”

23. A circle with triangle within.

“Trino non convenit orbis.”
“The circle does not suit the triangle.”

24. A great oak in wind storm: around the oak, the legend—

“Basta chio venti?”
“Hold, enough, ye winds!”

but this is conjecture of the third word.

25. The polar star and mariner's compass, misfortune turning it straight for the Pole.

“Se virtute mactare” (not “mactire”).
“To sacrifice self by virtue.”

Or it may mean not “virtue” but “strength”—hence, “Bravely to sacrifice self.”

26. A salamander in the fire.

“Nutrisco et extinguor.”
“I nourish and am quenched” (or “extinguished”).

27. Lunar eclipse.

“Ipsa sibi lumen, quod invidet aufert.”
“She is a light to herself, what she envies she withdraws.”

28. Some tall saffron plants.

“Fructus calca, dat amplos.”
“Tread down the fruits, it yields plenty.”

29. A furnace in which gold and quicksilver are set side by side.

“In fide societas.”
“Companionship comes of trust.”

30. A mill-wheel turning in water.

“Movere nec capere.”
“To stir yet not entrap” (or take, “arrest”).

31. La lune peu chaude (so I read it). The moon slightly warmed, observing the sun by her side, having the earth on her other side. (Lunar eclipse.)

“Terrena obcœcavi.”
“I have darkened the things of earth.”

32. Hopeless.

“Sic dulcia in amarum.”
“So do things sweet turn to bitterness.”

33. A little (captive) bird, above it an eagle ready to swallow it.

“Il mal ini preune ma spendato? il peggio.”
“Evil seizes me, but I look for worse.”

34. A hare in labour bringing forth....

“Dabit (tempus) his quoque finem.”
“Time will put an end to these things likewise.”

Queen Mary's Will

The night before her death Queen Mary was composed enough, and had the wonderful presence of mind to write her will in the following businesslike terms:—

In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, I, Mary, by the grace of God, Queen of Scotland and Dowager of France, being on the point of death and not having any means of making my will, have myself committed these articles in writing, and I will and desire that they have the same force as if they were made in due form:—

In the first place, I declare that I die in the Catholic Apostolic and Romish faith. First, I desire that a complete service be performed for my soul in the Church of St. Denis in France, and another in St. Peter's at Rheims, where all my servants are to attend in such manner as they may be ordered to do by those to whom I have given directions and who are named therein. Further, that an annual obit be founded for prayers for my soul in perpetuity in such place and after such manner as shall be deemed most convenient. To furnish funds for this I will that my houses at Fontainebleau be sold, hoping that the King will render me assistance, as I have requested him to do in my memorandum. I will that my estate of Trespagny be kept by my cousin de Guise for one of his daughters, if she should come to be married. In these quarters I relinquish half of the arrears due to me, or a part, on condition that the others be paid, in order to be expended by my executors in perpetual alms. To carry this into effect the better, the documents shall be looked out and delivered according to the assignment for accomplishing this. I will also that the money which may arise from my lawsuit with Secondat, be distributed as follows:—First, in the discharge of my debts and orders hereafter mentioned and which are not yet paid: in the first place, the 2000 crowns to Curle, which I desire to be paid without any hesitation, they being a marriage portion, upon which neither Nau nor any other person has any claim, whatever obligation he may hold, inasmuch as it is only fictitious, and the money is mine, and not borrowed, which since I did but show him, and afterwards withdrew it; and it was taken from me with the rest at Chartley; the which I give him, provided he can recover it agreeably to my promise in payment of the four thousand francs as promised at my death, one thousand as a marriage portion for an own sister, and he having asked me for the rest for his expenses in prison. As to the payment of a similar sum to Nau it is not obligatory, and therefore it has always been my intention that it should be paid last, and then only in case he should make it appear that he has not acted contrary to the conditions upon which I gave it him, and to which my servants were witnesses. As regards the 1200 crowns which he has placed to my account as having been borrowed by him for my use—600 of Beauregard, 300 from Jervis, and the remainder from I know not whom, he must repay them out of his own money, and I must be quit and my order annulled, as I have not received any part of it, consequently it must be still in his possession, unless he has paid it away. Be this as it may, it is necessary that this sum should revert to me, I having received nothing; and in case it has not been paid away, I must have recourse to his property. I further direct that Pasquier shall account for the moneys that he has expended and received by order of Nau, from the hands of the servants of Mons. de Chateauneuf, the French Ambassador. Further, I will that my accounts be audited and my treasure paid. Further, that the wages and sums due to my household, as well for the last as for the present year, be paid them before all other things, both wages and pensions, excepting the pensions of Nau and Curle, until it be ascertained what there is remaining, or whether they have merited any pensioning from me, unless the wife of Curle be in necessity or be ill-treated on my account: the wages of Nau after the same manner. I will that the 2400 francs which I have given to Jane Kennedy (afterwards married to Sir Andrew Melville; and was drowned by the upsetting of a boat, the year of the marriage of James VI.) be paid to her in money, as it was stated in my first deed of gift, which done, the pension of Willie Douglas shall revert to me, which I give to Fontenay (Nau's brother) for services and expenses for which he has had no compensation. I will that the 4000 francs of that banker's be applied for and repaid: I have forgotten his name, but the Bishop of Glasgow will readily recollect it; and if the first order be not honoured, I desire that another may be given in the first money from Secondat.

The 10,000 francs which the ambassador has received for me, I will that they be distributed among my servants who are now going away, viz.—First, 2000 francs to my physician; 2000 francs to Elizabeth Curle; 2000 to Sebastian Page; 2000 to Mary Page, my goddaughter; 1000 to Beauregard; 1000 to Gourgon; 1000 to Jervis. Further, that out of the rest of my revenue, with the remainder of Secondats and all other casualties, I will that 5000 francs be given to the Foundling Hospital at Rheims; to my scholars, 2000 francs. To four mendicants such sum as my executors may think fit, according to the means in their hands; 500 francs to the hospitals; to Martin escuyer de cuisine, 1000 francs; 1000 francs to Annibal, whom I recommend to my cousin de Guise, his godfather, to place in some situation for his life, in his service. I leave 500 francs to Nicholas, and 500 for his daughters when they marry. I leave 500 francs to Robert Hamilton, and beg my son to take him and Monsieur de Glasgow, or the Bishop of Ross. I leave to Didier his registership, subject to the approbation of the King. I give 5000 francs to Jean Lauder, and beg my cousin of Guise, or of Mayne, to take him into their service, and Messieurs de Glasgow and de Ross to see him provided for. I will that his father be paid his wages, and leave him 500 francs; 1000 francs to be paid to Gourgon for money and other things with which he supplied me in my necessity. I will that if Bourgoyne should perform the journey agreeably to the vow which he made for me to St. Nicholas, that 1500 francs be paid to him for this purpose. I leave, according to my slender means, 6000 francs to the Bishop of Glasgow, and 3000 to the Bishop of Ross. And I leave the gift of casualties and reserved seigneurial rights to my godson the son of Monsieur de Ruissieu. I give 300 francs to Laurenz, and 300 to Suzanne; and I leave 10,000 francs among the four persons who have been my sureties and to Varmy the solicitor. I will that the money arising from the furniture which I have ordered to be sold in London shall go to defray the travelling expenses of my servants to France. My coach I leave to carry my ladies, and the horses, which they can sell or do what they like with. There remain about 300 crowns due to Bourgoyne for the wages of past years, which I desire may be paid him. I leave 2000 francs to Sir Andrew Melville, my steward. I appoint my cousin, the Duke of Guise, principal executor of my will; after him, the Archbishop of Glasgow, the Bishop of Ross, and Monsieur de Ruissieu, my chancellor. I desire that Le Prean may without obstacle hold his two prebends. I recommend Mary Page, my goddaughter, to my cousin Madame de Guise, and beg her to take her into her service, and my aunt de Saint Pierre to get Mowbray some good situation or retain her in her service for the honour of God.

Done this day 7th February 1587.

Marie (Queen).

Memorandum of the Last Requests which I make to the King

To cause to be paid to me all that is due to me, of my pensions, as also of money advanced by the late Queen, my mother, in Scotland, for the service of the King, my father-in-law, in those parts, that at least an annual obit may be founded for my soul, and that the alms and little endowments promised by me may be carried into effect. Further, that he may be pleased to grant me the benefit of my dowry for one year after my death to recompense my servants. Further, that he may be pleased to allow them their wages and pensions during their lives as was done to the officers of Queen Aliener (of Austria, sister of Charles V.). Further, I entreat him to take my physician into his service, according to his promise to consider him as recommended. Further, that my almoner Prean may be replaced in his profession, and for my sake have some trifling benefice conferred upon him so that he may pray to God for my soul during the rest of his life. Further, that Didier, an old officer of my household, whom I have recompensed with a registership, may be permitted to enjoy it for his life, being already far advanced in years.

Written on the morning of my death this 8th February 1587.

Marie (Queen).

Letter of Pope Pius V. to Mary Queen of Scots

The custodier of the following important letter has authorised its inclusion in this volume:—

“Most dear Daughter in Christ,—Health and Apostolic Blessing.

“Having read your Majesty's letter of October 15th wherein you have fully acquainted Us of your state and calamity, and being moved thereat in spirit not otherwise than We ought, We have grieved bitterly over your misfortunes and woes; but having learnt that your Majesty has fallen into these mishaps in the defence of Catholic Faith, this comfort has somewhat eased our sorrow, so that We can neither call nor deem you unhappy whom our Saviour calls 'blessed.' For how can you be unhappy, having borne so many persecutions for justice sake? You, who for the maintaining of Almighty God's true worship, have not hesitated to undergo such toils, and to encounter so many dangers: you, in fine, who out of your rare zeal for the Catholic Faith, have feared neither bands nor prisons, a fugitive from your own kingdom: all of which things, although to our human spirit seemingly hard and painful and grievous to be endured, can nevertheless be sweetened by the love of the divine goodness that is sweeter than all things.

“Dearest Daughter, although grief for all that you have lost, and care for your kingdom, may vex your Majesty, still, as neither honour, nor kingdoms, nor fleeting riches are to be sought after since we must leave them behind us: if we seek after good things, let us covet such as we may possess everlastingly: while if we fear evil things, let us rather dread those evils which are borne by the reprobate without end of their woes. Therefore we ought neither to be wearied out with evil, nor despair of what is good, for God Who rescued David from out the hand of Saul, and Who brought the Apostle Paul from out the lion's mouth, can likewise free you from many mishaps, and restore you to your own kingdom.

“That this may come to pass, We on our part are ready to aid you with all the helps that lie in our power, as We have hitherto done. For this end We shall treat in our own name with each of the Kings whom you mention, and strongly commend to them your safety and your kingdom's welfare, as We ought to, being ready at all times to pay you all such good offices of our fatherly goodwill as are deserved by your brave and unconquered spirit, and most manifest care of the Catholic Faith. We shall furthermore, in the lowliness of our heart, beseech Almighty God in our prayers to help you, now that you are labouring under so many misfortunes, that He may vouchsafe mercifully to give you fortitude and perseverance in adversity.

“Given at Saint Peter's, Rome, under Fisherman's ring, January 9th, 1570, in the fourth year of our pontificate.”