During the six months over which our narrative extends, probably the most imposing document that was issued was the proclamation by the Queen of England announcing the sentence of Queen Mary. This remarkable paper was drawn up with consummate ingenuity, and no doubt represented the combined skill of Elizabeth, Burghley, and Walsingham. It is founded ostensibly on the so-called Babington Conspiracy. In the full knowledge of that plot which these three persons possessed, and in the circumstances as now disclosed, the issue of this proclamation was an audacious and an unwarrantable act, and cannot be defended. The document may be summed up in one word, “infamous.” No one can blame the Scottish Queen for encouraging every plot formed for her release from the miserable life she was compelled to lead for the long period of nineteen years. Not one of these plots, to her knowledge, had anything to do with Elizabeth, and up to the day of her death she repudiated the charge that she ever did anything against Elizabeth's life. When this denial was so repeatedly given, Elizabeth's duty was to produce proof in support of the charge, or, failing that, to release the Queen. She neither did the one nor the other. Nothing was ever produced but these notable “interpolations.” Notwithstanding these, she kept nagging and torturing the Scottish Queen to confess her guilt; and when that failed she executed her. During the captivity of Mary many plots were formulated for her release, principally by the Catholic party or individual members of that party, all of which are not recorded. It is natural to suppose that the patience of the Catholics was exhausted at the conduct of Elizabeth. Who could blame them if they got up a rebellion or an invasion of England by the aid of France and Spain to compel Queen Mary's release? And who could blame Savage and Ballard, two noted Catholics, if they said they would themselves assassinate Elizabeth, in order to release Mary? There might be reasons for assassinating Elizabeth; there were none for assassinating Mary. When we further consider this proclamation of the Queen of England, that it is full of misstatements from beginning to end; when we also consider the mock trial of the Scottish Queen, and the sentence made up and delivered to Burghley, by royal command, before any trial took place, we shall be surprised if any student of Scottish history will fail to see that the Queen of England was herself the prime mover in the matter for which she executed the Queen of Scots. We now reproduce this document, which must at the time have greatly surprised and shocked the English people:—

Elizabeth, by the Grace of God, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the Faith, etc.: Whereas we were given to understand very credibly (though to our great grief) that divers things were, and of late had been compassed, imagined, and resolutely intended, tending directly to the hurt and destruction of our royal person, and to the subversion of the estate of our realm by foreign invasions and rebellions at home, as well by the Queen of Scots remaining in our realm under our protection, as by many divers other wicked persons with her privity, who had freely confessed the same, and had thereupon received open trial, judgment, and execution according to law for their deserts. And though in very truth we were greatly and deeply grieved to think or imagine that any such unnatural and monstrous acts should be either devised or willingly assented to against us, by her being a princess born, and of our sex and blood, and one also whose life and honour we had many times before saved and preserved. Yet were we so directly drawn to think the same to be true by the sight and understanding of such proofs as were produced before us upon matters that had proceeded from herself, as well as from the conspirators themselves, who voluntarily and freely confessed their doings jointly with her, and directed by her, against our person and realm. Therefore we saw great reason to think the same too dangerous to be suffered to pass onward to take their full effect. Wherefore we were by sundry of our nobility, and others our loving subjects, earnestly moved and counselled to take order for the investigation and examination of these dangerous enterprises and conspiracies avowed to be by the said Queen of Scots against us and our realm; and also to use all present means with expedition, to withstand and prevent the same. We were very unwilling to proceed against her, considering her birth and estate, by such means as by the common laws of the realm we might have lawfully done, which was by indictment and arraignment before ordinary juries; therefore in respect both of our own honour and of her person we yielded by advice, to proceed in the most honourable way that could be devised for the examination, according to a late Act of Parliament made 23rd November in the 27th year of our reign. Whereupon by our commission under the Great Seal of England, bearing date Windsor, 6th October last, we did according to the said statute assign, name, and appoint the lords and others of our Privy Council, and so many other earls and barons, lords of Parliament, of the greatest degree and most ancient of the nobility, as with the lords and others of the Privy Council made the number forty-two, adding also a further number according to the tenor of the aforesaid Act of Parliament, of certain of the chief and other principal judges of the courts of Record, Westminster, amounting in the whole to forty-seven, to examine all things compassed and imagined, tending to the hurt of our royal person as well by the Queen of Scots, by the name of Marie, the daughter and heir of James V., late King of Scots, commonly called the Queen of Scots and Dowager of France, as by any other by her privity, and all the circumstances thereof, and according to the tenor of the said Act of Parliament to give sentence or judgment as upon good proof the matter to them should appear. Afterwards the greater part of these councillors, lords, and judges—that is to say, the number of thirty-six—did in the presence and hearing of the Queen of Scots at Fotheringay, at divers days and times in public place, very exactly, uprightly, and with great deliberation, examine all the matters and offences whereof she was accused, and all the circumstances thereof, and heard also what the same Queen did or could say for her defence. Afterwards on the 25th October last, all the said council, lords, and judges who had heard and examined the cause in the said Queen's presence, with one assent and consent, after deliberation, did give their sentence in manner following:—That after the first day of June in the 27th year of our reign and before the date of the said commission, divers things were compassed and imagined within this realm by Anthony Babington and others with the knowledge of the Scottish Queen, she pretending a title to the crown of our realm, tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of our royal person; which sentence the same lords and commissioners had caused to be put in writing and duly engrossed, with the whole process of their proceedings, and have subscribed the same as by a record thereof shown to us. And whereas the same sentence so given and recorded, the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled have also at sundry times heard and considered the principal evidence, proofs, and circumstances whereupon the sentence was founded, and have by their assent in Parliament affirmed the same to be a full, lawful, and true sentence, and so have allowed and approved the same in writing presented to us. They have also notified to us how deeply they did foresee the great and imminent dangers which otherwise might and would grow to our person and to the whole realm if this sentence were not fully executed. Therefore they did by their humble petitions most instantly upon their knees, pray, beseech, and with many reasons of great force and importance move and press us that the said sentence so justly given and approved might, according to the express tenor of the said Act of Parliament by our proclamation under the Great Seal, be declared and published and finally executed. But after such request made to us by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, they perceiving by our own speeches and answers how deeply we were grieved to hear of these horrible and unnatural attempts of that Queen whose many former offences, manifestly and dangerously committed against us, our crown and realm, we had overlooked with our over great clemency, contrary to the advice and request of our subjects in Parliament and otherwise. Therefore they also, understanding from us how desirous we were to have some other means devised by them to withstand these mischiefs intended against us and the quiet state of the realm, and surety of our good subjects, than by execution of the aforesaid sentence as was required: they did after sundry consultations jointly with one accord, in the names of the Lords of Parliament, even by the particular votes of those assembled, and also of the Commons with one universal consent, representing the state of the realm, allege, declare, and protest, that upon their long and advised consultations by our commandment and for our satisfaction, they could not by any means find or devise how the surety of our royal person and the preservation of themselves and their posterity, with the good state of the realm, might be provided for without the publication and due execution of the sentence. Whereupon, being not only moved by our grief, but also overcome with the earnest requests, declarations, and important reasons of all our said subjects, the nobles and Commons, whose judgment, knowledge, and natural care of us and the whole realm we know doth far surmount all others being not so interested therein; and perceiving also the sentence to have been honourably, lawfully, and justly given conform to justice and the laws of the realm, we did yield, and do according to the said statute by this our proclamation under the Great Seal of England, declare, notify, and publish to all our subjects and other persons whatever that the said sentence is given in manner aforesaid to the intent that they and every one of them by this proclamation may have full understanding thereof. We do also instruct you that you record this our proclamation in our Court of Chancery as speedily as possible; find place and time for the proclaiming thereof; whereof fail you not. We have caused this proclamation to be made patent and sealed with the Great Seal of England.

At our Manor of Richmond, the fourth day of December, the 29th year of our reign, and in the year of our Lord God 1586.

God Save the Queen.

Following on the issue of this proclamation Elizabeth wrote the following letter to Paulet, which, taken in consideration with all the letters she wrote to that individual, is probably the best of them all for rank hypocrisy. A letter such as this is beyond words to criticise:—

Elizabeth to Paulet, 10th December 1586:

“Whereas you have had and still have the custody of the Queen of Scots, against whom judgment has been given whereby she hath been judged to have attempted our death and divers things to the hurt, death, and destruction of our person, as by our late proclamation of 4th December has been published. We have been continually by the states of Parliament moved, urged, and pressed to cause further execution to be made of the sentence, as without that it is solemnly protested that they can by no device find means for the surety of our person, the preservation of themselves, their posterity, and the realm. Whereupon we are, against our own natural disposition, drawn to yield thereto; and therefore we have directed our commission under the Great Seal to the sheriff of the county of Northampton to repair to you and receive the person of the said Queen into his charge, and without delay do execution upon her as by our commission may appear to you. Therefore we command you to deliver her into his charge, so that he without delay shall in the presence of sundry noblemen and yourself, within our castle (Fotheringay) do the execution, and that you aid and assist the sheriff and others who shall be there for that service.”

After the issue of the proclamation and of this letter to Paulet we have still some characteristic documents to produce in connection with this great event in Scottish history. We do not think the public are aware that the speeches of the Earls of Shrewsbury and Kent at the execution were prepared several weeks in advance by Elizabeth and her ministers. This appears from a paper published by the Historical MSS. Commission entitled, “Memorial from Walsingham respecting the execution of the Queen of Scots,” and its purport to consider what speeches were fit for the two earls to use at the time of the execution (noted in margin by Burghley), to express her many attempts both for destruction of the Queen's person (Elizabeth) and the invasion of the realm; that the hope and comforts she hath given to the prince Palatine, traitors of this realm, both at home and abroad, are the occasion of all the attempts that have been made against Her Majesty's person. By the laws of God and man she is justly condemned to die; the whole realm hath oftentimes vehemently required that justice might be done, which Her Majesty cannot longer delay. To appoint only the Scottish Queen's chief officers and servants to assist at the execution, excluding the women; to direct the earls what to do in case she shall desire any private speech (noted by Burghley); not to refuse it, so it be to three or two at the least; some special person to be appointed to take note of her speech. The body to be buried in the night in the parish church in such uppermost place as the two earls shall think fit. Whether not meet to be embalmed? To take order that her jewels and plate may not be embezzled by her servants. The lords at the court to give out that there will be no execution.

The last sentence of this paper is very mysterious and quite inconsistent with the proclamation of 4th December; unless it be that that proclamation was not published at Fotheringay for fear of creating a panic. In that event the people would have probably rescued the Queen, and there can be no doubt that Elizabeth had this eventuality before her and provided for it. She knew she had taken up a very critical position. The execution of so high a personage as the Scottish Queen was an astounding event; and, like all tyrannical rulers, she was in terror lest by some accident the scheme would be overturned. It was therefore in her opinion essential that the deed should be accomplished with all possible privacy and all possible speed. It has further to be noticed that in connection with the order for “no execution” there was issued what was called the “Hue and Cry,” sent out on the pretence that the Scottish Queen had fled from Fotheringay. This was done conform to the following order from Elizabeth:—“These are to charge you in the Queen's name that you make 'Hue and Cry' forward with all speed, and that you appoint, watch, and keep watch in the Queen's highway and at suspect places, and that you suffer none to pass without examination, and that you make 'Hues and Crys' and send them forth with all speed to every highway; for Fotheringay Castle is broke, and traitors are fled out.”

The publication of the “Hue and Cry” in these days was a common mode of warning the people of any important event, and the official order to issue this notice shows that the Queen of England took the utmost precautions to make the people in the provinces believe that there was no execution taking place at Fotheringay. If Elizabeth's conduct had been just and lawful, and her sentence against the Scottish Queen conform to the principles of justice, no such precautions were necessary. Queen Mary, fourteen days after the issue of this proclamation, wrote her last letter to the English Queen (see Bourgoyne's Journal, pp. 250-55). This communication is the cleverest of all her letters to Elizabeth. If she had adopted this style of composition when her captivity began it might have been better for all parties and led to different results. If Elizabeth had any feelings at all, this letter, with its dignified eloquence and its bitter reproaches, must have touched her to the quick. Elizabeth's refusal to grant any of Mary's last requests, even the place of interment of her remains, was an act which has rendered her name infamous to posterity.

Next in order in connection with these proceedings we have a paper on the execution of Mary said to be by Lord Burghley:—

“Notwithstanding that the Scottish Queen had oftentimes sought the destruction of Elizabeth, and has now been by order of justice convicted and found guilty of attempting her death by certain murderers, and that for the same she deserved death, and so by the states of Parliament adjudged; and requests being importunately made to Her Majesty that for the avoiding of danger to herself and the whole realm she might be executed: Her Majesty, always inclined to mercy, was most unwilling to assent thereto, as appeared by her answers to Parliament, much to the comfort of all evil-disposed persons whose estates depended on the Scottish Queen's life and well-doing in the hope of her coming to this crown by depriving the Queen's Majesty of her life, a life subject to daily peril so long as the Queen of Scots is not executed. Her Majesty was continually solicited by all who saw her perils and understood how much her enemies at home and abroad were comforted and inspired with hope of the Scottish Queen's life and her treasonable attempts against Her Majesty's life. Herewith followed the vehement solicitations by Ambassadors out of France and Scotland to save the Scottish Queen, without any stipulation how the Queen's Majesty's life might be safe from the attempts and treasons of many of them in England and abroad. For preserving the Scottish Queen to be Queen of this realm, they would never desist from attempts against Elizabeth's person. These Ambassadors were vehemently handled, in promoting her foul acts intended for killing Her Majesty, and for invasion and alteration of the whole state of the realm. There was also discovered a practice between the French Ambassador and a lewd young miscontented person named William Stafford, and one Maude, a prisoner in Newgate, a mischievous, resolute person, how Her Majesty's life should be taken, and all in favour of the Scottish Queen. After this followed a seditious general stirring up of the common people into arms by circulating billets in writing from one shire to another and from town to town; which though the justices sought to pacify, yet though it was stayed in one part it rose up again in another; and by these seditious practices sought to procure a rebellion. The whole realm was greatly stirred. Her Majesty, in view of these causes of danger likely to arise to her own person and her realm, thought it needful to have more regard how, if these dangers should continue by these seditious persons and stirrers of the common people, some factious and treasonable persons might by force recover the Queen of Scots out of the house where she was, there might be some order in readiness for prevention thereof, and therefore she signed a writing which had long before been devised, which was an order to certain lords, the Earls of Kent, Shrewsbury, Derby, Cumberland, and Pembroke, that they or any three or two of them might have authority to cause execution of justice to be done on the Queen of Scots. Which writing so signed was in the custody of her secretary Davison, who took it to the Lord Chancellor to put the Great Seal thereto, which was done very secretly, and afterwards did declare the same to certain of the lords and others of the Privy Council, who seem glad thereof; and being at the same time greatly troubled with daily reports from many parts of the realm, of the seditious stirring up of people to take arms, and seeing the....”

Left unfinished, 17th February 1587.

It is by no means clear that Lord Burghley was the writer of this paper. It is unfinished and unsigned, two points against Burghley's authorship. Burghley was unlikely to leave a paper on this or on any subject unfinished. The paper is reproduced from the Report of the Historical MSS. Commission, and except the title, there is nothing to identify it with Burghley. It evidently belongs to one of two classes, namely, it is either a forgery of Walsingham and Phillips, or, if Burghley's, it is written under a total misapprehension of the facts as recorded in the official papers deposited in the State Paper Offices. The age that produced it was pregnant with forgery. Forgery, deciphering, and the surreptitious opening and closing of letters, were at that period in a high state of perfection. If we want an illustration of this we have only to refer to the treatment experienced by Mary and to the remarkably cunning artifice of the brewer's cart, [16] due to the ingenuity of Walsingham, when every letter she wrote or received was opened and copied quite unknown to her. Again, no man knew better than Burghley that Mary was never except once arraigned for being concerned in a plot against Elizabeth (Babington Plot), and of which she was totally innocent. If she had “ofttimes sought the destruction of the Queen's Majesty,” we would have had some proof of it, especially as every effort was made at the time to publish slander against the Scottish Queen. Considering the mock trial at Fotheringay and the unfounded charges brought against her, none of which Burghley could prove, we should think it very unlikely that he would write such a paper ten days after the execution. The primary object of the paper was to defend Elizabeth's sentence of execution, a sentence that could not be defended without resorting to the most unblushing falsehoods such as compose the text of this paper.

At the last moment King James came forward with a letter to Elizabeth on behalf of his mother. He was very blameworthy not to have come forward at an earlier stage. His letter need surprise no one who has studied his character. It had no effect whatever on Elizabeth. The letter is dated 26th January 1587, and proceeds to say:—

“I have resolved in few words and plain to give you friendly and best advice, appealing to your ripest judgment to discern thereupon. What thing, madam, can more greatly touch me in honour both as a King and as a son than that my nearest neighbour, being in strictest friendship with me, shall rigorously put to death a sovereign prince and my natural mother? She being alike in sex and state to her that so uses her; albeit subject I grant to a harder portion, touching her, too, so nearly in proximity of blood? What law of God can permit that justice shall strike upon them whom He has appointed supreme dispensers of the same under Him, whom he hath called gods, and therefore subject to the censure of none on earth, whose anointing by God cannot be defiled by man unrevenged by the author thereof; they being supreme and immediate lieutenants of God in heaven, cannot therefore be judged by their equals on earth. What a monstrous thing it is that sovereign princes themselves should be the examples of the profaning of their own sacred diadems! Then what should move you to this form of proceeding (supposing the worst, which in good faith I look not for at your hands): honour or profit? Honour were it to you to spare when it is least looked for! Honour were it to you, which is not only my friendly advice but my earnest suit, to make me and all the princes in Europe eternally beholden to you in granting this my reasonable request! And now, I pray you pardon my free speaking, to put princes to straits of honour where through your general reputation and the universal, almost all, misliking, you may dangerously peril, both in honour and utility, your person and state. You know, madam, how small difference Cicero concludes to be betwixt utile and honestum in his discourse thereof, and which of them ought to be framed to the other. And now, madam, to conclude, I pray you so to weigh these few arguments that if I ever presumed on your nature so the whole world may praise your subjects for their dutiful care of your person and for your princely pity—the doing thereof only belongs to you, the performing thereof only appertains to you—and the praise thereof will ever be yours! Respect then, good sister, this my first, so long-continued and so earnest, request, and despatch my ambassadors with such a comfortable answer as may become your person to give and as my loving and honest devotion unto you merits to receive.

“But in case any do vaunt themselves to know further of my mind in this matter than my ambassadors do, I pray you not to take me to be a chameleon, but, by the contrary, them to be malicious impostors. And thus praying you heartily to excuse my rude and lengthy letter, I commit you, madam and dearest sister, to the blessed protection of the Most High, who must give you grace to resolve in this matter as may be honourable for you and most acceptable to Him.

James R.”

After the attempt of James had failed the Master of Gray (Patrick, 7th lord) was sent with Sir Robert Melville to make a last effort. They were long refused an audience of Elizabeth, and when it was at last granted they could not help asking themselves whether they had received a favour or an insult. These ambassadors, in the name of James and the Scottish nobles, answered for all that Mary might thereafter attempt, and proposed a resignation of her rights to the throne of England in favour of her son. “That would be arming my enemy with two rights instead of one, and making him stronger to do me hurt,” said Elizabeth. She scorned the idea of Mary's resignation in favour of her son. “Is it so!” she exclaimed; “then I put myself in a worse case than before. By God's passion that were to cut my own throat; and for a duchy or earldom to yourself, you or such as you would cause some of your desperate knaves to kill me. No, by God! we shall never be in that place.” Just as she was leaving, Melville asked her to spare Mary's life for eight days. “No,” replied she sharply; “not for an hour.” [17]

“Elizabeth by the grace of God, etc., To our right trusty and well-beloved cousins, George, Earl of Shrewsbury, Earl Marischal of England; Henry, Earl of Kent; Henry, Earl of Derby, George, Earl of Cumberland; Henry, Earl of Pembroke, greeting:—Whereas the sentence given by you and others of our Council, nobility, and judges against the Queen of Scots, Mary, daughter and heir of James the Fifth, late King of Scots, commonly called the Queen of Scotland and Dowager of France, as to you is well known. All the states in our late Parliament assembled did not only deliberately, with great advice, allow and approve the sentence as just and honourable, but did also with all humbleness and earnestness, at sundry times require, solicit, and press us to proceed to the publishing of the same, and thereupon to direct such further execution against her person as they did adjudge her to have duly deserved, adding that the forbearing thereof was and would be a certain and undoubted danger, not only to our own life but to themselves, their posterity, and the public state of this realm, as well for the cause of the gospel and the true religion of Christ as for the peace of the realm. Whereupon we did, though the same was with some delay of time, publish the sentence by proclamation, and yet hitherto have forborne to give direction for the further satisfaction of the aforesaid request made by the states of Parliament whereby we understand by all sorts of our loving subjects, both nobility and council, and also of the wisest and best devoted of all other our subjects of inferior degrees, how greatly and deeply from the bottom of their hearts they are grieved and afflicted with daily, yea and hourly, fear of our life, and thereby consequently with a dreadful doubt and expectation of the ruin of this present godly and happy state of the realm, if we shall forbear the final execution as it is desired, and neglect their general and continual requests, prayers, counsels, and advices. And thereupon, contrary to our own natural disposition, being overcome with the evident weight of their counsels and the daily continuance of their intercessions, importing such a necessity as appears directly tending to the safety not only of ourselves but also of the weal of the realm. We have condescended to suffer justice to take place, and for the execution thereof upon the special trust, experience, and confidence which we have in your loyalty, faithfulness, and love, both towards our person and the safety thereof, and also to your native country, whereof you are noble and principal members. We do, will, and by warrant hereof do direct, and authorise you, as soon as you shall have time convenient, to repair to our castle of Fotheringay, where the Queen of Scots is in custody of our right trusty servant and counsellor Sir Amias Paulet, and there, taking her into your charge, to cause by your commandment execution to be done upon her person in the presence of yourselves and the said Sir Amias Paulet, and of such other officers of justice as you shall command to be there, to attend upon you for that purpose. And the same to be done in such manner and form, and such time and place, there and by such persons as to you (five, four, three of you) shall be thought convenient, notwithstanding any law, statute, or ordinance to the contrary. And this our Letters Patent, sealed with the Great Seal of England, shall be to you and every one of you, and to all who shall be present or shall be by you commanded to do anything appertaining to the aforesaid execution, a full, sufficient warrant and discharge for ever. And further, we are also pleased and contented, and by these presents we do, will, command, and authorise our Chancellor of England to deliver to each of you the duplicates of these Letters Patent, to be for all purposes duly made, dated, and sealed with our Great Seal of England as these presents are.

“Elizabeth R.”

The following letter was written by Queen Mary to her almoner de Prean the evening before her death, 7th February 1587:—

“I have striven this day for my religion and against receiving my last consolation from the heretics. You will hear from Bourgoyne and the others that at least I made protestation of my faith, in the which I will die. I require to have you to make my confession and to receive from you my sacrament. This has been cruelly refused to me, as well as permission to carry away my body and the power of leaving by will freely, or of writing anything, except it pass through their hands and by the good pleasure of their mistress. I must therefore, confessing grief for my sins in general, as I had intended to do to you in particular, imploring you in the name of God this night to watch for me, praying that my sins may be remitted, and to send me your absolution and pardon, if at any time I have offended you. I shall endeavour to see you, though in their presence as they have accorded to me my maître d'hôtel (Melville), and if it is permitted me, before them all on my knees I will ask your benediction. Advise me as to the most proper prayers for this night and for to-morrow morning. The time is short and I have no leisure to write, but I will recommend you with the rest (of her household) above all. Your benefice shall be assured to you, and I will recommend you to the King (of France). Advise me of all you can think of for my soul's help—by writing. I will send you a last little token.

Marie R.”

The final scene, the last act of the drama, will be found narrated in Bourgoyne's Journal, and need not be repeated here.

The following is the last letter Queen Mary ever wrote:—

“Fotheringay, 8th February 1587:

“Monsieur, my Brother-in-law,—Having been permitted by God, as I believe for my sins, to throw myself into the arms of this Queen my cousin, where I have had many troubles, and where I have spent nearly twenty years, I am at last by her and her Government condemned to death, and having requested my papers (taken away by them), to the end that I might make my testament, I have not been able to select anything that might be of use to me, nor to obtain liberty to make a register of them, nor that after my death my body might be conveyed according to my desire to your kingdom, where I have had the honour to be Queen, your sister, and former ally.

“This day, after dinner, I received notice of my sentence, that I should be executed to-morrow like a criminal at eight o'clock in the morning.

“I have not had leisure to give you a full recital of all that has happened, but if it please you to believe my physician, and the rest of these my heart-broken attendants, you will hear the truth, and how, thanks to God, I despise death, and truthfully protest that I receive it innocent of any crime so long as I have been in their power. The Catholic religion and the maintenance of the right which God has given me to this crown are the two points of my condemnation—and yet they will not allow me to say that it is for the Catholic religion that I die, but for the fear of changing theirs; and as a proof of this, they have taken away my chaplain (to my sorrow), whom, although he is in the house, I have not been able to receive, either that he might come to confess me or to administer the sacrament at my death, but they have greatly insisted on my receiving the consolation and instruction of their minister, brought hither for this purpose. The bearer of this and his companions, the greater part of whom are your subjects, will testify to you how I bear myself in this my last act. It remains that I pray you, as the most Christian King, my brother-in-law and former ally, and as one who has always professed your love for me, that at this time you make proof of your virtue in all the points following: first, of your charity—relieving me in a matter which to satisfy my conscience I cannot accomplish without your aid—to reward my broken-hearted attendants, continuing to them their wages; second, causing prayers to be made to God for a Queen who has borne the title of most Christian, and dies a Catholic, stript of all her goods.

“As to my son, I recommend him to you so far as he shall deserve, for I cannot answer for him.

“I have taken the liberty of sending you two rare stones for your health, wishing for you that it may be perfect, with a happy and long life. You will receive them as from your very affectionate sister-in-law, who thus testifies to you in the presence of death her kindly feelings towards you.

“I recommend to you once more my attendants. You will give orders, if it please you, that for my soul I may receive payment of part of that which you owe to me, and that to the glory of Jesus Christ, to whom I shall pray for you to-morrow at my death, you allow thereof sufficient to found an obit for me, and to make the necessary alms.

“Wednesday, two hours after midnight.—Your very affectionate and loving sister,

Marie R.”